Foreign Policy Priorities Research Articles

Scale and development of foreign economic interaction between the USA and Japan in 2009–2021

The article analyzes the dynamics of economic cooperation between the US and Japan for the period 2009–2021: bilateral trade, export and import, FDI flows. Particular attention is paid to Japanese FDI and activities of Japanese manufacturing companies in the United States. Bilateral economic relations are a part of the broader context of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific, activities of multinational enterprises and their global production networks. A "triangular" model of trade relations has developed between Japan, China and the United States, with significant part of trade going through global value chains (GVCs). Over the past decade, the US foreign trade policy priorities have changed several times: from the attempt to create a free trade area in the Asia-Pacific under the Obama administration to President Trump’s protectionism and to more liberal economic agenda of the Biden administration. The role of Japan in the Trans-Pacific Partnership creation and reformatting after the US withdrawal is shown. The prerequisites for the progress of bilateral relations to a new stage of scientifi c, technical and economic cooperation in the context of confrontation between the USA and China are analyzed. President Biden’s economic policy priority in the Asia-Pacific is attracting allies to crucial technologies development and increasing global value chains sustainability. Japan is a key partner for the US to secure control over technology transfer, diversify supply sources and strengthen GVCs. Coordination of approaches to promoting economic security is an important priority for the renewed US-Japan alliance, so the two countries can reach a new level of cooperation.

Advancing rights and inclusion of persons with disabilities in humanitarian action: a donor perspective

AbstractDespite increasing awareness and high-level commitments on disability inclusion by humanitarian donors and actors, persons with disabilities continue to be ignored from humanitarian assistance. Rights and inclusion of persons with disabilities are a foreign policy priority for the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland, including in humanitarian assistance. The primary means for donors, such as Finland, to promote disability-inclusive humanitarian action are funding and advocacy. Trade-offs between flexible and earmarked funding for disability inclusion are challenging when reporting on results is inadequate. This article shares examples on how the Ministry promotes inclusion of persons with disabilities in humanitarian action and explores challenges that need to be resolved by stakeholders.

Dyplomacja naukowa jako kategoria dyplomacji wpływu – przypadek Francji

In the last decade, science diplomacy, one of the subcategories of diplomacy of influence, has recently gained unprecedented attention as a subject of both an academic inquiry and political discourse. States adapting to these changes create science diplomacy legal and institutional frameworks which combine the priorities of foreign and science and technology policy. But still, there are only a few advanced countries in this respect. One of them is France, which began building the institutional and strategic foundations of science diplomacy in the middle of the 20th century, and can now provide a source of good practice for states at the beginning of this path. The article presents the conceptual basis of diplomacy of influence and organisational model of French science diplomacy, an example of diplomacy of influence based on the potential and attractiveness of science. Analysing particular dimensions of the model, we point to conditions, such as the concept of foreign policy, assumptions of scientific policy or the structure of the state’s science and technology sector, which influence the specificity of French science diplomacy. We argue that the distinctive features of the French model of science diplomacy are its strong link to foreign and development policy objectives, its treatment of science as an essential instrument of foreign policy and diplomacy of influence, but also its emphasis on supporting the internationalisation of science and increasing France’s participation in international scientific undertakings.

The US Military Bases in the Post-9/11 Horn of Africa

Once entangled in an intense ideological contest and power play with the Soviet Union in the Horn of Africa (HOA) during the Cold War, the US saw little geopolitical interest to defend in the sub-region in the first decade of the post-Cold War period. Terrorism-induced security threats since the late 1990s, and particularly the 9/11 incident, have drawn the US's attention back to the geostrategic Horn region. This article explores the factors behind the US's return to the Horn in the aftermath of the new millennium with a militarised and securitised presence involving the establishment of permanent and ad hoc military bases. The study employs a qualitative research approach, with data drawn from articles, books, and reports. The study reveals that although the war on terror was the immediate reason for the US's focus and militarised presence, subsequent developments such as piracy, economic interest, and the advent of rival powers increased the strategic importance of Africa to the US. The US foreign and security policy priorities are currently shifting away from the war on terror to containing strategic and economic competitors, notably China and Russia, across the globe, including in the HOA.

How states engage in and exercise power in global health: Indonesian and Japanese engagement in the conceptualization of Sustainable Development Goal 3

While long overlooked, power is central to understand how actors engage in global health policymaking. We reviewed how the Japanese and Indonesian governments exerted power and engaged in global health diplomacy during negotiations to conceptualize the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goal for health (SDG3). We conducted deliberative policy analysis including semi-structured, in-depth, interviews with more than 71 policymakers, which we analyzed adapting Barnett and Duvall's power framework. We find that both Japan and Indonesia exerted non-material power (institutional, productive and structural power) to advance largely domestic political interests. Japan's government mainly exerted institutional power, leveraging relationships within the World Bank and the World Health Organization, whereas Indonesia's government focused on structural power, with its president serving as co-chair of the UN Secretary-General's High-Level Post-2015 Panel. Our analysis suggests that the ways in which states engage in global health diplomacy is shaped by the relationship between different intra-state institutions, particularly the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Health, and is further determined by broader foreign policy and diplomatic priorities. We find that the decline of states' influence is over-stated: states continue to exercise significant power in global health diplomacy, pursuing domestic political imperatives and strategies to improve population health. As states expand their global health engagement, researchers should seek to better understand how states participate in an increasingly crowded and contested global health field.

Voice of the Silenced Peoples in the Global Cold War: The Assembly of Captive European Nations, 1954–1972

Voice of the Silenced Peoples in the Global Cold War: The Assembly of Captive European Nations, 1954–1972

Madhyama Pratipad: Nepal’s Middle Path Ambition through Non-alignment

The geopolitical variable alone is not sufficient to understand Nepal’s entry into NAM and its relevance. While very little literature has been produced on Nepal’s non-alignment, what exists is also limited to either speeches or statements delivered by Nepali leaders at the conferences Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Still, while scanning the perspective of Non-Nepali Cold War foreign policy analysts in the literature produced on Himalayan geopolitics, it can be clearly observed that Nepal’s voyage to non-alignment was driven by the Indian response to the bipolarity in Cold War. Such a perspective, however, dismisses the influence that MadhyamaPratipad (the concept of the middle path) had in the evolution of Nepal’s foreign policy priorities as a unified state in 1769. MadhyamaPratipad, here, should be understood as the cultural and civilizational philosophy, which Nepal has accommodated in its world view for centuries. Hence, Nepal’s shift to non-alignment was not abrupt and impulsive. Rather it was triggered by the MadhyamaPratipad, which was also realized by the founder of modern Nepal, Prithivi Narayan Shah. While non-alignment and MadhyamaPratipad differ in their approaches, their objectives remain the same: balancing. While non-alignment demands balancing by not being aligned to any security bloc, MadhyamaPratipad appeals to balancing by treading a middle path. Thus, this qualitative study argues how the historical experience of balancing made it easier for the Himalayan state to adapt to the non-aligned policy and posture. Accordingly, non-alignment to Nepal is not only a survival strategy but also a historical expression of its cultural and civilizational philosophy. Therefore, any attempt to understand Nepal’s foreign policy of non-alignment only from the grand narratives of geopolitics and changing dynamics in the regional and international security environment would not be sufficient to weigh the rationale and relevance of non-alignment for Nepal. Today, India’s perceptible shift to multi-alignment and China’s emphasis on the Xi Jinping Thought have already raised the question of the relevance of non-alignment for Nepal. The answers lie in Nepal’s historical experience of balancing.

Russian Language in Everyday Discourse of Mongols (Data from an Expert Survey)

The results of a study conducted in 2021 and devoted to the analysis of the current position of the Russian language in Mongolian society is presented in the article. The relevance of the study is due to the need to analyze the changes taking place in the minds of the Mongols regarding the Russian language, and to search for further prospects for its functioning in Mongolia. The impossibility of conducting a mass questionnaire survey due to the pandemic of a new coronavirus infection led to the choice of an expert survey as the main research method. The factors leading to the weakening of the Russian language positions, which include, first of all, the change in Mongolia’s foreign policy priorities, the search for new partners, the decrease in Russia’s influence, and the processes of globalization are considered in the article. It was revealed that, despite the narrowing of the spheres of functioning of the Russian in Mongolia, its socio-cultural potential in the Mongolian society has not been exhausted. The factors restraining the growth of negative trends are highlighted, namely the presence of the Russian in the educational sphere, the presence of specialists with Soviet and Russian education, a common historical memory based on friendship and trust. Analysis of the results of the study shows that the further development of cooperation between Russia and Mongolia in all spheres of public life, the strengthening of political union, economic cooperation and cultural interaction can allow the Russian language to become one of the leading foreign languages in modern Mongolian society.

On main foreign policy priorities of Iran’s government

The article discusses the main foreign policy priorities of the government of Iran headed by President E. Raisi and its activities in achieving these goals in the fi rst year of its existence. It is emphasized that the ongoing changes in this area do not fundamentally change Iran's foreign policy, the main purpose of which is to ensure favorable foreign policy and foreign economic conditions for the functioning of the Islamic State and for Iran's transformation into a regional center of power. President E. Raisi declared that Iran's main foreign policy priorities are "relations with neighboring states" and "multilateral economic integration." In regional policy, the priority is the development of cooperation along the so-called "axis of resistance", namely, the establishment of strong ties between Iran, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon under the auspices of offi cial Tehran. The above-mentioned "axis of resistance", in fact, is a mechanism for multilateral political and economic regional integration in Western Asia, which is designed not only to strengthen political ties and promote the formation of an anti-American and anti-Israeli bloc, but also to allow Iran, under Western sanctions, to signifi cantly increase the volume of its economic cooperation with the above-mentioned countries. The Afghan issue also occupies an important place in the foreign policy activities of the Iranian Government, which is interested in resolving the Afghan crisis and is taking steps to prevent a new wave of Afghan refugees, the growth of drug and arms smuggling into its country, on the one hand, and on the other hand, to resume and expand economic cooperation with Kabul. Another priority direction of the foreign policy of the new government of Iran is the Asian track. The Government of President E. Raisi seeks to build and intensify Iran's political and economic strategic cooperation on a long-term basis with such friendly and influential states as Russia and China.

The doctrine of environmental law: theoretical and methodological problems

The problem of studying the goals, objectives and legal mechanisms for the implementation of the Environmental Doctrine of the Russian Federation and the development of the doctrine of environmental law in the absence of a clear systematization and interconnection of a set of strategic planning documents is very relevant.The article summarizes and analyzes the main provisions of the Environmental Doctrine of Russia. The authors show that economic globalization significantly changes the nature of environmental management. Many environmental phenomena and related social relations are of a national, international nature.The authors of the article investigated the issues of strategic understanding of international and national environmental policy. The necessity of forming the doctrine of environmental law is shown.The authors believe that the current trends in the development of international relations and the national characteristics of Russia, its competitive advantages, as well as the challenges it faces internally and externally, require the development and implementation of a new environmental policy, its transformation into one of the national and foreign policy priorities. The authors substantiate the necessity and possibility of revising the current environmental and legal national regulation. The ideological and organizational-legal features of the preparation of a new environmental doctrine and the doctrine of environmental law are shown.The article is aimed at the development of ecological and legal mechanisms of environmental protection in the conditions of economic sanctions in order to develop a balanced state environmental policy in the new economic and political conditions of socio-economic development of Russia.

Go south! – The establishment of Hungarian–Ethiopian diplomatic relations in 1959-1960

Abstract In the mid-1950s, the Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs made an effort to break free of the isolation brought about by the military defeat and communist takeover after WWII. One of the main priorities of Hungarian foreign policy was the developing world, including Africa. Although the revolution and subsequent reprisals of 1956 temporarily halted the opening up, at the end of the decade Hungary launched a new diplomatic offensive. Ethiopia, which symbolized African independence and power, was among the main targets. In spite of the setbacks and challenges, and thanks to the determination of Hungarian diplomats, Hungarian-Ethiopian relations were normalized in 1959–60. This paper examines this process by analyzing documents from the Hungarian National Archive and explains why establishing diplomatic connections proved valuable to both parties.

AFRICA: UKRAINIAN INTERESTS VS RUSSIAN INFLUENCE

The article examines the political trends in the African region in the context of Ukraine's national security, and provides recommendations to improve the situation. According to the latest version of Ukraine’s National Security Strategy, the priority in the African region has been placed on diversifying markets and strengthening Ukraine’s political support in the face of Russian aggression. A significant threat is the growing presence of the Russian Federation in the African region with its extensive usage of both force and soft power tools, which was particularly evident at the Russia-Africa summit in October 2019 and the rapid spread of demand for the Russian “Sputnik V” vaccine against COVID-19 in 2021. Another related issue is the low level of support for Ukraine’s declarations in the UN General Assembly condemning human rights violations in occupied Crimea. The UN vote on occupied Crimea is one of the main factors in assessing relations with African governments, which Russian experts clearly point out. This reality highlights the need to increase Ukraine’s diplomatic presence and political weight in the African region in order to better contain the influence of the Russian Federation. Another important task is to monitor the destructive activities of the Russian Federation often aimed at fueling chaos, which could encourage local governments to establish closer bilateral relations with Moscow. At times, Russian policy has gone as far as supporting military coups that help to increase the level of Russian military and political presence in some states (for example, the cases of Mali in May 2021 and Sudan in October 2021).Strengthening the diplomatic level of representation in the region is a priority of Ukrainian foreign policy. In addition, the separation of economic and military-political factors is a problem for Ukraine. Trade is developing mostly with the stable countries of the eastern and southern parts of Africa, while the turbulent landscape of the west and center (except Nigeria) is poorly covered by the activities of Ukrainian enterprises. However, Ukrainian peacekeeping contingents have been active in these countries for a long time (primarily in the DRC).

CHANGING GLOBAL ORDER AND POWER REALIGNMENTS IN SOUTHWEST ASIA (ECO REGION)

The global political and economic system is undergoing radical transformations, which might not be as obvious, but they are fast changing the existing global order. The weakening of US global hegemony, the gain of Chinese economic might and its increasing influence, the establishment of right-wing populist governments across the world, the prolonged conflicts in the Middle East, the NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan, and the recent Ukraine crisis have caused governments to re-assess their foreign policy priorities and to realign themselves in the changing global order. For Russia and China, the emerging new global order should be based on multipolarity and allowed to be developed in different ways. The region of Southwest Asia, as a subset of the international system, is restructuring and realigning itself with the changing geopolitical realities to bring coherence and stability within and across the region. This paper argues that the region's geostrategic importance is instrumental in facilitating the emergence of multipolar global order. Moreover, the new political arrangements also allow the regional states to look beyond western dominance and realign themselves for greater cooperation and stability. There have been predictions that the ECO region could become a centre of global power struggle and play a key role in transforming the global order from unipolar to multipolar. Bibliography Entry Khan, Ayesha. 2022. "Changing Global Order and Power Realignments in Southwest Asia (ECO Region)." Margalla Papers 26 (1): 61-73.

Ideology, Threat Perception, and Foreign Policy Preference

This article investigates the role of ideological difference in shaping threat perception and foreign policy preference in South Korea and the United States. Increasing ideological polarization has created different threat perceptions and foreign policy priorities within and between these allies, particularly regarding the geostrategic challenge of China.
 This research analyzes how strongly ideological differences are associated with threat perception, especially regarding China, and how such different ideologies lead to different foreign policy preferences in addressing those threats. To this end, this study analyzes survey data on the South Korean and American voters' understanding of the ROK-US alliance. Empirical analysis reveals threat perception varies by ideological difference in both countries. Data analysis also shows that both conservatives and progressives in South Korea view the US as a preferable foreign policy partner and support South Korea's joining the Quad, which contradicts the conventional understanding that progressives are not closer to the US. Meanwhile, conservative respondents both in South Korea and the US are pessimistic about the future coordination of the alliance as conservatives in South Korea prioritize North Korea's denuclearization, which might be in conflict with the US priority of countering China, while the conservatives in the US are concerned by South Korea's closer relationship with China. These results thereby necessitate the imperative of closer coordination to address pressing issues in the region but also a deeper investigation of the longer-lasting determinants of ideological differences in the two countries.

The Politics of EU towards Environmental Education and Sustainable Development

Although there are many ways to overcome environmental problems, the threat of climate change and resource depletion, which has become a global problem, forces countries to make common policies. However, some economic costs that occur at the same time prevent countries from adopting sustainable environmental policies. Therefore, this article, which emphasizes environmental education, includes examples of cooperation between countries on environmental protection and sustainable development.Environmental policies and development policies in the member states of the European Union are also among the subjects to be examined. In this way, the level of environmental policy in countries with different foreign policy priorities could be observed. The EU, which has rapidly developed its environmental policies with the effect of globalization, sets an example in this regard. Therefore, the research, it is aimed to discuss the place of environmental protection policies in the education system in European Union (EU) countries. It is seen that the current education system does not adequately focus on climate change. It has been determined that the environmental policies carried out to overcome the negative effects of environmental problems cannot be integrated into the education system or their sustainability cannot be ensured. If it is desired to have environmentally sensitive societies: It is important to improve the curriculum and analyze the international repercussions of climate challenges on education. Indeed, education is one of the most important stages of this informing process. In this article, “globalization” will also be discussed together with the EU's environmental policy and education system. Furthermore, it will be analyzed which subjects are included in the curriculum and what the differences are between European countries. There are three main titles in this study in which qualitative research method is preferred: “Introduction”, “The Effects of The Globalization on Environmental Problem”, “Environmental Education in EU and Sustainable Development”. As a result, in the light of the information obtained, it is seen that the effort to integrate the environmental policies of the European Union into the education system in economic, social, and political life dimensions continues. Considering the EU's 2030 and 2050 sustainable development goals; in addition to a sustainable environmental education policy, investments should be made in sustainable energy and sustainable urbanization policies.

Enlargement Of The European Union: Lessons From The Western Balkans

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine created a new momentum for the European Union to review its political and security strategy for the neighborhood. Its enlargement policy – which has become yet another divisive issue in Europe over the past years – is now forced back into the EU’s foreign policy priorities. With Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova officially requesting membership in the EU, deciding how to go about it has become an even greater challenge. Over the past 20 years, we have evidenced a failure of the EU to show results in the Western Balkans – both in terms of driving democratic reforms and the rule of law, as well as in delivering on its promises in the accession process. The war in Ukraine might be the EU’s last chance to reinvigorate its enlargement policy and reposition itself geopolitically in eastern and southeastern Europe.

УКРАЇНА НА ШЛЯХУ НОВОЇ ЗОВНІШНЬО-ПОЛІТИЧНОЇ СТРАТЕГІЇ: ЮРИДИЧНЕ ЗНАЧЕННЯ ТА ПЕРСПЕКТИВИ ВТІЛЕННЯ

In this scientific research we will try to highlight the main foreign law developments of the current head of state - Vladimir Zelensky. We pay special attention to the novelty of the Presidential Decree "On the decision of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine" of 30.07.2021 "On the Strategy of Foreign Policy of Ukraine". For the first time in recent years, attention has been paid to the foreign policy of the young republic towards the future. The main idea of this document is to establish Ukraine in the world as a strong and authoritative European state capable of providing favorable external conditions for sustainable development and realization of its economic potential and Ukrainian society, which in turn forms priorities of Ukraine's foreign policy, including independence and state sovereignty Ukraine, restoration of its territorial integrity, counteraction to Russian aggression. We note that this document expands the Law of Ukraine "On Principles of Domestic and Foreign Policy", as it contains several issues not foreseen by the last one - including external labor migration, public diplomacy to create a positive image of Ukraine abroad and economic diplomacy to expand foreign markets. Attention is also drawn to the introduction of a new term for the use of "soft power" through public diplomacy, which will help form a positive image of the state to establish new political ties, develop trade and economic partnerships, disseminate reliable information about Ukraine's development and achievements. It is noted about the exhaustion of Ukraine-EU relations and the need for their rethinking and updating of modern international legal norms and functions, considering the experience of Ukraine. Attention is also paid to the possibility of Ukraine entering new horizons of cooperation with countries in Africa and Asia. The legal significance and legality of signing this Decree are analyzed. It also should be noticed that this scientific research was written before the war in Ukraine.

SOURCES OF THREATS TO REGIONAL SECURITY IN CENTRAL ASIA AND MEASURES TO COMBAT THEM

The countries of the region are pursuing an active foreign policy on the path to peace and sustainable development in Central Asia. Making Central Asia a zone of peace and good neighborliness has also been identified as a priority of Uzbekistan's foreign policy. The relevance of this article is that in today's era of increasing sources of global threats, ensuring regional security in Central Asia has become one of the main tasks facing the countries of the region. Trade, economic, transport and transit-logistics, security and stability, equitable use of water resources, strengthening cultural and humanitarian ties, friendship and good neighborly relations between the peoples are being developed between the two countries.

Assessing al-Qaeda: A Debate

Twenty years after the 9/11 attacks, the current status and future of al-Qaeda is a central policy question, especially as the U.S. government looks to pivot away from counterterrorism toward managing great power competition. This article presents a debate on this issue between Daniel Byman and Asfandyar Mir. Mir argues that al-Qaeda remains a significant threat, committed to fighting the United States despite pressures to alter direction. The control of al-Qaeda central over its major regional affiliates remains strong, with steady growth in capability. It also retains important allies and has major opportunities due to the return of the Taliban in Afghanistan, the domestic political environment, changing priorities in the United States, and great power competition. Byman, in contrast, contends that al-Qaeda suffers debilitating organizational problems, with affiliates having localized and the movement lacking a haven remotely comparable to pre-9/11 Afghanistan. In addition, improved counterterrorism keeps al-Qaeda off balance. If al-Qaeda remains a major threat, counterterrorism must remain among the United States’ major national security priorities, even if it is not the top one, and robust counterterrorism measures need to be sustained. If al-Qaeda is weak, the importance of counterterrorism in the hierarchy of U.S. foreign policy priorities can fall substantially.

On the problem of criminal law protection of state symbols: Ukrainian and foreign experience

The article reveals the problem of Ukrainian and foreign state symbols criminal law protection considering domestic and world practice. The relevant norms of criminal laws of the Russian Empire, USSR and Poland, which were in force in the Ukrainian lands in the XIX-XX centuries, have been examined. An analysis of domestic judicial practice in criminal cases related to the abuse of state symbols has been done. It has been illustrated that Ukrainian law enforcement agencies do not always correctly determine the nature of this crime. That is due to the lack of constitutional laws enshrining the system of state symbols of Ukraine, as well as gaps in legal regulation, in particular in the aspect of criminal protection of the European Union flag as membership in this organization is a strategic foreign policy priority of Ukraine. Inter alia, the erroneous legal treatment of individuals’ actions during the protest which took place near the President’s Office on March 20, 2021 as an insult to the State Emblem has been emphasized. The authors also considered solutions of the problem within the framework of a particular legal system – in criminal law of the United States, Germany, France, Spain, Iceland, the United Arab Emirates, Uzbekistan, Japan and other countries. The scientific novelty of this investigation, among other things, is in the examination of both retrospective and prospects of legal responsibility for disrespect of the State language, which is necessary to establish according to the Constitutional Court’s decision on the validity of the Law of Ukraine “On ensuring the functioning of the Ukrainian language as the state language”. However, the authors are inclined to think that this issue should be regulated by administrative law, given the experience of some post-Soviet states. Proposals for amendments to the Criminal Code of Ukraine have been made.