Foreign Policy Strategy Research Articles

СОВЕТСКАЯ ПОЛИТИКА В ОБЛАСТИ "СПОРТА ВЫСОКИХ ДОСТИЖЕНИЙ" В 1920-1930-Х ГГ.

The article affects an issue of the place and role of high-performance sports in the socio-political life of the USSR of the 1920s – 1930s. Creating the concept of sports development in the country, the Soviet leadership focused primarily on the issues of physical culture, which did not imply the presence of a competitive element in it. However, the development of Soviet sports in the period under review was extremely heterogeneous, and therefore the role of sports competitions was changing. The author analyzes those transformations using documents published by organizations that managed Soviet sports in the 1920s – 1930s and materials of the periodical press. Special attention is paid to the regulations of 1933–1934, which finally established the highperformance sports in Soviet society, their prerequisites, causes and results. The author comes to the conclusion that a sharp turn towards the development of high-achievement sports in the USSR in 1933–1934 led to the legitimization of sport as a profession and was associated with the implementation of certain foreign policy strategies, in particular, with the need to develop international relations with both proletarian and bourgeois forces in Europe against the background of the nazi threat. Keywords: history of sports, sports in the USSR, high-performance sports, physical culture, ACPC (VSFC), sports periodicals

ПЕРЕГОВОРИ ЩОДО УКЛАДЕННЯ УГОДИ ПРО АСОЦІАЦІЮ МІЖ ЄС І МЕРКОСУР (1999–2023

The article analyzes the negotiations on the conclusion of the association agreement between the EU and Mercosur. The stages of negotiations are defined, starting with the prerequisites for the start of this process (signing in 1995 of the Interregional Framework Cooperation Agreement between the EU and Mercosur), the official start of negotiations in 1999, the results of the main bilateral meetings of representatives of both sides, the resumption of the negotiation process in 2010, 2019, and 2023. The influence of the summits of the heads of state of the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean, domestic and foreign political circumstances on this process is determined. In the course of the study, it was concluded that negotiations on the conclusion of an association agreement between the EU and Mercosur have become a key issue in the development of relations between the two regional integration associations and an important part of the EU’s foreign policy strategy in Latin America. The prospects for further development of the negotiation process were also analyzed in view of the recent failures to complete the signing of the agreement in 2023 and the current situation in both blocs at the beginning of 2024. Positive factors that influenced the attainment of certain milestones in the negotiation process were identified, such as the leadership role of the Iberian states – Spain and Portugal, which advocated negotiations due to their special linguistic, cultural, historical, and business ties with Latin America. Important stimuli included the summits of the countries of Latin America, the Caribbean, and the EU. Despite the lengthy negotiation process, the agreement was not signed due to resistance from the agrarian lobby in the countries of the European Union, the absence of a common EU strategy for Latin America, and domestic political issues in the Mercosur countries.

РОЛЬ ЯПОНО-АМЕРИКАНСКОГО СОЮЗА ВО ВНЕШНЕЙ ПОЛИТИКЕ СОВРЕМЕННОЙ ЯПОНИИ

An analysis of the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy and defense strategies in the last decade is presented. Key changes in security legislation, economic agreements are studied. Economic agreements and the dynamics of relations between Japan and the United States in recent years are considered.

Role of Haiti in U.S. Independence and Expansion: A Cross-National Perspective

This article examines the crucial, yet frequently neglected, contribution of Haiti to the United States' quest for independence and territorial expansion. It explores Haiti's influence on U.S. foreign policy and economic strategies from a cross-national perspective, focusing on key historical events such as the American Revolution and the Louisiana Purchase. Despite Haiti's significant role, mainstream media and historical narratives have largely downplayed these connections, diminishing its impact on the U.S. trajectory. The article also contextualizes current issues, noting the racism faced by the Haitian Community in Springfield, Ohio. The discrimination observed today mirrors wider trends of marginalization and racial bias shaped by a lengthy history of suppressing Haiti's contributions to the American narrative. This analysis reveals historical truths and links them to contemporary racial dynamics, highlighting how systemic prejudice continues to obscure Haiti's legacy in the U.S.

Pragmatic foreign policy of Hungary in the shadow of the Russian-Ukrainian war

The steps of the foreign policy of the Hungarian government are considered a series of interest-driven, super-pragmatic decisions that consist of ideology-based considerations, but mainly serve pure political and economic interests to broaden the room for international manoeuvres. This study explains the driving forces of pragmatic Hungarian foreign policy thinking, especially how this idea shifted in the light of the Russian-Ukrainian war as the most overwhelming crisis for Europe. The consistent behaviour of Hungarian diplomacy and mutual distrust increased the tension between Hungary and its allies, the EU, and NATO. The analysis used the elements of critical discourse analysis to introduce and help understand the foreign policy strategy of Hungary.

СУЧАСНА УКРАЇНСЬКА ДІАСПОРА ТА МЕТРОПОЛІЯ: КОЛІЗІЇ ТА ПЕРСПЕКТИВИ ВЗАЄМОДІЇ

The article examines the historical conditionality of the transformation processes in the system of "metropolis-diaspora" relations. The author identifies the main determinants and mechanisms of its functioning that ensured the survival of the Ukrainian ethnos despite the imperial and Soviet occupation policies, on _ one hand, and the territorial dispersion and institutional weakness of immigrant communities outside the homeland, on the other. The subject of the study is the inclusive forms of coexistence of ethnophores in the new geopolitical, socio-cultural and economic realities, which reveal the degree of their entropy and demonstrate the particular experience of overcoming new existential challenges. The strategic task of today for mainland Ukraine is to defend its own subjectivity and sovereignty in the armed struggle against Russia while maintaining ethno-national superiority. At the same time, the diaspora faces the need to: adapt to the growing mobility of the population; help to regulate the inflow of temporarily displaced persons from the metropolis, leveling the influence of similar pro-Russian structures; overcome the ―age‖ and territorial disunity of the transnational space; build a qualitatively new strategy of integration into Ukrainian society through the legalization of its status, etc. The process of interaction between the diaspora and Ukraine is not an example of productive and constructive relations. The policy of distancing and exploiting the diaspora in the interests of the metropolis is the main conflict that prevents the development of a powerful nationally oriented domestic and foreign policy strategy for bilateral lobbying, cultural reproduction, European integration, etc. Ignoring the interests of such a large diaspora can be disastrous for Ukrainian statehood. The author concludes that the ethnic divergence caused by the war has significantly intensified and updated the bilateral processes of interaction between the homeland and the diaspora. Fighting against the enemy inside or outside one's oikoumene has brought them much closer, but has not completely eliminated all contradictions between them. The process of their elimination is possible only if we win, which will create a powerful mentally determined feedback for a new dialogue.

Постколониальный дискурс: теория, методология и практика применения (на примере этнополитического сепаратизма в Африке)

The purpose of this work is to study the possibilities of the postcolonial discourse theory by E. Said and his methodology for developing the basic principles of the concept of ethnopolitical separatism in postcolonial African countries. The scientific direction of postcolonial studies, to which it belongs, is currently studying a number of topical problems caused by the reproduction of the ideas of colonialism in various forms. The subject of the study is the provisions of the theory of postcolonial discourse, which are important for the description of the concept of ‘postcolonial’ for the practical application. It is established that those concepts that remain relevant are as follows: concept (E. Said), ambivalence (G. Spivak) and cultural ‘third space’ (H. Bhabha). A critical analysis of the development of the theory of postcolonial discourse on the basis of Francophone studies was carried out to describe the manifestation of colonial stereotypes in postcolonial contexts, as well as their reflection in modern foreign policy strategies of France and implementation in the practises of maintaining African ethnopolitical separatism. The role of leading French writers, scientists and public figures in the development of the theory of postcolonial discourse is assessed. The periodisation of the formation of Francophone studies known as the ‘French Library’ is proposed, brief descriptions of each of the three stages, starting from the 90s of the 20th century, are given. Particular attention is paid to the concept of deconstruction of Zh. Derrida, V-I. Mudimbe, A. Mbembe. Using the example of French foreign policy, discursive practises and forms of deconstruction of stereotypes of colonialism in the postcolonial era are considered. The strategies and methods of interference of the former metropolis in the political affairs of the independent African states of the Sahel region, supporting ethnopolitical conflicts, are described. The analysis made it possible to argue that ethnopolitical separatism in the light of the theory of postcolonial discourse should be considered in the context of a special cultural space where modernism and archaicism, democracy and autocracy, colonial and postcolonial are intertwined. It is shown that the ‘postcolonial’ has an ambivalent character, manifested in the binary identity and the mixing of the ideas of constructivism and primordialism. The potential of the theory of postcolonial discourse and the corresponding methodology is revealed, allowing to apply its concepts to study the practises of postcolonial ethnopolitical separatism.

ROLE OF THE MIDDLE CORRIDOR IN CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY

This article analyses the role of the Middle Corridor in the current foreign policy strategy of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The paper examines the definition of the Middle Corridor, its participating states and its geopolitical significance in the context of Russia’s full-scale war in Ukraine. In addition, the article discovers and analyses the role and impact of such countries as Türkiye, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan in the context of the Middle Corridor and the project’s impact on their bilateral relations with the People’s Republic of China. The article also touches upon the role and strategic interests of the EU within the Middle Corridor, as well as the possible challenges and perspectives in the context of overall success of the Middle Corridor strategy.

КОНЦЕПЦІЯ СТРАТЕГІЇ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО СОЮЗУ І США У ВІДНОСИНАХ ІЗ РОСІЙСЬКОЮ ФЕДЕРАЦІЄЮ (КІН. ХХ – ПОЧ. ХХІ СТОЛІТТЯ)

This research is devoted to identifying the causes of the crisis in the global security system, triggered by the large-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation in February 2022. The foundational concept underlying the strategy of the European Union and the United States in developing relations with the Russian Federation post-Cold War is analyzed in the article. Specifically, contemporary approaches of the EU and the US towards Russia bear the hallmarks of the concept known as Wilsonianism, which became the bedrock of the foreign policy strategy of the US and European countries towards post-Soviet states. The study presents a critique of this concept and analyzes its weaknesses. It also attempts to explain the logic behind the decisions of Western politicians regarding Russia from the end of the Cold War to its large-scale invasion of Ukraine. Through historical examples, the author demonstrates why it is currently impossible to apply the principles of Wilsonianism in developing a strategy for relations with the Russian Federation. Specifically, this is related to the lack of a common value foundation on which this concept is based. At the same time, the feasibility and appropriateness of the United States and European Union countries returning to the so-called principle of Realpolitik in relations with the Russian Federation is analyzed, as such proposals are also being discussed in the contemporary Western intellectual community. According to the author, this concept is also incapable of ensuring lasting peace and stability in Europe, as demonstrated by the historical example of its dominance in the strategies of Old-World states in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Accordingly, its application under current conditions also does not seem beneficial for restoring stability in the international system. The research analyzes the most effective systems of international relations that have prevailed in the world over the last 200 years and explains why, under current conditions of a global security crisis, only one strategic concept of containment appears most attractive in terms of maintaining peace and stability.

Germany’s Climate Foreign Policy Strategy and Making the High Politics of Climate Ambition

Germany’s Climate Foreign Policy Strategy and Making the High Politics of Climate Ambition

The main areas of activity of the National Police bodies in the implementation of the foreign policy strategy of Ukraine : the course for European integration

The main areas of activity of the National Police bodies in the implementation of the foreign policy strategy of Ukraine : the course for European integration

국가 생존을 위한 외교 전략으로써 중재 역할에 대한 고찰

Countries engaging in conflict mediation have traditionally been seen as peacemakers. However, within the framework of an international order prioritizing national survival, the role of a mediator can be examined as a strategic approach to maximize national interests. This study analyzes the motivation behind Oman and Kuwait's involvement in mediating conflicts, drawing on the theory that sees mediation as a tool for pursuing national interests. The field of political mediation has received limited attention from scholars. Specifically, within the political dynamics of the Gulf region where Saudi Arabia and the UAE play significant roles, an examination of Oman and Kuwait's involvement in conflict mediation as part of their foreign policy strategy contributes to expanding the understanding that mediation serves as a political tool for national survival

ДЕСЕКУЛЯРИЗАЦИЯ ИСЛАМА «СВЕРХУ» В КАБАРДИНО-БАЛКАРИИ: 1940-Е ГГ. – НАЧАЛО XXI В.

The study is about Kabardino-Balkaria’s state policy toward Islam from the Great Patriotic War until the beginning of the twenty-first century. Desecularization “from above” is used as the main conceptual approach of the study. This approach is viewed as a state-controlled, rather than a grassroots movement led, rebirth of religion from private to public space. It is noted that the growing Islamic mobilization, being also under the influence of external political technologies, required the Soviet and Russian state to create a “top-down” desecularization strategy in order to avoid the emergence of autonomous centers of violence and separatism. Ultimately, despite changes in the political regime since the middle of the 20th century not only had the state kept re-ligious processes within certain limits, sometimes using authoritarian methods, but also integrated existing potential into a productive political agenda, be it ensuring internal security and stability or foreign policy strategies.

Economic Vulnerability of Small Powers

The purpose of this article is to identify the national security challenges of a small state, to highlight their external and internal aspects; based on the research, develop a rational economic and political strategy for small powers. The paper is based on the analysis and synthesis of various fundamental literature and specific statistical data. The paper draws conclusions using causeand-effect relationships of facts. Important conclusions and recommendations are presented on key issues and challenges around small countries. This article concerns countries with small powers and their essential features – especially security, economic development, political stability, and foreign policy. It is also well understood today that threats of a military and nonmilitary nature are closely linked and that the aggravation of one leads to the aggravation of another. The systemic approach has taken root in the study of security issues, which involves discussing not just one but all of the potential threats in relation to one another and in one another’s context. The results of this study indicate that no matter how flexible a small country’s foreign policy is and how quickly it responds to changing conditions and events, it must still define its own strategic goal and make strategic choices. In determining its own national security priorities and foreign policy strategy, a small country must be more precise and infallible than a strong one. A small state that makes the wrong choice in its survival strategy is usually doomed.

Nepal’s Foreign Policy: Challenges and Prospects

Nepal has undergone tremendous changes since it became republic in 2008. With the promulgation of the new Constitution drafted by the elected people’s representatives in 2015, Nepal has continued to engage with nations beyond India and China. This paper focuses on the foreign policy behavior and strategy of small states in the international system. Further, it explains the behavior and strategies employed by those states by examining several concepts and historic facts and applying them in the context of Nepal. The article states that geo-strategic situation and non-alignment stance of nepal that try to maintain and extend bilateral relations with the immediate neighbors and other actors in the international system, and further integrates them into regional and international frameworks to secure its survival.

The Challenging Path of Georgia towards NATO Membership

Georgia is a small nation situated in a region characterised by instability, where the occurrence of conflict escalation has become a frequent occurrence within the realm of regional politics. Ensuring stability in the South Caucasus region is a paramount concern for Georgia in terms of its security agenda. This commitment is clearly articulated in Georgia's National Security Concept (NSC), which was officially approved in 2011. Additionally, Georgia's Foreign Policy Strategy for the period 2019-2022 also underscores the importance of maintaining peace in the South Caucasus region. The level of public support for the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) affiliation in Georgia has been considerable, mirroring the widespread agreement among major political parties over the objective of attaining NATO membership. In 2018, a revision was made to the Georgian Constitution, including a paragraph that specifies the need for all governmental institutions to actively strive towards the objective of Georgia's prospective participation in NATO.[1] The admission to NATO has been widely regarded as the most reliable means to achieve a state of stability and prosperity, enabling the nation to fully capitalise on its capabilities and opportunities. This article is characterised by its descriptive approach and aims to examine the dynamics of the evolution of NATO-Georgia ties throughout the history.

The importance and political and economic position (Silk Road) of China (review, goals, obstacles and challenges)

Today, as a vast continent, Asia is facing new developments and various actors have presented plans to achieve their goals in its various regions. China is one of these emerging players that have proposed the plan to revive the Silk Road in order to become a world power. This route represents a fundamental element of China's foreign policy strategy aimed at extending its sphere of influence to diverse regions. Revealed by the head of state of China in September 2013, this initiative encompasses around 4.4 billion individuals, constituting 65 percent of the global population, and involves a substantial portion of the world's gross production, totaling 21 trillion and it consists of two parts of the Economic Belt and Road. "New" "Maritime Silk Road" has been formed. China's effort and interest in promoting such grand projects, apart from the fact that it can have new economic and political effects for this country, can also expand more and more in China's foreign policy. Qash should have a more active area. The competition between China and America in the international economy shows the increasing influence of China in the Asian economy and the spectacular growth of China's economic and commercial activities in Africa compared to other powers, especially the United States. By revitalizing the silk road and drawing an economic belt, China will have access to world roads. Facilitation and expansion of an international and reliable transport corridor with affordable costs has been developed in the direction of its national interests. Based on this, the authors of this article raise their question as to whether China's innovations, despite what the Beijing authorities have said, can appear in practice, or whether the obstacles on the way of these plans prevent them from coming to fruition. Will you come? Our conjecture is that owing to the excessively high expenses, China's plans and the disruptions that the United States may create in competition with Beijing, and also due to some environmental problems and lack of support. The likelihood of success for these plans appears doubtful, at least in the foreseeable future.

Do Campaign Speeches Predict Foreign Policy? An Operational Code and Leadership Trait Analysis of Donald Trump’s MENA Policies

This article investigates whether campaign speeches during the US presidential elections can help predict foreign policy behavior. We use speeches made by Donald J. Trump during his bid for president in 2016. We compare the analysis from 2016 with his actual foreign policy decisions during his tenure, 2017-2020. Operational code analysis and leadership traits analysis approaches are used to analyze candidate Trump’s foreign policy beliefs and strategies associated with them. We use Profiler Plus software to conduct content analysis which produces OCA and LTA results. We use three separate datasets to analyze Trump’s beliefs and traits focusing on his general foreign policy speeches, the MENA region, and a third one only about Islamic State and Syria. Our results show that Trump’s profile indicates a foreign policy orientation that avoids involvement in affairs that are perceived as beyond immediate interests. The consistency between his beliefs and traits during the 2016 campaign and his actual foreign policy behavior leads us to conclude that individual level analysis, and specifically OCA and LTA approaches, are useful tools to analyze, explain and predict foreign policy.

The German Threat and Discussions about European Unions:
 Features of the Liberal Political and Ideological Continuity
 of the Leaders of the Liberal Party from W. Gladstone to G. Asquith
 in the Late XIX – Early XX Centuries

The subject of the research is the foreign policy of Great Britain in the late 19th – early 20th centuries and the continuity of the foreign policy course of liberal political figures. The purpose of the analysis is the views and activities of significant British liberal politicians on foreign policy issues against the background of the transformation of the philosophy of liberalism and unprecedented
 competition in colonial expansion among major European powers. A number of trends in the development of the political and ideological course of the Liberal Party of Great Britain are demonstrated - a quick rejection of the policy of
 «Splendid Isolation» to the search for friendly powers on the European continent and the direct influence of liberal-imperialist circles on changing the foreign policy strategy. The study of sources confirms that as part of the evolution of the philosophy of liberalism at the end of the 19th century, the idea of the foreign
 policy of Great Britain in the circles of liberal politicians of the country also changed. The author comes to the conclusion that after W. Gladstone left power, the liberals hastened to move away from the policy of «Splendid Isolation». A. Rosebery tried to maintain a balance of power, but, as an adherent of liberal
 imperialism, he actively used military force, not striving to be the first to establish friendship with anyone in Europe. During the period of opposition 1896-1905 not only liberal-imperialists such as E. Grey, H. Asquith, R. Haldane, but also pacifists such as H. Campbell-Bannerman came to the conclusion that a world conflict was inevitable against the backdrop of growing disagreements with Germany and the need to choose an ally in Europe.

The Importance of Soft Power in Türkiye’s Foreign Policy in 2002-2022

After a difficult path of criticism and justification, the concept of soft power has found its place in the international academic environment and has given a new breath and creative motivation to important scientific research in the field of international relations, which aims to create new concepts that can respond to the challenges of the modern world order. Along with the world powers, this concept was thoroughly taken up by Türkiye, which had the historical, cultural and geographical resources to put it into practice. A large number of neighbors and a complicated history of relations force Ankara not only to rely on traditional ways of diplomacy, but also to find other forms for the successful realization of its foreign policy interests. Compared to Turkish foreign policy before 2002, Türkiye’s soft power has increased significantly since the Justice and Development Party came to power and has become one of the priorities of its foreign policy strategy. It is important to emphasize that state and non-state institutions, which are the main instruments of this policy, do not compete with each other but successfully complement each other. Türkiye has ambitiously sought to create its own original model of “soft power,” with an emphasis on historical heritage and cultural commonality. Türkiye’s toolkit for realizing its soft power is quite extensive. Türkiye adopts the best practices of leading international actors and actively implements its own approaches and understandings with a focus on culture, state and non-state organizations, and education policy. In this context, soft power policy for Türkiye has proven to be very viable and attractive. Türkiye’s soft power potential, which has been successfully manifested from the Balkans and the Middle East to the Caucasus and Central Asia, has serious cultural and historical foundations and contributes to the promotion of Turkish interests in areas of special interest. Over the past two decades, Türkiye’s soft power policy, which is based on historical-cultural and religious traditions, geographical and economic resources, has become one of the main directions of its foreign policy.