Foreign Policy Strategy Research Articles

Foreign policy strategies of Nepal between China and India: bandwagon or hedging

AbstractNepal, a landlocked country situated between two nuclear states, has found bandwagoning with either China or India to be an impractical option. In the current scenario, Nepal has opted for a trend of hedging with both neighbors while adhering to a non-alignment foreign policy. Nepal aims to seek economic and infrastructure development opportunities from Beijing through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative, which could help overcome geopolitical challenges. However, India is concerned about Nepal's growing relations with China, viewing it as a significant threat to India's interests in Nepal. Nepal remains committed to the principles of non-alignment in its foreign policy objectives. India perceives Nepal's current trend of hedging as a potential path toward future bandwagoning with China, given China's superior capabilities compared to India.

Derecognition Diplomacy: a Study of Morocco’s Foreign Policy on the Western Sahara

Summary International recognition, and its revocation, derecognition, have important legal and practical implications. This article addresses the issue of derecognition as a foreign policy strategy answering the question: what are the strategies that origin states pursue to achieve the derecognition of contested states? Analysis of the foreign policy of Morocco towards the Western Sahara shows that origin states do indeed seek derecognition as a policy goal, primarily using economic and domestic political tools. International law and identity linkages appear to play a more rhetorical than influential role. Power politics is notably absent from recogniser state decision-making, but lack of great power interest may foster the sense of ambiguity under which derecognition thrives. This article provides a theory of derecognition foreign policy; a taxonomy of recogniser states into holdouts, reversers and cyclers; and a plausibility probe of the relationship between recogniser states and their associated foreign policy tools.

Impacts of anti-dumping duties on firm’s performance: Evidence from listed firms in seafood industry in Vietnam

The study aims to examine the impact of the anti-dumping tax imposed by the United States under the simultaneous influence of financial factors on the performance of enterprises in the seafood export industry. The author selected data including 21 companies listed on the Vietnamese stock market in the period 2017 - 2022, and used GMM estimation technique to retest the influence of familiar factors such as lag of the firm’s performance, size, leverage, liquidity ratio, sales growth rate to the firm’s performance (measured by ROA), in addition, the paper also provides additional evidence on the impact of new factors: anti-dumping tax and export sales ratio. Research results show that (1) 6 out of 7 independent variables including , Size, Liq, g, ADr, Exp.re / Tot.re are statistically significant, (2) anti-dumping tax rate and geographic revenue structure are both recorded negative impacts on performance. The results of this study contribute academically by providing a new insight into the relationship between revenue and profit in the case of exporting to countries that apply anti-dumping tax and contribute practically by proposing some implications for foreign trade policy and corporate financial management strategy.

Iran in South Caucasus: Foreign Policy Strategy and Regional Relations with Russia (1991—2021)

The article examines the issues of Iran’s regional strategy in the South Caucasus and its relationship with Russia in the post-Soviet period. The important role played by these countries in the region, considering their geopolitical position and resources, is revealed. The novelty of the work stems from the upto-date analysis of events in the South Caucasus, including political and economic aspects. In light of the rapidly changing situation in the region, special attention is also given to highlighting new regional strategies and dynamics of interaction between countries. The study is conducted using methods of critical analysis of sources, a systemic approach, and comparative-historical analysis. The main facts and events related to Iran-Russia cooperation in the field of regional security, partnership relations in the energy and trade sectors are examined. When analyzing official documents, the historical context is taken into account, and regional events are considered in a logical sequence. The research results reveal the forms and methods of Iran’s policy implementation in the South Caucasus, as well as its interaction with Russia. These findings also allow for an assessment of the influence of both countries on complex political and economic processes in this region.

Turkish Balance, or Türkiye’s Foreign Policy Strategy in the Black Sea Region Following the Special Military Operation

The Black Sea region in its various geopolitical configurations is a zone of priority for the Turkish elite. Prior to the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (1774), the Black Sea was regarded as the “Sultan’s harem.” Being essentially a peninsula between the Mediterranean and Black Sea, Türkiye is interested in maintaining control over the Black Sea space or in sharing it with another strong power having access to it. The authors aim to identify and explore Türkiye’s foreign policy strategy in relation to the Black Sea region as one of the key geopolitical spaces for Ankara’s national interests. The foreign policy strategy is understood as a long-term mechanism of the subject in relation to objects and competing subjects, which aims to achieve the most favorable spatial position with the help of military and non-military means and appropriate resources, taking into account the timeliness factor. The article solves specific tasks: it identifies the stable characteristics of Turkish foreign policy, shaped by historical experience and geography, which underlie Ankara’s foreign policy strategy; it shows and studies the strategic vision of the Turkish elite in relation to the Black Sea region; it reveals the mechanisms of influence of external geopolitical subjects on the region and the combination of these mechanisms with Turkish national interests. The concept of Turkish balance is introduced as mechanism of Türkiye’s foreign policy strategy whose main purpose is to integrate stronger powers into the logic and algorithms of foreign policy balances of stronger powers with their mutual opposition and further balancing act, which allows Türkiye to receive maximum geo-economic and geopolitical dividends. The research methodology is represented by systemic, geopolitical and civilizational approaches. Given the role of the Black Sea region in the military-political dynamics since February 2022, the mechanisms of Türkiye’s foreign policy strategy in relation to the region are becoming crucial for Russia in various areas of national security. Authors propagate that February 2022 is the inertia of the events of March 2014 and deeper, of the postponed crisis of 1991 caused by the disintegration of the USSR. However, it was the beginning of the special military operation that brought the military and political confrontation at the global and regional levels into the format of open confrontation. Russia has challenged the West and its system of allies.

Theorising the Hedging Strategy: National Interests, Objectives, and Mixed Foreign Policy Instruments

Hedging is a comprehensive foreign policy strategy that mixes competitive and cooperative approaches and is used to manage competing national interests during conditions of uncertainty over the future distribution of power. However, the literature is characterised by a lack of consensus on the central features of hedging, which leads to contradictions in how the concept of hedging is applied. First, this paper assesses the definition of hedging, identifies three rival approaches, and links the risks and opportunities of hedging with uncertainty over the future international distribution of power. Second, it discusses how the various interpretations of hedging have inspired different analytical models. Finally, it explains hedging as a theoretically intermediate and analytically mixed strategy. These claims are supported by studying the Asia-Pacific region, where hedging has become the dominant strategy for coping with the uncertainty surrounding the future distribution of power stemming from the rise of China.

Ukraine and the Debacle of Russian Soft Power

ABSTRACT The war in Ukraine has demonstrated Russia’s incapacity to implement a foreign policy strategy without resorting to hard power means, exposing the limits in its soft power capacity to ‘attract’ and ‘persuade’. Specifically, Russian soft power in Ukraine built around the model of the ‘Russian world’ (Russkiy Mir) was unable to persuade Kyiv to align with Moscow through peaceable means. Simultaneously, EU-inspired soft power based on the idea of ‘Greater Europe’ and Ukrainian ‘Europeanness’ conceived through the normative prism of liberal-democratic values and the potential of higher levels of economic development, limited the impact of Russia’s soft power in Ukraine. Russian soft power in Ukraine was not inspired by the idea of attraction but conceived as a propagandistic means to justify expansionist policies, merging de facto with hard power. After the 2022 invasion, in the occupied regions, Moscow’s influence could only be imposed coercively as an ancillary tool of hard power through a unique combination of smart and sharp power. Overall, a comparison of the influence of Russian and EU soft power in Ukraine highlights that the latter proved to be generally more persuasive, leading Moscow to resort to military force.

Changing the US Foreign Policy Strategy in the Region and Afghanistan

Bush's "anti-terrorism strategy", Obama's "counter-insurgency strategy" and Trump's "zero foot strategy" are three separate strategies of the US government during the three presidential terms in Afghanistan, which ended with the withdrawal of American forces. Ultimately, the withdrawal of US forces led to the resurgence of the same group that had sought to overthrow the Taliban government 20 years ago in 2001. This article aims to provide evidence supporting the change in strategy and its conflict with the overarching macro strategy, focusing on the shifts in Afghanistan's internal environment. We are looking for an answer to this question, what are the evidences of the change in the US foreign policy towards Afghanistan in the three mentioned periods and what is the relationship between the internal developments in Afghanistan and these changes? In response to this hypothesis, it is proposed that the role of internal opposition groups and their power in these three periods is the most important factor in creating a change in the attitude of the American foreign policy in the era of Bush, Obama and Trump. The findings of this article, according to the American high-ranking documents, show that the pursuit of conflicting strategies with the primary goals is a result of the failure of the strategy in the American foreign policy against the actions of armed groups. Considering the approach of comparative investigation and focusing on its descriptive stage, the method used in this writing is qualitative and of a comparative type.

Up the stairway leading down. Towards the prospects of an american-centric modeling of world development

The modern world has changed, continuing to transform in a crisis-like manner in all significant parameters. The fact that the former world system has passed the point of no return is a geopolitical reality. The objective need to reformat the world order is an immutable imperative of the time. The geopolitical status of the US as a hegemon is becoming a thing of the past. The key centers of power are shifting towards non-Western countries. But the reliance on power dominance has not disappeared from the US foreign policy strategy.

Джибути в геополитической стратегии Турецкой Республики (2012–2020 гг.)

The presented article provides comprehensive analysis of bilateral relations between Turkey and Djibouti for the period of 2012–2020. The author has identified Ankara’s economic and geopolitical interests in Djibouti, taking into account Turkey’s foreign policy strategy in Somalia. Particular attention is paid to the humanitarian component of bilateral relations with Djibouti. For the purpose of comparison, the article also examines the policies of other regional players, such as China, Japan, the USA, as well as the EU and Middle East countries. Conclusion dwells upon the fact that Ankara’s economic and humanitarian projects in Djibouti have been car-ried out over the 2012–2020 period, with the main geostrategic objective being to strengthen its position near the Gulf of Aden-Bab el-Mandeb Strait strategic logistics hub. Due to the presence of foreign bases of other countries in Djibouti, Ankara is inferior to its competitors in military-political terms. Despite the weak economic position due to the presence of Chinese projects, the economic and humanitarian direction of bilateral relations between Turkey and Djibouti showed positive dynamics.

The emergence of “soft power” as a tool of the Republic of Korea's foreign policy

Over the past few years, the East Asian states, notably the Republic of Korea, have been effectively implementing soft power strategies. The concept's founder J. Nye himself draws the attention of the scientific circles to the fact that “the potential of the countries (note – the East Asian region) is rising year by year. The research of soft power of the Republic of Korea is of utmost interest, as the Republic of Korea managed to revamp its economy and political institutions in a very short period of time, establishing its position in the international arena and becoming one of the “significant” cultural exporters of today. The purpose of this paper is to outline the specifics of soft power development as one of the foreign policy and public diplomacy mechanisms of the Republic of Korea. For a more accurate understanding of the use of soft power as an instrument of foreign policy of the state under study, historical and socio-cultural methods were involved. The research also included the following approaches to the study of soft power: structural and functional, discourse analysis, and the institutional approach. The scientific novelty lies in the elaboration of the author's definition of “soft power”. “The Korean Wave” provided an additional opportunity for the government of the Republic of Korea to take advantage of soft power as a foreign policy strategy to promote Korean cultural values in a globalizing world. The Republic of Korea's emergence as a cultural power on the world stage has been facilitated by the phenomenon known as the Korean Wave or Hallyu. This phenomenon is characterized by the extensive spread of Korean popular culture, including music, TV series and films. Hallyu brought with it cultural and social implications, especially for Asia, as the Republic of Korea changed its role from a recipient to a donor of popular culture in the region. The Republic of Korea is a prime example of the effective use of culture as its soft power, showing that global presence through creative products can significantly influence a nation's economy and international position.

Public inquiries into conflict and security: Scandals, archives, and the politics of epistemology

Public inquiries into matters of conflict and security are vitally important yet undertheorised. This article explores the potential of inquiries for the democratic scrutiny of foreign policy, military doctrine, and grand strategy. In recent decades, there have been numerous inquiries into contentious foreign and security policy incidents in Britain, a trend reflected elsewhere in global politics. Inquiries can unveil facts, identify lessons, and rebuild trust. But critics claim that inquiries overlook systemic flaws. Our analysis transcends the usual arguments for or against public inquiries by explaining how inquiries produce knowledge and how this could be improved. We argue that inquiries necessarily involve the following three distinct processes: scandalisation, archivisation, and epistemology. We suggest how future inquiries could overcome extant limitations through a broader scope, diversification of evidence, and methodological pluralism. Such inquiries can play an improved role in promoting reflection and dialogue about a just international order and Britain’s role within it.

Evolution of Brazil’s Strategic Behavior Towards Smaller MERCOSUR Countries in the XXI Century

In foreign policy documents and public statements by senior Brazilian officials, the development of the Southern common market (MERCOSUR) is mentioned as a foreign policy priority, but the dynamics of integrational processes in it are far from being positive due to the economic asymmetry of the countries represented — major players — Brazil and Argentina and smaller economies — Uruguay and Paraguay. The authors of the article considers a foreign policy strategy of large countries in relation to smaller ones in the association as the reason for the diffi culties in eliminating the economic asymmetry in MERCOSUR. The purpose of this article is to analyze Brazil’s strategic behavior towards Uruguay and Paraguay. The article proves that the slowdown in the pace of deepening integration in MERCOSUR is directly proportional to the decrease of the importance of Uruguay and Paraguay in Brazil’s foreign policy strategy. The author of the article focuses on the evolution of Brazil’s strategic behavior towards Uruguay and Paraguay: it underwent a transformation from a policy of pressure in the 1990s to Brazil’s mediation in regional confl icts in the 2000s. In the late 2000s, as President Lula da Silva’s plans to deepen political integration in MERCOSUR showed their ineff ectiveness due to the country’s mounting asymmetries with Uruguay and Paraguay, integration into MERCOSUR gradually began to play a secondary role in Brazil’s foreign policy strategy. During the presidencies of Rousseff and Temer, this trend only intensified, reaching its peak after President Bolsonaro came to power. The fi rst part of the article presents theoretical aspects of Brazil’s strategic behavior in relation to small member countries of the association. The second part of the article will analyze specific examples of changes in Brazil’s foreign policy strategy towards Uruguay and Paraguay. Finally, the conclusion outlines the full evolution of Brazil’s strategy towards the small MERCOSUR countries from the 1990s to 2022, and will also focus on the current situation in the association.

Ukraine’s Strategic Interactions with the EU and Russia during the Turbulent Month of the Crimean Annexation

Abstract What shapes a country’s foreign policy formation in times of crisis? This article explores the factors that were behind the response of Ukrainian decision makers in their relations with Russia and the European Union during the annexation of Crimea between February 21 and March 26, 2014. I view Ukraine’s foreign policy through the lenses of an analytical framework inspired by game theory, where the decision-making process is divided into four parts—information about others’ preferences, trust in interlocutors, everyone’s payoffs, and resources. This article employs a rigorous qualitative thematic analysis of 38 elite interviews, numerous primary documents, and media reports. The core finding suggests that the uncertain times and unpreparedness of Ukrainian decision makers obstructed them from a comprehensive analysis of the environment and formation of the country’s foreign policy strategy, which, consequently, facilitated Russia’s annexation of Crimea.

The scholarship–practitioner nexus: lessons from Latin American foreign policy

Abstract Various studies have explored the role of International Relations research in policy-making, predominantly focusing on countries in the global North. However, there needs to be a better understanding of this dynamic in peripheral countries of the global South. This article addresses this gap by examining the relationship between theory and practice in Latin American foreign policy; the synergy between scholarly research and practical implementation offers valuable insights. This interplay sheds light on the impact research can have by developing unique theoretical frameworks and guiding current foreign policy strategies. Using Argentine foreign policy as a case-study, I explore specialized knowledge networks that have driven foreign policy studies, their inception in Latin America and pivotal theoretical developments that have influenced both academia and policy. Employing qualitative analysis, I triangulate data from diverse sources such as archives, official documents, journals, institutional histories, reports and expert interviews. This investigation underscores the collaborative efforts of Latin American scholars and policy-makers, driven by a shared goal to address regional challenges through both theoretical insights and practical solutions.

Republic of Korea’s “Anchored Flexibility” Diplomacy

With the Republic of Korea’s (hereafter ROK, Korea) growing presence in the international arena, crafting a nuanced and forward-thinking diplomatic strategy has become a critical task. This article aims to dissect and conceptualize key features of ROK’s diplomatic strategy. The ROK prefers a strategic choice, which the author terms “anchored flexibility” diplomacy. Critical decisions regarding strategic alignments and partnership significantly shape Korea’s diplomatic trajectory. To effectively anchor its foreign policy strategy, Korea must clarify the values and principles that it aspires to protect and promote. Securing ROK from North Korean threats as a strategic priority is linked to anchoring diplomatic strategy to strengthening alliance with the US and promoting trilateral cooperation. The spirit of cherishing freedom, peace, and prosperity runs through ROK’s flexible engagement with likeminded countries in the international community. The Republic of Korea flexibly engages new frontiers, which the author calls a “Long Corridor” from India, Middle East to Eastern Europe. Under the banner of global pivotal diplomacy, the Republic of Korea also seeks to proactively embrace the Global South.

МЕСТО ГРУЗИИ НА ШКАЛЕ СОВРЕМЕННЫХ ВНЕШНЕПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ ПРИОРИТЕТОВ США

The article analyzes the evolution of Georgia’s role in the US foreign policy strategy in 2012–2022. The article is aimed at understanding the degree of importance of Georgia in the U.S. foreign policy, identifying the areas of cooperation and conflict, and establishing the nature of the relations between Georgia and the United States. The methodology of the study is based on a systematic approach, thanks to which it was possible to determine the most significant factors influencing the bilateral relations. The scientific novelty of the research consists in conducting a comprehensive analysis of the logic and dynamics of the 2012–2022 Georgian-American relations, the study of the anti-Western rhetoric of the modern Georgian government, as well as in attracting the relevant groups of sources that have not been used previously in the domestic studies on the Georgian-American relations (the U.S. reports on the state of democracy in Georgia, a complete list of the legislative materials of the U.S. Congress for Georgia, the data on the Georgia’s foreign trade from 2014 to 2022, the U.S. officials’ statements criticizing the “Georgian Dream”, etc.). The author comesto the conclusion that the Biden administration, unlike the previous administrations, faced an additional problem in determining the significance of Georgia: since the end of Bush’s presidential term, the American side had not had a clear strategic regional policy to which Tbilisi could have related. Thus, the undertaken research is relevant for the formation of Russia’s foreign policy strategy in the context of the toughened geopolitical competition in the South Caucasus in order to effectively protect its own national security.

The Caspian Region in the US Foreign Policy Strategy

The Caspian Region in the US Foreign Policy Strategy

Реакция США на советско-западногерманские переговоры в рамках подготовки и подписания Московского договора 1970 г.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the reaction of the US government to the negotiations between the USSR and the FRG within the framework of the Moscow Treaty of 1970. The article pays particular attention to the assessments and opinions of the US administration on this issue, as well as analyzes the direct interaction between the two countries in the context of the discussion of the Moscow Treaty and the "new Eastern policy" of the FRG. For several years, the FRG has been able to develop and coordinate a new foreign policy strategy that takes into account the interests and correlates with all the main actors in the system of international relations. To achieve this goal, the author conducted an analysis of various sources, including memoranda, telegrams, correspondence and records of negotiations published in the collection "Foreign Relations of the United States," especially in the volume devoted to policy towards the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, the author studied the memoirs of Richard Nixon's national security adviser Henry Kissinger and the memoirs of the Federal Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany Willy Brandt. In Russian historiography, the negotiations between the FRG and the USSR, as well as the signing of the Moscow Treaty, were studied mainly in the context of the Soviet delegation's strategy and the goals of the FRG. However, the author has approached this topic from the other side, taking into account the American view on these events. Analysis of the documents shows that Bonn demonstrated the ability to make independent decisions in the field of foreign policy, which raised doubts about the extent of the US influence on Western Europe. However, the negotiating process between the Soviet Union and West German diplomats aroused distrust among Washington's representatives, which indicates the difficulty of establishing trusting relations between the countries. The author's conclusion is that the negotiations within the framework of the Moscow Treaty of 1970 between the FRG and the USSR played an important role in the development of international relations during the policy of détente. The signed agreement contributed to the improvement of relations between the two states and the reduction of tension on the European continent. The FRG needed to constantly consult with its main ally, the United States of America. However, such actions aroused distrust among the representatives of the United States, which indicates the complexity that has arisen in American-West German relations. Studying the specifics of the American reaction is important for understanding the strategy and priorities of the US government, as well as the various factors that influenced the decision-making process of the White House administration.

СОВЕТСКАЯ ПОЛИТИКА В ОБЛАСТИ "СПОРТА ВЫСОКИХ ДОСТИЖЕНИЙ" В 1920-1930-Х ГГ.

The article affects an issue of the place and role of high-performance sports in the socio-political life of the USSR of the 1920s – 1930s. Creating the concept of sports development in the country, the Soviet leadership focused primarily on the issues of physical culture, which did not imply the presence of a competitive element in it. However, the development of Soviet sports in the period under review was extremely heterogeneous, and therefore the role of sports competitions was changing. The author analyzes those transformations using documents published by organizations that managed Soviet sports in the 1920s – 1930s and materials of the periodical press. Special attention is paid to the regulations of 1933–1934, which finally established the highperformance sports in Soviet society, their prerequisites, causes and results. The author comes to the conclusion that a sharp turn towards the development of high-achievement sports in the USSR in 1933–1934 led to the legitimization of sport as a profession and was associated with the implementation of certain foreign policy strategies, in particular, with the need to develop international relations with both proletarian and bourgeois forces in Europe against the background of the nazi threat. Keywords: history of sports, sports in the USSR, high-performance sports, physical culture, ACPC (VSFC), sports periodicals