Foreign Power Research Articles

Victory or repudiation? Predicting winners in civil wars using international financial markets

We develop a method to estimate which side will win a civil war using data from international financial markets. The key insight we deliver is that, for typical sovereign debt contracts, the probability of debt repayment will equal the probability of victory in a civil war. We test our predictor for standard outcomes in civil wars, including when the incumbent government loses (the Chinese Nationalists), when a new government is installed by a foreign power and decides to repudiate debt (the restoration of Ferdinand VII of Spain), and when there is a secession (the U.S. Confederacy). For China, markets were predicting a Communist victory three years before it happened. For the U.S., markets never gave the South much more than a 40 percent chance of maintaining the Confederacy. For Spain, markets considered the restoration of Ferdinand VII as likely (probabilities above 50%) as soon as France declared its intention to send military forces to the area.

Strategic Behaviour in Imperialist Interstate Conflict: A Game-Theoretic Analysis

This paper aims at presenting a game-theoretic analysis of interstate conflict in modern East Asia involving two countries, by focusing on historical junctures whereby imperial expansion reached and conflicted with China, Japan, and Korea. Two questions are addressed regarding the outcome and the rule of the game: why did some crises end up peacefully while others escalated to armed conflict, and how can we explain the process of strategic interaction? I conducted two works: First, I built up a generic game, the structure of which is determined by the attitude of the target country and the type of foreign power. Second, I analyzed the process of conflict resolution using standard game theory and the Theory of Moves, which assume different rules of play. I argue that the latter provides more coherent accounts for dynamic aspects of imperialist interstate conflict in modern East Asia.

For Goodwill, Aid and Economic Growth: The Funding of Academic Exchange Through the Swedish Institute, 1945–2010

The article investigates the financial basis of state-sponsored international academic exchange through the Swedish Institute (SI). Founded in 1945 the SI is the main institution for Swedish public diplomacy and is as such part of modern foreign policy and Swedish soft power. This article maps the changing sources of funding as well as the sums spent on academic exchange from 1945–2010. It also discusses the various forms of exchange programs and gives an overview of the ideas behind and arguments for such programs. The overall picture is that state-sponsored exchange after 1945 has expanded. Not only has more and more money been spent on exchange, which led to an increase in the number of persons benefitted, but there has also been a diversification in exchange schemes towards parallel programs, each designed to fulfill a certain task. Though they fund different parts of the SI exchange scheme, the main sources of funding, however, have remained the same: the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, various development assistance agencies and programs as well as the Ministry for Education.

Intelligence and intelligence operations in Romanian anti-partisan warfare, 1944–1958

The Romanian anti-communist partisans constituted a small, scattered, diffused, and leaderless movement united only by nationalism and by the belief that armed struggle would contribute to the downfall of an illegitimate regime supported by a foreign power. This article provides an analysis of intelligence and intelligence operations used by the government to defeat these guerrillas, in a conflict that lasted a decade and a half. The sources for this study are mainly the collections of documents of Romanian secret police recently declassified and published.

미국에 있는 베트남전쟁 메모리얼에 나타난 기념성

본 연구는 미국에 있는 베트남전쟁 메모리얼 중 외부공간에 다양한 요소들이 도입되어 공간적 개념을 가지고 만들어진 87개 메모리얼을 대상으로 설계개념, 공간적 특성, 조경디테일의 특성, 기념조각의 특성, 그리고 표현내용을 분석하고, 이에 기초하여 메모리얼에 나타난 기념성을 고찰하였으며, 연구의 주요결과는 다음과 같다. 1. 베트남전쟁 메모리얼 85개소(97.7%)에서는 희생자를 추모하고 국가를 위한 헌신이 강조되었고, 84개소(96.6%)에서 지역 부대 집단의 명예를 고양하는 것이 기본적 설계개념으로 적용되었다. 2. 메모리얼의 공간적 형태는 59개소(67.8%)에서 원형이나 축적 구성을 통하여 독립적인 공간의 완성이 추구되었고, 11개소(12.6%)에서 넓은 부지에 다양한 도입요소나 대지조형을 통하여 공간이 구성되었으며, 기념벽을 주요소로 한 것도 12개소(13.8%)에서 나타났다. 3. 희생자를 추모하기 위해 주로 기념벽이 사용된 곳이 65개소(74.7%)였고, 대부분의 메모리얼에서 다른 전쟁메모리얼처럼 국가 및 지역, 부대의 명예 고양을 위해 기와 엠블렘이 사용되었다. 이 밖에 빈 의자, 기념비나 마커, 기둥 및 열주, 폰드 및 수로, 헬리콥터 등이 일부 메모리얼에 도입되었다. 4. 메모리얼에서는 V자형 검은색 기념벽을 자주 사용하였기 때문에, 기념조각은 상대적으로 적은 21개소(24.1%)에서 도입되었다. 이 중에서 승리를 고무하는 영웅적인 전투 장면보다는 병사상이나 부상 장면을 묘사한 사실적 조각이 16개소(18.4%)로 대부분이었고, 일부에서 추상조각 및 은유조각이 사용되었다. 5. 전사자 및 실종자 등 희생자를 추모하기 위해 기념벽에 전사자 및 실종자 이름을 새기거나, 일부에서는 전사자 및 실종자의 사진 및 추모시를 음각하였고, 'DUTY, HONOR, COUNTRY'와 같은 상징적 문구를 적었으며, 전쟁으로 인하여 사회적으로 큰 이슈가 되었던 전쟁포로 및 실종자에 대한 관심을 나타내는 MIA/POW 이미지를 활용하였다. 6. 미국에서는 기념벽을 중요한 요소로 활용하여 전사자 실종자 참전군인의 이름을 새기고, 성조기 부대기 주기 등을 게양하며, 'ALL GAVE SOME, SOME GAVE ALL' 및 'DUTY, HONOR, COUNTRY'를 자주 표현하여 희생자를 추모하고, 명예를 고양하는 민주주의적 애국주의를 강조하였다. 반면, 베트남에서는 전쟁승리 및 민족 저항정신을 강조하였고, 사회주의의 대표적 양식인 기념조각 및 기념탑을 자주 사용하였으며, '조국은 당신을 기억한다'는 의미의 'TO-QUOC-GHI-CONG(토-국-기-공(土-國-記-功))'을 새기어, 민족주의, 사회주의, 애국주의를 강조하였다는 점에서 대조적이다. 향후 베트남 및 미국 이외에 베트남전쟁 참전국인 한국 및 오스트레일리아에 있는 베트남전쟁 메모리얼에 대한 분석을 통하여 국가적 기념성에 대한 비교 연구가 필요하다. The purpose of this study was to analyze the commemoration characteristics of Vietnam War Memorials(VWM) in the United States(VWMUS). Through site survey and internet research, the researcher selected 87 VWMUS except monuments simply with markers, and analyzed 5 analysis items: design concepts, spatial characteristics, landscape details, sculptures, and interpretive texts and symbols. The results are as follows: 1. The analysis revealed that the main concepts of VWMUS were to cherish victims of the Vietnam War(85 sites (97.7%)), show veteran's dedication for country(85 sites(97.7%)), and publicize the contribution of groups by troop, regional, and membership(84 sites(96.6%)). 2. Most VWMUS were located in memorial parks and plazas. 59 memorials(67.8%) were designed to pursue the completion of each memorial assuming the form of symmetry and circles. On the other hand, 12 memorials(13.8%) were typed memorial walls and 11 memorials(12.6%) were formed by spatial sequence including various landscape details and grading. 3. Stone walls were mainly used to cherish victims of the War at 65 memorials(74.7%), and also, Flags like the Stars and Stripes, POW MIA flags, and state flags were hoisted to symbolize memorial's identity at all memorials. Additionally, Benches, monuments, markers, posts and columns, ponds and channels, Helicopters were partially introduced some memorials. 4. Sculptures were used 21 memorials(24.1%) which were smaller in numbers than other War Memorial in the U.S.A., for black stonewall were used for the main element of VWMUS. Except for a few sculptures that aimed to represent the Vietnam War symbolically and narratively, 16 memorials(18.4%) were formed to realistically express the image of wounded soldiers and their hardship in the Vietnam War. 5. KIA, MIA, Veteran's name were written and their images depicted on walls, Also, the symbolic phrase, 'ALL GAVE SOME, SOME GAVE ALL' and 'DUTY, HONOR, COUNTRY' were written on the memorials walls, and the POW MIA symbols were printed on the flags and engraved on walls. 6. In the United States of America, Democratic patriotism was considered a main ideological value in VWMUS by engraving KIA MIA's names on the walls, hoisting flags Stars and Stripes and POW MIA, and writing symbolic phrases 'ALL GAVE SOME, SOME GAVE ALL' and 'DUTY, HONOR, COUNTRY'. On the contrary, in Vietnam, nationalism, patriotism, and socialism were emphasized as main ideologies through raising war victory and resistance to foreign power as well as writing the symbolic phrase 'TO-QUOC-GUI-CONG' meaning 'our country remember your achievement' on memorial towers. Further study will be required to comparatively analyze VWM in order to understand national characteristics in Korea, Australia, U.S.A, and Vietnam.

Trends and problems in development of the power plants electrical part

The article discusses some problems relating to development of the electrical part of modern nuclear and thermal power plants, which are stemming from the use of new process and electrical equipment, such as gas turbine units, power converters, and intellectual microprocessor devices in relay protection and automated control systems. It is pointed out that the failure rates of electrical equipment at Russian and foreign power plants tend to increase. The ongoing power plant technical refitting and innovative development processes generate the need to significantly widen the scope of research works on the electrical part of power plants and rendering scientific support to works on putting in use innovative equipment. It is indicated that one of main factors causing the growth of electrical equipment failures is that some of components of this equipment have insufficiently compatible dynamic characteristics. This, in turn may be due to lack or obsolescence of regulatory documents specifying the requirements for design solutions and operation of electric power equipment that incorporates electronic and microprocessor control and protection devices. It is proposed to restore the system of developing new and updating existing departmental regulatory technical documents that existed in the 1970s, one of the fundamental principles of which was placing long-term responsibility on higher schools and leading design institutions for rendering scientific-technical support to innovative development of components and systems forming the electrical part of power plants. This will make it possible to achieve lower failure rates of electrical equipment and to steadily improve the competitiveness of the Russian electric power industry and energy efficiency of generating companies.

Annexation of Crimea to Russia: Contrast between Right to Self-Determination and Territorial Integrity Preservation in International Law

After several months of protests against Ukraine's political restructuring and the subsequent developments, finally, on March 16, 2014, Crimea announced its accession to Russia after holding a referendum. The results of the announced vote indicated that the overwhelming majority of participants in the referendum voted for the annexation of Crimea to Russia. The developments in Ukraine have created a new perspective in the international arena. Relatively intense conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine's issues shows that in the coming years and until the formation of a specific legal system in this area, the international arena will undergo intense tensions, and these developments have triggered a lot of speculation at the international level. In terms of international law, especially after the events in Kosovo, one cannot answer in one word that whether what has happened in the Crimea peninsula is legal or illegal .For example, the advisory opinion of the Court of Justice at The Hague regarding the concept of "right to self-determination" is ambiguous and has not been clarified in the international law. The new approach to the crisis which is now happening in Crimea may become a great challenge to the future global security, because using referendum and involvement of a foreign power in the act of self-determination of a country and nation may become a legal procedure causing instability in other regions of the world; therefore, the study of the right to self-determination as one of the important principles that is applied in certain circumstances and that can lead to the destabilization of territorial integrity is very important. On the other hand, observing this principle in international law ensures respect for human rights and realization of democracy and the rights of minorities in the countries.

NATIONALISM INSIDE THE POEM OF “DIPONEGORO” BY CHAIRIL ANWAR A HISTORICAL STUDY

This study aims to reveal the meaning of the elements of nationalism in the poem "Diponegoro" by Chairil Anwar and to reveal the relationship between the poetry of "Diponegoro" with the history of Diponegoro War (Java War) in 1825 – 1830. The "Diponegoro" poem is one of the phenomenal works that, if the contents are reviewed, alive and exist in a fighting spirit, the spirit of nationalism. In this postmodern era, the poetry of ‘Prince Diponegoro’ by Chairil Anwar is still exist as poem which fights for its country. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative with content analysis techniques. Conclusion: 1. Poetry "DIPONEGORO" is the poem with struggling spirit. In this case, it was the fight of Diponegoro against the Netherlands’ colonialism. His nationalism, his love and obedience, his loyalty for his country, had led Diponegoro onto resistance because he wanted to liberate his people, from the domination and the grip of foreign power, the Netherlands. 2. The poem of “Diponegoro” cannot be separated from the history of the past, the resistance of the people of Java against the Netherlands’ colonialism.

American & Foreign Power in Argentina and Brazil (1926–65)

The article analyses the evolution, strategies, and position of the American & Foreign Power company (AFP) in Argentina and Brazil from the mid‐1920s to the second post‐war period. We compare the economic performance and the strategies followed by this US group in different host economies, examining the relations between the US electricity firms and the governments of both countries that explain American & Foreign Power's withdrawal from Argentina and Brazil in 1959–65. The study is based upon the annual reports and proceedings of American & Foreign Power (1923–63) and other corporate reports, government statistics, and official reports from Argentina, Brazil, and the US.

Negotiation, Mediation and Insurgent Victory in Counter-insurgency Wars Fought by Foreign Powers

How do negotiation and mediation affect the likelihood of insurgent victory in counterinsurgency (coin) wars? We develop expectations regarding the incentives of the combatants to negotiate and accept mediation while acoinwar is under way, and the evolution of these incentives as a war progresses. Thirty nine civil wars are examined in which a foreign power intervenes to defend a central government against an insurgency during the period 1945–2009. We identify the subset ofcoinwars in which negotiations and mediation were attempted or took place, as well as their timing. The study examines whether the resort to these two instruments affects the subsequent duration and outcome ofcoinwars. We find that the resort to negotiations and mediation accelerates the time to insurgent victory, and explore reasons why political leaders in foreign powers would pursue such a path given the consequences of such action.

Research on the Process and Characteristics of Seawater Desulfurization for 350MW Unit

Compared with the common wet process desulfurization in power engineering, this paper emphasis on seawater desulfurization process and characteristics ,and provide the reference for seawater desulfurization in foreign electric power engineering in the future.

The Knoxville Campaign: Burnside and Longstreet in East Tennessee by Earl J. Hess (review)

Reviewed by: The Knoxville Campaign: Burnside and Longstreet in East Tennessee by Earl J. Hess Laura J. Ping The Knoxville Campaign: Burnside and Longstreet in East Tennessee. Earl J. Hess. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2012. ISBN 978-1-57233-916-3, 424pp., cloth, $39.95. During the fall of 1863, Union general Ambrose Burnside and Confederate general James Longstreet vied for control of East Tennessee and the railroad that linked southwestern Virginia with the Western Confederacy. The subsequent siege of Knoxville lasted from September to December 1863 and contributed to Gen. Ulysses S. Grant’s victory at Chattanooga. Historically, the 1863 Knoxville campaign has been overshadowed by the Federal victory at the Battle of Chattanooga, which allowed the Union army to infiltrate the Deep South. Author Earl J. Hess, however, argues that the Union’s political and humanitarian objectives for capturing Knoxville make the campaign more significant than previously recognized. Militarily, East Tennessee, specifically Chattanooga, was important as the source of the east-west and north-south railroad line. Whichever army controlled the railroad would also control the most direct route from the western theater to Virginia. East Tennessee was also attractive to Union authorities because the population was predominately unionist. President Lincoln believed that Union control of East Tennessee was imperative to Union victory and the protection of this loyalist population. Until 1863, however, the Union army did not have enough additional manpower to support sending an army to the West. Only when General Burnside, who had been relieved from his post as commander of the Army of the Potomac, was appointed to the Ninth Corps and sent to Kentucky did the Union army have enough military force in the West to prioritize the capture of Chattanooga. Burnside and his army marched easily into Knoxville in the fall of 1863. Confederate general James Longstreet also identified Chattanooga as an important stronghold because of its connection to the railroad. Longstreet believed that a Confederate victory was dependent on invading Union territory from Kentucky to the Ohio River. Tennessee provided the perfect gateway for implementing this strategy. Bolstered by the Confederate victory at Chickamauga in September 1863, Longstreet and two divisions of the Army of Northern Virginia marched toward Knoxville in hopes of recapturing the town. The siege of Knoxville officially began on November 19. Although Hess notes that it was not a siege in the traditional sense, because Burnside’s food supply was too extensive for Longstreet to starve the Union army out of Knoxville, the experience was marked by extreme hardships for both civilians and soldiers. Affluent unionists fled before the siege was underway, but the majority of civilians faced the difficulties of life with twelve thousand soldiers. Fences were destroyed for firewood, tents and wagons were parked in yards and on sidewalks, and there was little regard for property. Civilians were forced to take shelter in cellars and ravines to escape falling shells. Supply shortages forced soldiers to eat corn originally intended for horses. [End Page 217] Winter weather and ragged uniforms resulted in Confederate soldiers fashioning shoes out of raw beef hides, while Union soldiers combated the cold by huddling in holes. Confederate efforts to retake Knoxville ultimately were abandoned after their defeat at Chattanooga in November 1863. Longstreet’s retreat clinched the Federal control of Knoxville, which ended Confederate efforts to conquer East Tennessee. Hess’s attention to detail is commendable, but his insight into the military policy surrounding the Knoxville campaign lends little new information. The most valuable aspect of Hess’s discussion is in the description of the civil importance of liberating the loyalist population of Knoxville. Ecstatic loyalists, many of whom were African American, greeted Union soldiers. Tennessee had been excluded from President Lincoln’s 1863 Emancipation Proclamation, and as a result Burnside’s men were welcomed as emancipators. White citizens, too, believed that they were being freed from the control of a foreign power and willingly shared supplies and provided housing for Union officers. While the initial exuberance felt by unionist civilians waned during the siege, Federal support in Knoxville remained strong. According to Hess, the greatest legacy of the Knoxville campaign was the political benefits of freeing a loyalist...

Yeats’ “Leda and the Swan”: A Myth of Violence

W. B. Yeats‟ "Leda and the Swan", first published in the Dial in 1924, is an example of Irish poetry drawing on Classical Greek and Latin texts to create a commentary on the political atmosphere in Ireland. The poem is based on the story of Leda, who was raped by Zeus in the form of a swan and later gave birth to Helen of Troy. In Yeats‟s poem, Leda represents Ireland, forcefully violated by a foreign power — Great Britain. The present study reviews mythological as well as political aspects of Yeats‟ “Leda and the Swan” and investigates the act of violence in the poem.

Foreign Powers and Intervention in Armed Conflicts. By Aysegul Aydin. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012. 216p. $45.00.

Foreign Powers and Intervention in Armed Conflicts. By Aysegul Aydin. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012. 216p. $45.00.

Cuba: el advenimiento de la “República” en el periódico La Lucha, 1902

The establishment of the first Republic of Cuba, in may 1902, has been a topic barely addressed in contemporary cuban historiography. therefore, this article analyzes this historical juncture in the discourse of the daily newspaper L a L u c h a , organ directed to a bilingual audience, according to the demands of the new foreign power. We analyze the existing problems during the transition period and the start of the Republican era in Cuba and its representation in the Havana newspaper said. We consider the following proposed hemerographic, we approach the public in a segment of political and nationalist intellectuals and anti cuban americans interested in defending the independence of his country. Journalistic discourse analysis will be contrasted and complemented by documentary and bibliographic.

China’s Fourth World Borderlands

China’s Fourth World Borderlands Edward Friedman (bio) Sulmaan Wasift Khan. Muslim, Trader, Nomad, Spy: China’s Cold War and the People of the Tibetan Borderlands. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015. xxiv, 189 pp. Hardcover $34.95, isbn 978-1-4696-2110-4. Bertil Lintner. Great Game East: India, China, and the Struggle for Asia’s Most Volatile Frontier. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2015. vi, 343 pp. Hardcover $35.00, isbn 978-0-30-019567-5. In a state-centric approach to international relations, a nation-state is, at its core, a capital with an army and, usually, a language. The mainstream approach to China– India foreign policy therefore can be reduced to Beijing–New Delhi relations. From this perspective, Beijing–Delhi relations are about how state centers manage flows across borders, goods and people, trade and migration. In contrast, Lintner and Khan, in line with the postmodern negation of “centrism,” ask readers to de-center the nation and to focus not on the capital but on the peoples of the frontiers and the borderlands. These cross-border communities are threatened by self-aggrandizing and narcissistic centers demanding purity and loyalty. When Beijing insists that people cannot be both Tibetan and Nepalese or Chinese and Sikkimese (Khan, p. 67), it turns cross-border people into traitors. The communities are made vulnerable targets of state power. The center’s relation to the state’s periphery crucially informs the nature of state power and the relationship with the neighbor on the other side of the new border. Borderland studies, a field of knowledge with its own journal, has much to teach. It suggests that a singular and homogenous national identity does not offer a solution to complex issues of community identity. For much of human history, large aggregations of people lived in empires with divine rulers — kings, emperors, shahs, khans, tsars, etc. Empires waxed and waned. Frontiers expanded or shrank as power expanded or shrank. There were no fixed borders behind which lived citizens who could get legal travel documents. The nation-state, however, would destroy the open frontier regions of prior empires. Modern India was founded in 1947, the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Lintner and Khan ask about the fate of frontier peoples in these new states. [End Page 97] Cross-border communities were not part of the liberation or independence movement in either China or India. They therefore do not, out of an imagined historical experience, identify with the new nation. Burmese or Indian patriots, before the nation won independence from Britain, could ally with a militarily expansionist Japan. These patriots would treat the prior colonial national army as the inherited tool of colonial rulers. They could even reach out to borderland communities. Complex clashes would ensue. The consequences would be long lasting. On both sides of a new border are people, not just nomads, whose economic fate still depends on being able to freely cross what were once open frontiers that have suddenly become controlled borders run by groups who are not friendly to frontier peoples. Such cross-border communities are likely to be suspected by the new state of disloyalty to the new state. Indeed, frontier communities can experience the new central state as the greatest threat to the very survival of their community, ethnicity, tribe, or nation. In the China–India case, those suspected of disloyalty by one nation-state, let’s say India, for example, Naga (Lintner, chap. 2), Mizo (chap. 3), Manipuri (chap. 4), or Assamese (chap. 5) may be courted, and even welcome being courted by the government of India’s rival, China or Myanmar or Pakistan. The threatened border community can experience help from the foreign power as a welcome lifesaver, although its own state center sees something else, a subversive tie to a rival state, which means it no good. The big question for state formation then is how, say, a Chinese Communist Party state will respond to the ambiguous position of Nagas on the Indian side of the border or Tibetans on the Chinese side. The major hypothesis that follows from this logic of threat and survival for frontier peoples who historically cross...

Ecclesiastical Colony: China's Catholic Church and the French Religious Protectorate by Ernest P. Young

Reviewed by: Ecclesiastical Colony: China's Catholic Church and the French Religious Protectorate by Ernest P. Young Joseph Tse-Hei Lee Young, Ernest P. Ecclesiastical Colony: China's Catholic Church and the French Religious Protectorate. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. 408 pp. $74.00 (cloth). Ecclesiastical Colony is a long-awaited book that reinterprets the history of Catholicism in modern China through a critical study of the French Religious Protectorate, a secular institution implemented by France to monopolize Catholic missionary affairs under the mid-nineteenth-century unequal treaties. By historicizing the religious protectorate in different temporal and spatial settings, Ernest P. Young elucidates how France used this diplomatic mechanism to reshape the Chinese Catholic landscape, how this top-down approach affected the local Catholic communities, and how rival European diplomats and missionaries devised innovative strategies to expand or constrain the French influence. This book makes significant contributions to our understanding of Chinese Catholicism. First, Young has consulted an impressive range of new evidence from Chinese and European archives to illustrate the operation of the French Religious Protectorate. He builds on the latest studies of Catholic movements by Anthony E. Clark, Henrietta Harrison, and Eugenio Menegon to address the diplomatic context of the Catholic missionary expansion into China. The religious protectorate was, in fact, more central to the advancement of France's colonial ambitions than to the evangelistic concerns of Catholic missions. But elevating the protectorate over individual missionaries and non-French Catholic enterprises was fraught with contradictions. Under the Third Republic (1870–1940), Léon Gambetta (1838–1882) notoriously announced that anticlericalism was not an article for export. While the French government marginalized the Catholic Church at home, it protected missionaries abroad in order to put the Church in service of its imperialistic ambitions. Nevertheless, the religious protectorate weakened due to rivalries with other foreign nations. This external factor not only influenced France's monopoly on Catholic affairs in China, but also enabled Chinese officials and Catholic believers to pit one foreign power against another. In 1885, hostilities between France and the Vatican prompted the Holy See to deliver a papal message to the Chinese emperor, and the occasion inspired Li Hongzhang (1823–1901) to pursue direct diplomatic links with the Vatican, with a view toward undermining the religious protectorate (pp. 56-59). By the early twentieth century, the foundation of this imperialistic system was shaken by the broken alliance between France and the Vatican in late 1904 (p. 89). The French consulates in China worried so much about the erosion of the religious protectorate that they employed coercive and co-optative measures to pressure the European Catholic missionaries to defend their imperialistic interests. In addition, the conflicts involving the French Catholic missions had a strong property dimension even though the ostensible reasons given were different. The indemnities following the Boxer Uprising (1900–1901) transformed the Catholic Church into a powerful economic institution. But well-endowed Catholic churches turned out to be a double-edged sword. One example was the extensive network of the Jesuit institutions in Shanghai. The more prestigious educational, medical, and welfare programs the French Jesuits offered, the more appealing Catholicism was to the Chinese. This huge mission empire prompted the Jesuits to rely on dubious revenues for support, including rental incomes collected from a Chinese-run brothel on Jesuit premises (p. 90). Equally important were the diverse Chinese responses towards the religious protectorate, ranging from suspicion and indifference to hostility and confrontation. Most of the late imperial district and sub-district officials bitterly opposed French intervention into local resource disputes involving Catholic missionaries and Chinese converts, but some ambitious community leaders joined the Church to employ French diplomatic influence against their opponents in rural politics. Young draws a complicated picture of the local management of Catholic affairs. European missionaries often lost control of their flocks and were dragged into endless intra-/inter-community conflicts. At least in Jiangxi, Sichuan, and Guangdong provinces, the projection of French power through its religious protectorate was neither a complete nor a unidirectional process. Native Catholic agents occasionally appropriated this mechanism for their own empowerment and survival. Methodologically, two interpretative frameworks have dominated the historiography of Catholicism in China...

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