Foreign Policy Attitudes Research Articles

Cambodia’s multifaceted foreign policy and agency in the making

Amidst the evolving multifaceted and decentralized world, weak state actors are compelled to regularly and robustly revisit and readjust their foreign policy policies to meet national interests. Although Cambodia has limited material resources and faces constant foreign intervention, it does not mean that Cambodia is not entirely without agency. Within the context of rising fluidity and multiplicity of the international system, weak states have certain strategic space to manoeuvre. Cambodia has been adjusting its foreign policy posture to adapt to and navigate the fast-changing geopolitical landscapes and trends to maintain its independence and strategic autonomy. By doing so, it can survive and thrive. The paper argues that Cambodia prioritizes its domestic agenda and interests, exercises a hedging strategy to mitigate risks, advances multilateralism and strengthens ASEAN-driven regional architecture.

Finding the water’s edge: when negative partisanship influences foreign policy attitudes

Finding the water’s edge: when negative partisanship influences foreign policy attitudes

What’s Fair in International Politics? Equity, Equality, and Foreign Policy Attitudes

How do concerns about fairness shape foreign policy preferences? In this article, we show that fairness has two faces—one concerning equity, the other concerning equality—and that taking both into account can shed light on the structure of important foreign policy debates. Fielding an original survey on a national sample of Americans, we show that different types of Americans think about fairness in different ways, and that these fairness concerns shape foreign policy preferences: individuals who emphasize equity are far more sensitive to concerns about burden sharing, are far less likely to support US involvement abroad when other countries aren’t paying their fair share, and often support systematically different foreign policies than individuals who emphasize equality. As long as IR scholars focus only on the equality dimension of fairness, we miss much about how fairness concerns matter in world politics.

7 - Understanding Shifts in Nigeria’s Trade Policy: From Realism to Protectionism


 
 
 The reluctance of Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy, to sign two major international trade liberalisation agreements in 2018 shocked many local and international observers. However, these trade policy postures were not unexpected. Undiscerned by many analysts, many subtle changes had happened to Nigeria’s international co-operation architecture and foreign economic policy in a seemingly incoherent manner. In addition, the premise for expecting Nigeria to automatically consent to both agreements was faulty for two main reasons. First, the pretext of connectivity and market access as the underlying rationale for both agreements was allegedly hinged on the fallacy of composition, with the assumption that the whole was greater than the sum of its parts. This pretext was increasingly questioned by the influential, organised private sector in Nigeria, which had shifted from the altruistic foreign policy tenets of the 1970s to insulation from negative externalities of trade. Second, Nigeria’s trade posture was erroneously considered separately from its foreign economic policy posture, which was increasingly hinged on beneficial concentricism and regaining internal capabilities. In this new dispensation, with a focus on strategic trade policy underpinned by economic pragmatism, understanding shifts in the domestic balance of power is critical to predicting Nigeria’s trade policy responses.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Folarin Alayande, Department of Economics and Development Studies, Covenant University, Nigeria Email: falayande@yahoo.com
 
 

Consistency and inconsistency in the foreign policy of the Republic of South Africa towards Israel

AbstractThe subject of South Africa‐Israel relations has always been a considerable scholarly topic that is amongst the ongoing academic and policy makers' debates. This is because of the uncertainties and confusion that exists in South Africa's foreign policy stance on Israel in the contemporary period. In this secondary data‐based research article, the author analyses the historical relations between South Africa and Israel with Palestine in question. The central aim is to analyse the consistencies and inconsistencies historically and contemporarily shown by South Africa's foreign policy towards Israel. The article looked at the pre‐and post‐apartheid governments' foreign policy positions. The author argued that there is no gainsaying that South Africa had good relations with Israel during apartheid. These relations only became unstable when South Africa adopted democracy, but scholars still observe a lot of uncertainties on South Africa's Israeli foreign policy stance, particularly in the context of Palestine in question. This is especially in economic and political links which still exist between the two countries. Afrocentricity as a theoretical lens has been adopted. The results show that whilst the pre‐democratic apartheid government enjoyed good relations with Israel; the new democratic government has continuously had unstable relations with Israel. The article concluded that whilst the African National Congress (ANC) government is policy conflicted on relations with Israel; it though enjoys economic engagement with their so‐called internationally condemned apartheid Israel. The initial recommendation made was that the new democratic ANC government should make a firm policy stance on Israel to clear any policy confusion.

Foreign economic policy in the European Parliament and economic interdependence with foreign powers

What is the role of economic interdependence with foreign powers when legislators vote on foreign policies? Foreign aid and trade are among the European Union’s most important foreign policy instruments, over which the European Parliament has veto power. Yet, few studies address foreign economic policy voting in European Parliament scholarship. This study presents a new theoretical model about economic interdependence and foreign policy positioning in the European Parliament. I argue that economic interdependence with major foreign powers is associated with legislators’ foreign policy positions. Analysing European Parliament votes concerning aid and trade with Ukraine, I show a statistical association between Members of the European Parliaments with high levels of Russian Foreign Direct Investment in their electoral districts and voting against aid and trade with Ukraine (supporting the pro-Russian policy). These findings offer new insights on Members of the European Parliaments’ position-taking in foreign economic policy decisions that have global economic and political ramifications.

The ‘ultimate insurance’ or an ‘irrelevance’ for national security needs? Partisanship, foreign policy attitudes, and the gender gap in British public opinion towards nuclear weapons

AbstractOnly two European countries – France and the UK, both NATO members – have nuclear weapons, and leading politicians have called for the UK and EU to maintain close military and security links post-Brexit. In the context of the Trident renewal debate and the UK government's recently published integrated defence and security review, this article uses data from the new UK Security Survey to analyse attitudes towards the possession of nuclear weapons among the British public. It assesses three key theorical strands in the wider scholarly literature on public opinion and states’ use of military force: domestic political attitudes, foreign policy predispositions, and the ‘gender gap’. We find that all three theoretical perspectives contribute to the underpinnings of contemporary public opinion towards nuclear weapons. Support for the retention of Britain's nuclear deterrent is associated with being a Conservative Party supporter, favouring Brexit, endorsing superior military power worldwide as an important foreign policy goal, wanting to protect the transatlantic relationship, and with being male. The article makes a distinctive contribution to the growing subfield of research on public opinion and foreign policy, while the findings advance wider empirical understanding of contemporary citizen engagement in a key dimension of security policy.

A Critical Review of South Africa’s Foreign Policy in Promoting Continental Integration

Abstract Since 1994, South Africa has demonstrated a strong commitment to promote the interests of Africa and in being the “voice” of the continent. Through its foreign policy posture, South Africa has played a pivotal role in the African continent and the world over. After gaining its independence, South Africa had to promote a strategy of Africans speaking with one voice while still building coalitions amongst themselves. This paper examines South Africa’s approach to global issues on addressing the challenges of underdevelopment, the restructured global division of labour, the increasing iniquitous distribution of global wealth, global poverty, the growing power of trans-nationals and the implications for progressive governance and administration. The paper seeks to discuss South Africa’s foreign policy position on globalization in the era of neoliberalism. This paper uses the critical theory to report on the comprehensive scholarly literature review on the role of South Africa’s foreign policy on continental integration. The results show that South Africa needs to position itself in a new international economic paradigm that incorporates both democratic governance and an accountable and responsible market place beyond the anti-globalization stance. Furthermore, South Africa has attempted to cut the powers of colonizers in Africa, particularly the new powers whose motives fail to promote the African agenda. The paper concludes that South Africa’s policies and actions since 1994 have significantly helped the country to enhance its benefits for its population, while domestic challenges and weaknesses in its conduct have at times had a weakening effect on its endeavour to promote continental integration.

Russia and the peculiarities of settling international conflicts in the XXI century

Being one of the world's leading powers the Russian Federation is the “constructor” of the modern world order, as well as the beneficiary of the modern system of international relations; therefore, peacekeeping holds the key position in foreign policy of the Russian Federation. Russia's contribution to the development of peacekeeping activity and settlement of military conflicts not only designates the role of the Russian Federation in international relations, but also characterizes the capability of the entire international system to face against military conflicts. This substantiates the relevance of studying the degree of participation of the Russian Federation in peacekeeping operations and settling military conflicts. Comprehensive analysis is conducted on the actions of the Russian Federation aimed at settling military conflicts. The conclusion is made that the Russian Federation can be engaged in settling military conflicts using traditional combat operations in most escalated part of the conflict. The capabilities and restrictions of the state form the role of the Russian Federation in settling military conflicts as traditional powerful, which in fact does not allow acting autonomously to the exclusion of other states or as a part of coalition to avoid severe diplomatic and reputational losses. Such narrow focus is justified by the current state of affairs and is not a constant at all times. For more active and full participation of the Russian Federation in settling international conflicts, it is feasible to develop the soft power components of peacekeeping activity, as well as evade the attempts of conduct peacekeeping operations outside of large intergovernmental coalitions.

“Rebellious Parliament”: period of the “policy of reservations” in Denmark-NATO Relations (1982-1988)

The object of this research is the foreign policy of Denmark in the 1980s. The subject of this research on the one hand is the ideological foundations of Denmark's foreign policy during this period, which were strongly affected by the ideas of European social democracy, and on the other hand – the influence of the Danish Parliament (Folketing) upon the formation of Denmark’s official position on the issues of European security discussed within the framework of NATO. Denmark’s refutation of neutrality after the World War II and its entry into NATO in many ways determined the foreign policy position of Denmark throughout the Cold War as a small European state that perceived the Soviet Union as a threat to national security. At the same time, the desire of Denmark of maintain maximum flexibility and avoid making far-reaching commitments within the framework of NATO, led to the fact that Denmark was often perceived as an unreliable and inconvenient ally. The period from 1982 to 1988 indicates the Atlantic dissidence of Denmark and simultaneous improvement of relations with the Soviet Union), when Denmark’s representatives in the NATO sessions, being obliged to take into account the position of the parliamentary majority in the Folketing, were forced to make reservations to the final documents of the sessions, expressing disagreement or criticism of implemented measures. Among the Russian scholars dealing with the history of Denmark, this period has not yet received wide coverage. This article is an attempt to describe and explain the causes and consequences of the period of the “policy of reservations” for Denmark’s foreign policy in the context of the end of Cold War and in the conditions of transition towards the post-bipolar system of international relations.

Russian State Policy for the Development of the Far East at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century

The proposals of the authorities on the development of the Far East at the beginning of the 20th century are considered. The relevance of studying the past experience in the development of this region is due to the increased attention of the authorities to the introduction of large-scale programs to strengthen the eastern borders of the state. The authors note the increased scientific interest in the study of the history of the Far East development at the beginning of the 20th century. An analysis of government actions in the Amur region during this period allowed the authors to determine their relationship with the foreign policy position of the empire in the Far East. It was determined that the formation of the Committee for the Settlement of the Far East was aimed at consolidating the actions of the central and provincial authorities. The authors note that at the stage of preliminary coordination of the directions of the Committee’s activities, the members of the government did not have a holistic idea of the regional development strategy. A comparative analysis revealed that the proposals of the central and regional authorities did not have any fundamental differences. The pragmatism of the proposals of local governors was noted. The authors come to the conclusion that the creation of the Committee for the Settlement of the Far East and the organization of the Amur expedition were undertaken under the influence of an external threat and aimed at strengthening the military-industrial potential of the region. The authors note that the administrative and economic development of the region was not a priority for the central authorities.

Digital diplomacy — diplomacy of the future

This article examines the challenges and threats faced by Russian diplomacy in the modern world, in the context of new global changes (the COVID-19 pandemic, the global financial, economic and energy crisis, attempts to reformat the existing system of international relations). Diplomacy is being radically transformed before our eyes. In the face of new challenges, its structure and methods are changing, and new directions are emerging. Our modern world is filled with names — humanitarian, digital, scientific, integration, cultural, public, sports diplomacy. At the same time, it is not certain that the essential content of diplomacy — the construction of relations and their management — will be carried out without direct personal contact. Interpersonal contact has always been the foundation of diplomacy. The authors present proposals for the formation of Russia's foreign policy position in relation to the most important problems of modern development through the prism of positioning our country as an independent center of power. The article analyzes new opportunities and technologies for use by the diplomatic departments of various states in the course of carrying out current activities in the field of international relations. It is impossible to imagine the life of any modern society without social networks - a structure based on the contacts of individuals with each other, the exchange of various information, the discussion of pressing issues. For a modern person, the use of a social network is quite a familiar phenomenon, and for diplomats it is not so much a form of communication with thousands of strangers, as an understanding of what is happening in their country of residence, how citizens react to the decisions and actions of the foreign ministry, a free ideological space that can be used as a means of influencing public opinion, creating a positive image of their country abroad. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, the use of the Internet and social networks has increased significantly (online work, study, conferences, meetings, entertainment, etc.).

ГРАВИТАЦИОННОЕ РАВЕНСТВО КАК БАЗИС АЛГОРИТМА ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОГО РАЗВИТИЯ ГОСУДАРСТВА В УСЛОВИЯХ ПОСТРОЕНИЯ НЕЗАВИСИМОЙ СБАЛАНСИРОВАННОЙ ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ

This article presents an algorithm of economic development of state, focused on finding the optimal direction of foreign economic activity in the context of ensuring economic security of region. The developed mechanism makes it possible to take into account the gravitational affiliation of states on the basis of the created integral indicator of the strength of economic gravity. Based on a theoretical assessment of the variability of the paths of economic development, a conclusion is made about the effectiveness of bilateralism in the context of global economic instability. In the process of building macroeconomic policy, the state assesses the bilateral and multilateral aspects of economic activity. The multifactorial nature of economic activity forms the multitasking of country's economic development. Accordingly, solving economic problems requires a systematic approach. The main stages of the algorithm for choosing the path of economic development of the state: 1. Choosing a direction of economy optimization. 2. Assessment of the foreign policy position of the state, on the basis of which the choice of bilateral or international path is made. 3. Evaluation of bilateral optimization in accordance with the state of the economy. Bilateral optimization is carried out depending on the economic gravity of states, which determines the type of interaction of elements. When assessing the current level of bilateral economic relations and the formation of prospects for cooperation, it is necessary to use the index of economic gravity of countries, which takes into account a level of trade gravity of countries, an indicator of distance dependence between countries, a measure of political calm and an indicator of monetary and financial proximity of countries. The developed mechanism of economic actions of the state provides for the existence of an economic and political choice of the vector of economic development, taking into account the state national strategy. Reflecting systemic inversely proportional relationship between the rate of economic growth and country's economic sovereignty, the algorithm is focused on overcoming systemic interstate imbalances in the world economy.

Turkey’s Islamic Public Diplomacy in the Post-Davutoğlu Era: Neo-Ottomanism, Humanitarianism and the Legitimation of Hamas after the Arab Spring

Summary What are the public diplomacy strategies for legitimising a pro-Islamist foreign policy? This research unveils how Turkey, which has been a vocal supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates across the Middle East since the Arab Spring, draws on pan-Islamic soft power, neo-Ottoman myth-making and public diplomacy strategies embedded in the precepts of the strategic depth doctrine to rationalise its pro-Hamas foreign policy position under the Justice and Development Party (AKP). By employing critical discourse analysis to the political speeches delivered by the Turkish government officials in domestic and international fora, this article suggests that Turkey has sought to legitimise its pro-Islamist foreign policy and subvert the terrorist designation of Hamas internationally through the humanitarian, Islamic and neo-Ottoman framings of the Palestinian issue. It is argued that Turkey’s public diplomacy of Hamas constitutes part and parcel of the AKP’s grand strategy to project Islamic soft power.

Examining the foreign policy attitudes in Moldova.

This paper aims to examine the correlates of foreign policy attitudes in Moldova by a multilevel analysis, and to also reveal some characteristics of the Moldova's difficult geopolitical and economic context, such as the ethnical conflicts and poverty. A set of four foreign policy attitudes are explained upon individual- and regional level socio-economic and demographic correlates, of which poverty is the main focus, being represented here by several objective, subjective, uni- and multidimensional indicators. An indicator of deprivation is derived from a group of poverty indicators by the method Item Response Theory. Deprivation, subjective poverty, ethnicity and the Russian media influence are found to be associated with negative attitudes toward all foreign policies, while satisfaction with economic conditions in the country and a positive attitude toward refugees are both associated with positive attitudes toward all foreign policies.

Human or not? Political rhetoric and foreign policy attitudes

AbstractWhen the United States intervenes in foreign countries, the lives of both foreign combatants and foreign civilians are put at risk. I examine two rhetorical strategies, the use of sanitized and dehumanizing language that can influence the public's support of foreign intervention. In the context of foreign policy, sanitized language operates by obscuring casualties of war, while dehumanizing language operates by devaluing the lives of groups of individuals. Drawing on data from two experiments, I find that sanitized language operates through creating less of an emotional reaction toward casualties of war, which causes individuals to adopt more hawkish foreign policy attitudes. I find that dehumanizing language also leads to more hawkish foreign policy attitudes, but, contrary to expectations, does not lead to increased disgust or anger toward dehumanized groups.

Ritual, Law, and Faction at the Early Stuart Court: Chapman’s Memorable Maske and the Palatine Wedding

The court wedding festivities for the marriage of Frederick, the Elector Palatine, and Princess Elizabeth Stuart in 1613 included the performance of ‘Memorable Masque’ by George Chapman. Chapman’s masque provides a window into the factional ideological conflicts of the early Jacobean court and particularly the contested nature of James’s ‘absolute’ authority in relation to the law. While Chapman’s presentation superficially appeared to support the King’s assertion that royal authority is above the law, the pliability of the masque form allowed for him to endorse a militant foreign policy position at odds with the King’s and even more subtly critique James’s absolutist view of royal authority. More broadly, this performance demonstrates some of the ways court ceremonial and festive occasions could be manipulated for political and ideological purposes.

Связь этики автономии, этики сообщества и национализма с внешнеполитическими установками россиян

Objectives. The aim was to study the association between moral foundations and Russians’ foreign policy attitudes. Background. There is a growing interest in the factors that determine attitudes towards other peoples and countries, but the foreign policy attitudes of citizens that determine their support of the respective state’s foreign policy remain insufficiently researched. This study examines the foreign policy attitudes in the context of the Moral foundations theory. We assume that militant internationalism is related to binding moral foundations (“Loyalty”, “Respect”, “Purity”) and nationalism, while cooperative internationalism probably is based on the individualizing moral foundations (“Care” and “Justice”). Study design. Correlation design was used, followed by structural linear modeling and analysis of mediation effects. Participants. 214 university students (average age 25.18, 20% men). Measurements. A blank survey was conducted using Moral Foundations Questionnaire by J. Graham et al., the questionnaire developed on the basis of Foreign Policy Attitudes Scales by T. Gravelle et al., and Civil Identity Scale from the International Social Survey. Results. The results of structural equation modeling have confirmed the indirect relation between binding moral foundations and militant internationalism mediated by the nationalism and the direct association between cooperative internationalism and individualizing moral foundations. We also revealed that individualizing moral foundations were inversely associated to nationalism and the related militant internationalism. Conclusions. Russians’ foreign policy attitudes are related with the characteristics of the moral sphere and nationalism: Binding moral foundations indirectly (through nationalism) support militant internationalism, while individualizing moral foundations support cooperative internationalism.

Франция в эпоху глобальных трансформаций

Since joining the current stage of globalization, France has changed considerably. Shifts occurred in all spheres of society, but they were not synchronous. The most dynamic area – the economy-was the fastest to «react» to France's entry into the global economy. In the social sphere, the changes were slower than in the economy, but they were very profound: they affected the working class, employees, and the middle classes, which were numerically reduced and fragmented. In the mid-1990 s, France's foreign policy began to adapt to the new world order that emerged as a result of the collapse of the USSR. This forced the French political class to reconsider its foreign policy attitudes and «to make lower its ambitions». By the second decade of the twenty-first century, the political landscape of the country had changed: traditional parties had collapsed, and radical populist parties and movements («Unconquered France» of J.-L. Melenchon and «National Union» of M. Le Pen) had become stronger on the left and right flanks. Against the background of these large-scale changes, social protest movements have emerged and intensified in France; the split between society and the elites has acquired unprecedented proportions. To these trends and phenomena, the coronavirus pandemic has been added, which poses a huge number of problems for the country's authorities to solve.

Combat Experience and Foreign Policy Attitudes: Evidence from World War II

How does combat exposure affect political attitudes? In the realm of foreign policy, some scholars view violence as promoting belligerence, while others argue military experience fosters caution and restraint. We adjudicate this debate using archival military surveys fielded by the US War Department during World War II. Drawing on a large, representative sample of active-duty, enlisted US soldiers in 1945, we assess the consequences of combat. We find that combat reduces support for an active US role in world affairs, Marshall Plan aid, and the formation of the United Nations, and increases support for a punitive peace imposed on Axis powers. We find no evidence that combat veterans hold more negative views of the enemy in general. Overall, this study offers micro-level evidence for existing theories about how combat experience fosters conservatism about foreign policy in general, but hardens attitudes in support of military action to preserve hard-won victories.