Foreign Policy Officials Research Articles

Can a feminist foreign policy be undone? Reflections from Sweden

Abstract In 2022, Sweden retracted its feminist foreign policy (FFP). What are the consequences for Swedish foreign policy and for FFPs elsewhere? We published an extensive report on the Swedish FFP in 2023, based on a survey that went out to all Swedish diplomats, interviews with more than 30 key foreign policy officials, and hundreds of steering documents from the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The article draws out new insights from the report. The retraction is likely to result in a deprioritization of gender equality in Swedish foreign policy. Sweden will likely lose its international leadership role on gender issues. However, FFPs may be more resilient than anticipated because of how foreign policy is governed. Governments that wish to retract FFPs are constrained by three key governance features: First, international agreements and soft law on women's rights place demands on policy content. Second, the decentralized nature of foreign policy implementation allows considerable autonomy on the ground, so that implementors may continue to work with gender equality. Third, longstanding international expectations for Sweden as a gender equality champion create a role-based constraint. These factors contribute to the ‘stickiness’ of FFPs, suggesting that a retraction is unlikely to result in a wholesale abandonment of gender equality activities. The article also examines the enduring legacy of the Swedish FFP beyond its formal retraction, highlighting adoption of FFPs by a growing number of states in different parts of the world.

Diplomatic activities of M.M. Litvinov in the USA during the Great Patriotic War (1941–1943)

The Great Patriotic War is one of the highlights in the history of Soviet-American cooperation. The USSR and the United States managed to overcome the inertia of mutual mistrust that persisted throughout most of the interwarperiod, taking together the lead in the fight against the Axis powers. However, rapprochement between the two future superpowers was neither plain nor swift; rather was it constantly hampered by mutual suspicion, aggravated by differences in their political cultures. Under these conditions, the fate of their alliance depended on the willingness of the ‘Big Three’ leaders to respect each other’s interest and concerns, as well as on the personal initiative and determination of individual politicians and diplomats. In this regard, the figure of M.M. Litvinov, appointed ambassador of the USSR to the United States at the most alarming and dangerous moment of the Great Patriotic War, deserves particular attention. Having played a major role in the Soviet-American cooperation in 1941–1943, M.M. Litvinov has been then forgotten for many years in both Soviet and Russian historiography. On the basis of new archive materials, the authors reexamine the activities of M.M. Litvinov as an ambassador to the United States and the specifics of his relationship with J.V. Stalin and V.M. Molotov during the period under review. The first section covers the initial steps of M.M. Litvinov in his new position. Special attention is paid to his efforts aimed at clarifying the Soviet position on the most sensitive issues of bilateral relations and establishing contacts with various groups of the American political, economic and intellectual elites. The second section analyzes M.M. Litvinov’s activities in the context of increasing contradictions between the Allies with regard to the opening of the second front and disruption of supplies under lend-lease. The authors show that M.M. Litvinov used all the diplomatic tools available to defend the interests of the USSR, instantly reacting to any changes in the moods of the U.S. military and political establishment and immediately reporting them to Moscow. In this context, the authors question the widespread claims in historiography about the ambassador’s excessive independence and willfulness. On the contrary, M.M. Litvinov can be said to have consistently adhered to the official foreign policy line of the Soviet leadership in both his speeches and practical steps. This indicates the need for further study of the M.M. Litvinov’s figure in order to avoid oversimplified, cliched assessments of this personality.

The Janus Face of Polish Cultural Diplomacy in Paris during the Khrushchev Thaw

The Khrushchev Thaw allowed Poland a slightly larger margin of freedom in its cultural exchange with Western Europe than it had since the end of the Second World War. In this newly relaxed political climate, two models of Polish cultural diplomacy emerged in the West. The first constituted the official foreign policy of Poland’s communist authorities, while the other remained unofficial, relying on a network of contacts with Poland’s government-in-exile. An examination of contemporary Polish art exhibited in Paris during the 1950s and 1960s reveals this dichotomy. The first type of cultural patronage was coordinated in Paris by communist representatives of the Polish Embassy. The second emerged in Paris within Polish political émigré circles. Its key proponents were the Literary Institute (Instytut Literacki), including the intellectual and artistic milieu of the monthly journal Kultura (“Polish-based Culture”) and the Lambert Gallery (Galeria Lambert). State foreign policy, funded by the state budget and anchored in agreements between Poland and France on cultural cooperation determined the former, while the latter constituted an oppositional stance against the Eastern Bloc, deriving its strength from the resolve of Polish political émigré circles, their extensive network of sympathetic foreign contacts, and an understanding of the mechanics of the art market. The communist model sought to build a friendly image of Polish culture despite the apparent ideological rift between Eastern and Western Europe. The émigré approach stemmed from a refusal to accept the political division of Europe and involved searching the world of art for evidence of forces in Poland that opposed the political status quo. Finally, the patronage model adopted by communist authorities followed the state-imposed policy of favoring figurative art over Polish abstract art, whereas the model championed by émigré circles pursued the opposite strategy. It showcased unrestrained, spontaneous, and mostly abstract art. It evidenced an affinity for international trends in the art of the time, including abstract expressionism and, in particular, Parisian Art Informel. How can these two strands of cultural diplomacy co-exist? Which resonated more with international audiences?

Balancing between Russia and the West: the hard security choice of Armenia

ABSTRACT Armenia’s official foreign policy of complementarism aims to sustain national security and development by balancing strategic and friendly relations with Russia, while also engaging in multilevel political, economic and cultural interactions with the EU and the USA. However, after the 2020 Karabakh War and amidst the increasing confrontation between the West and Russia, complementarism faced unprecedented challenges. To investigate whether Armenian elites still adhere to the line of complementarism and to determine whether they reflect or contradict public perceptions of foreign policy, we gathered novel sociological data on foreign policy preferences in Armenian society through a nationwide survey, outlining changes and continuities in their perceptions over the past ten years. Our study reveals that Armenian elites have started to modify complementarism as they began to doubt Russia’s role in Armenian foreign policy, particularly in the context of the European neighbourhood. Armenian society’s trust in Russia has consistently declined, despite Moscow still being ranked as the main strategic ally in public perceptions. The misbalancing of complementarism by Armenian elites not only challenges Russia’s role in Armenian security and public opinion but also offers no viable alternative for the security of Armenia and the Armenian population in Karabakh.

Parliamentarians and Normative Power Diffusion

Abstract Are parliamentarians involved in normative power diffusion? This case study of Japanese parliamentarians’ international activities shows how they engage in international norm diffusion at interparliamentary meetings in a way that multiplies the normative power efforts of Japan’s government. While parliamentarians are neither official foreign policy actors nor diplomats, they actively promote topics that support Japan’s normative power interests and employ mechanisms identified for normative power diffusion. Thus, parliamentarians become multipliers of Japan’s normative power efforts and have the ability to reach legislators in Japan’s key partner countries. This paper argues that, when abroad, Japanese legislators adopt the identity of an international representative of Japan, who supports promoting Japan’s interests in various areas, such as climate change, overseas agricultural investments, or regional financial stability.

Introduction: resilient states versus resilient societies? Whose security does the EU protect through the Eastern Partnership in times of geopolitical crises?

ABSTRACT The European Union (EU) is making strong inroads into areas of security traditionally reserved to states. Security concerns are increasingly triggered by fundamental challenges, such as terrorism, climate change, migration, and many other ‘soft security issues’. Resilience has become a term of reference in the EU’s official foreign policy discourse, triggering an associated ‘resilience. Our contribution aims to analyse the ‘many faces of resilience’ in the EU’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) in relation to how the EU understands and seeks to enhance European security, mapping the different meanings the terms assume in the EU’s discourses and policy practices, and how they are related to one another. The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has largely been viewed as an extraordinary resilience test for the EU and has brought back fundamental concerns on European security, including ‘hard’ military security issues. This has in turn raised questions not only on how the EU can ensure the resilience of its eastern partners and of itself, but also on the EU’s role in a rapidly changing global context of polarisation and fragmentation. In light of these challenges, the contributions to this special issue have only increased in relevance, pointing to pathways and opportunities for how the EU may reconcile the contradictory demands of fostering security and resilience for states and societies alike.

Ford’s Scholarships in Yugoslavia During the Cold War: Exposure to Western Ideology and Culture

ABSTRACT This research paper analyzes the activities of the Ford Philanthropic Foundation in Yugoslavia during the Cold War with a special emphasis on Ford’s Education Programme through which a significant number of Yugoslavs had the opportunity to study and work in the United States. Using the Ford Foundation archives, this research reveals the foundation’s intentions to expose influential individuals from Yugoslavia to Western ideology and culture with the goal of suppressing communist ideology at the beginning of the Cold War. With enormous financial resources and reputation among the Yugoslav population and leadership, the Ford Foundation during its ten years of intense activity in the country (1959–1969) was completely subordinated to the official foreign policy of Washington, which was based on support for an independent Yugoslavia within the communist bloc. Ford’s operational activities reduced the stereotypes of Yugoslavs about the United States and greatly contributed to the cultural rapprochement of the two countries.

РОСІЙСЬКА АГРЕСІЯ ПРОТИ УКРАЇНИ ВІД 2014 РОКУ ДОНИНІ: ПОЗИЦІЯ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ДИПЛОМАТІЇ

This article is devoted to the modern Russian-Ukrainian war, which began in February 2014 and is still ongoing. In this context, attention is drawn to the informational and explanatory efforts of Ukrainian diplomacy, primarily the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. The official foreign policy position of the state of Ukraine regarding the prerequisites, causes, course and consequences of Russian aggression is investigated. Mainly, the substantive activity of Ukrainian diplomacy is highlighted – the provisions, arguments, and evidence that formed the basis of the powerful support of Ukraine (as a victim of Russian aggression) by leading states and intergovernmental organizations. In order to achieve this main goal of his research, the author carefully analyzed the official portal of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. The specified ministry objectively classified Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine as a pre-planned military operation that began on February 20, 2014, with the seizure of the Crimean peninsula. Ukrainian diplomats are rightly convinced that Russia’s modern war against Ukraine is a civilizational conflict – a struggle against Russian neo-colonialism. The most important current goals of Ukraine include the liberation of the occupied territories, restoration of its territorial integrity, including the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. In addition, Russia must pay compensation for the destruction caused to Ukraine, and Russian war criminals must be properly punished. At the same time, Ukraine deserves effective international legal guarantees of its security and full membership in the European and Euro-Atlantic unions. In general, informational and educational efforts remain a priority area of activity of Ukrainian diplomacy in the conditions of Russian aggression against Ukraine.

Foreign Policy Doctrines of Islamist Organisations in Pakistan (Late 1940s – Early 1970s) within the Context of Islamic Perception of International Law

The article analyses the specifics of how Pakistani Islamists define the guidelines and aims of State’s foreign policy. It is during the initial period of Pakistan’s existence, scrutinized by the authors, that the basis for this vision was laid: at that time the Islamists were urged to form their own perception of Pakistan’s role and position in the world, as well as to transmit their attitude towards the official foreign policy of the Pakistani government. Since both these tasks were being accomplished in consonance with Islamic norms, the current study involves a general review of respective doctrines and demonstrates how they were interpreted within the Pakistani context. The article also provides evidence that at this stage there came into existence specific factors within Pakistan which influenced the Islamists’ worldview – including the matters of foreign policy. The main factors of this kind, laid out in the article, are the following: firstly, the attitude of the State government towards the Islamists and the level of their access to power; secondly, the place of “Islamic theme” within the foreign policy promoted by the State. Created as a Muslim state, Pakistan from the very beginning faced the need to define the role of Islam in policymaking – the task that considerably affected both domestic and foreign policy, complicating inter-State relations. Detailed study of the established points determines under which circumstances Pakistani Islamists developed their views of foreign policy and to what extent these views came in harmony with dogmatic Islamic perception of International Law.

Military Strategy and Military Presence of the PRC in Africa: a Comparative Historical Analysis

The article is devoted to the comparative historical analysis of the military component in China’s foreign policy in Africa. A brief historical sketch of China’s African policy after the end of the World War II helps to understand the roots of the impressive strengthening of its political and economic influence on the African continent between 2000 and 2020. Special attention in paid to the causes of political instability in many African countries, the military and political role of the United States on the Black Continent, UN peacekeeping activities and the participation of the Chinese military troops in special operations of this international organization. The authors conclude that there is a gradual evolution of the interpretation of the concept of responsible power , which holds a prominent place in the official foreign policy doctrine of the PRC. The article explores the genesis of this concept during the reign of the three Chairmen of the PRC Jiang Zemin (1993-2003), Hu Jintao (2003-2013) and Xi Jinping (after 2013), and discusses the stages of the formation of Chinese political-military doctrine, which is detailed in White papers of the Chinese State Council (2015, 2019, 2020). The article analyses the implementation of the military-political doctrine of the PRC in Africa, the creation of the first foreign multifunctional military base of the PRC in the Republic of Djibouti, and the transition of China from a bilateral model of relations with African countries to block diplomacy in the context of ensuring the collective security of participants in political associations.

Japan’s South Caucasian diplomacy: the development of Japanese foreign policy towards Georgia

The paper examines Japan’s foreign policy towards the South Caucasus through the case study of Japanese engagement in Georgia. The goal of the study is to explore the formulation of Japan’s official foreign policy towards Georgia and to highlight the ideational factors influencing the process. As for the timeframe, the thesis is focused on the period from 1992 to 2016. Following the constructivist theory of International Relations, claiming the reality to be shaped by the perceptions of the actors, the study engages in documentary analysis and tries to provide a comprehensive understanding of Japan’s policymaking regarding the South Caucasus. The study contradicts the dominant positivist claims and argues that Japan’s official foreign policy discourse regarding the South Caucasus is constructed according to Japanese perceptions of world affairs, its domestic environment, the situation in the South Caucasus itself, the imagined role for Japan (identity), and the norms and values that were believed to have universal importance. As for the development of Japanese foreign policy towards Georgia, the author differentiates three stages in the construction of Japan’s approach: (1) No strategy (1992–1996); (2) “Eurasian Diplomacy” (1997–2005); and (3) “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity” (2006–2016), while the factors claimed to be influencing these dynamics are the ideas, beliefs, and values of Japan.

Canada, the United Nations, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

ABSTRACT Canada's official foreign policy regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has long reflected a continued commitment to protecting both Israel's right to exist in security, as well as Palestinian rights and aspirations for self-determination. Despite a fairly consistent official foreign policy that seeks to balance both Israeli and Palestinian rights and interests, Canada's voting behavior at the United Nations has undergone significant modifications in the decades following the passing of Resolution 181, which called for the partition the British Mandate of Palestine into an Arab state and a Jewish state. This paper analyzes the contributing factors that have influenced Canada's voting at the UN on issues related to the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. These factors include Canada's international reputation, domestic pressures, and strategic partnerships with both the United States and European allies.

Impact of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime on Japan’s Non-Nuclear Policy, 1965-1976

ABSTRACT The mid-1960s to the mid-1970s were watershed years during which Japan made crucial decisions about its non-nuclear policies by interacting with the emerging nuclear non-proliferation regime. The decision to join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty [NPT] generated tense debates amongst elite foreign policy officials, politicians, and the nuclear industry. This analysis explores their relationships and examines why Japan honoured its commitment to the non-proliferation regime. Following a micro-level analysis of archival evidence, in the face of uncertainty and disagreement regarding adherence to nuclear non-proliferation rules and norms, Japanese concerns over diplomacy and the domestic economy became key considerations in Tokyo’s decision-making process around its non-nuclear policy until ratification of the NPT in 1976. Although focusing solely on Japan, this examination’s findings may provide insight into other nations’ non-nuclear policies based on economic and political, rather than military or security, incentives and suggests scope for further research in the field of nuclear non-proliferation.

Contextualizing Russia and South Asia Relations through Putin’s Look East Policy

Since donning the mantle of authority, President Putin has taken actions which have uninhibitedly been geared at reasserting Russia’s hegemony around the world. Putin’s Look East policy stems from his schematic geopolitics, a plan which was formally announced in 2010. Through the prism of Putin’s Look East policy, the paper contextually analyses Russia–South Asia relations, with reference to India and Pakistan. By cross-examining Russia’s official foreign policy documents, the paper establishes why South Asia is paramount to Russia’s economic and geostrategic reassertion. Every new policy has its challenges, and the same holds true for the Look East policy vis-à-vis South Asia. Premised on the unfolding geopolitics in the region, the paper surmises that striking a balance between New Delhi and Islamabad will be problematic for Moscow, just as it has always been for Washington.

Islamic Identity and Foreign Policy Discourse: Indonesia’s Responses to the US War in Afghanistan (2001-2002)

Observers of Indonesia’s foreign policy commonly argue that while the state needs to include domestic Muslim interests in its foreign policy formulation, foreign policy officials have rarely considered Islam in their policy choices, with a dual-identity predicament constraining such a move. This article challenges this argument by demonstrating that foreign policy leaders have begun referring to Islamic identity and norms when justifying Indonesia’s foreign policy choices. By discussing Indonesia’s foreign policy responses to the United States’ war in Afghanistan in 2001, this paper elucidates the way in which Indonesia’s foreign policy leaders have constructed Islam as an “inclusive civilizational” identity in their foreign policy discourse, legitimizing their alliance with the global war on terrorism amid staunch domestic Muslim opposition to the war. They managed to turn identity constraint into opportunity by framing their policies within the context of “inclusive” and “integrative” Islamic values and norms.

Российская мусульманская община в мировой умме

The article explores the current place and role of the Russian Muslim community in the global Islamic Ummah. The evolution of the community’s relations with Islamic countries in the post-Soviet era, along with the growing interest shown to it by Muslims worldwide, is studied. Perception of current events in the Middle East by Muslims in Russia, as well as their participation in these events, is analyzed. Here it is important to mention their presence and activity in the ranks of the Islamic State. According to some information, the number of mudjahids from Russia reached four thousand. Even after the defeat of the IS, some Russian Muslims stayed in the Middle East. Moscow declares that the existence of Muslim minorities contributes to the country’s good relations with the Islamic World. Russian Muslims support the official course in the foreign policy. However, the article also refers to the attempts of some Muslim politicians and representatives of the clergy, despite their loyalty to the authorities, to speak out in some cases and take an independent position that may differ from the official foreign policy course. Firstly, it concerns Ramzan Kadyrov, the leader of the Chechen Republic, who makes attempts to establish direct ties with some Muslim countries, first of all, in the Persian Gulf. Moreover, Kadyrov expressed his disagreement with official position during the crisis in Myanmar, when Russia supported the fight of the country’s government against the Muslim opposition. Also there was a disappointment in the Republic of Tatarstan regarding Russian-Turkish conflict in 2015.

СТРАТЕГИИ ОБОСНОВАНИЯ ВНЕШНЕЙ ПОЛИТИКИ РФ ПОСЛЕ 2014 Г.: АНАЛИЗ НА ПРИМЕРАХ ПРИСОЕДИНЕНИЯ КРЫМА И ВОЕННОЙ ОПЕРАЦИИ РФ В СИРИИ

The trajectory of the Russian foreign policy changed in 2014 as Russia deviated from its foreign policy principles. A specific justification was needed in order to legitimize Russian foreign policy domestically and abroad. Russian officials provided such a justification. It was successful on the domestic level, but its effectiveness on the international level was questionable. This article undertakes an analysis of the justification strategies of Russian foreign policy after 2014, with a focus on those, which were used by Russian authorities in their justification of Crimea joining Russia and Russian actions in the Syrian Arab Republic. It is shown why the justification could be considered as strategic. Applying the instruments of the strategic narratives’ theory, the author reveals the main strategic narratives of Russian foreign policy officials. The article discovers that the main justification strategies were communicative defense, communicative attack, communicative counter-attack, and position declaration. The communicative position of the Russian Federation in the case of Crimean justification could be explained as initially difficult, but gaining a communicative position in the justification of Russian actions in Syria could positively support the justification of the Crimean case.

Doğu Sorunu Ve Britanya’nın Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun Bağımsızlığını Ve Toprak Bütünlüğünü Koruma Politikasının Oluşumu

Britain's policy of protection of the independency and territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire is one of the main foreign policy strategies that influenced the international relations of the period for most of the 19th century. But the implementation of this policy, which we have taken as a basic data for understanding the international relations throughout almost the 19th century, has been a process that has gradually begun to take shape since the end of the eighteenth century. And serious breaking points and disengagements were also observed in this process. This study aims to reveal the reasons of British policy of Ottoman Empire by focusing on this process (1791-1833). In this context, the study examines the process of the implementation of the policy of protection of the independency and territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, which has been on the agenda of British foreign policy since the end of the 18th century and became one of the official foreign policy strategies of the state following the treaty of Hunkâr Iskelesi (1833) in the context of the changes in Britain’s world politics. In this regard, the impacts of Britain’s post-1815 hegemonic power position, the issue of Indian security, and the hegemonic competition with Russia on economic and commercial gain during the 19th century is also emphasized in the study.

Irredentist Actions of the Slovenian Organization of Yugoslav Nationalists (ORJUNA) in Italy and Austria (1922-1930)

This paper aims to examine and analyse the documentation available in the Slovenian Historical Archives and the Croatian State Archives as well as the strategic plans and projects described on the pages of the ORJUNA printed pamphlets and bulletins in order to determine the ideological tenets that formed the basis of the foreign policy as conceived by the Organisation of Yugoslav Nationalists (the ORJUNA). The focus of this paper will be on the irredentist actions taken by the Slovenian branch of the ORJUNA, carried out in the territories of Italy (Trieste, Gorizia, and Istria) and Austria (Carinthia). Special attention will be paid to the ORJUNAVIT (Organisation of Yugoslav Nationalists in Italy) and Fantovska zveza (Slovenian Boys Union) organisations, which were effectively the instruments of the ORJUNA, carrying out its activities in the territories of Italy and Austria. The expansionist ideas that were part of the ORJUNA ideological constructs and their implementation, as manifested through irredentist actions carried out in the territory of Yugoslavia’s neighbouring countries, were firmly rooted in the fundamental ideological foundations of this movement and the specific historical circumstances in which it emerged. The ORJUNA ideologists presented their expansionist agenda to create a Greater Yugoslavia, extending over a vast territory from Varna to Trieste and from Szeged to Thessaloniki, as the ultimate result of the struggle to create a unified and all-encompassing ethnic body of South Slavs. Guided by the imperative of preserving the ethnic identity of the Slovenian population in the provinces bordering on Italy and Austria, the ORJUNA leadership promoted the systematic use of organised violence as the basic tool in the struggle to achieve its goals. Due to the restrained and legitimately-oriented official foreign policy of the Yugoslav governments, as well as in light of the armed resistance of the Italian and Austrian official security forces and paramilitaries, the leadership of the ORJUNA failed to achieve its foreign-political goals through the use of terror. On the other hand, the expansionist ideas that were one of the essential tenets of the ORJUNA’s ideology remained a part of the ideological concepts embraced by all far-right movements for the Yugoslav integralism in the interwar period, which, with slight modifications, adopted the ideological constructs advocated by the ORJUNA.

"All Under Heaven as one Family": Tianxiaist Ideology and the emerging Chinese Great Power Identity

The rise of China is perhaps the most important development in world politics today. It is challenging the very foundations of the liberal international order that the Western great powers have created. Yet, as China emerges as an economic and political powerhouse with global influence, it is not at all clear what kind of a great power it will become, and what kind of a world order it sees as its ideal. Chinese official foreign policy rhetoric on the subject offers only vaguely described slogans and concepts. Another approach for studying “China’s mind” is to study China’s academic discourse on world politics and foreign relations. In this article, the academic debate around the concept of tianxia (天下. in English: all under heaven) is analyzed, in order to study the great power identities that China is constructing for itself as it prepares for a bigger role in world politics. The article argues that the “tianxia theory” is attempting to distance China from “the West” by creating a completely unique civilizational identity for China. The tianxiaist narrative argues that, because of its unique character and because of its “harmonious” and “worldly” tianxia conception of world politics, China can offer fresh and relevant alternatives for the international community. This is not only a concern for political philosophers, as the concepts of tianxia theory also seem to be influencing and inspiring the foreign policy thinking of the Chinese government. Keywords: Tianxia theory, tianxiaism, Chinese foreign policy, Chinese great power identity