Iranian Foreign Policy Research Articles

Religion as a Soft Power in the Iranian Foreign Policy

Religion as a Soft Power in the Iranian Foreign Policy

Ирано-туркменские отношения в XXI в.: эволюция и современное состояние

Ликвидация Советского Союза открыла для иранской внешней политики новое, представлявшееся весьма перспективным направление активности — центральноазиатское. Иранское руководство рассчитывало укрепить международный статус страны за счет установления партнерских связей с государствами Центральной Азии (ЦА). На позиции первостепенного по значимости партнера для Ирана среди государств ЦА выдвинулся, вопреки ожиданиям, не близкий в этнокультурном отношении Таджикистан, а соседний Туркменистан. Основными сферами сотрудничества двух стран стали формирование трансграничной транспортной инфраструктуры в рамках создания международного транспортного коридора Север — Юг, а также энергетика, добыча и экспорт газа и нефти. Политика Ирана в Центральной Азии характеризовалась взвешенностью и прагматизмом. Тегеран не допускал резких шагов даже во время «газового конфликта» с Туркменистаном. Не меньшим прагматизмом отличалась и позиция Туркменистана, сохранившего широкий спектр взаимодействия с Ираном и вместе с тем сделавшего стратегический выбор в пользу сотрудничества с Китаем. Взаимодействие Ирана и Туркменистана оказывает стабилизирующее влияние на комплекс межгосударственных отношений в Центральноазиатском регионе.

IRANIAN RELATIONS WITH AZERBAIJAN AND ARMENIA: A COMPARATIVE APPROACH IN THE CASE OF PRAGMATIST POLITICS

With the increase of the importance of the South Caucasus after the collapse of the Soviet Union, regional and global powers have tried to product new policies to have a relationship with the counties of the region. The regional countries such as Russia, Turkey and Iran have more advantageous than other states but the determination of the policies of these states are different from each other. For instance, Iran’s approach is based on the pragmatist politics and the country to try to balance its policies in the region in terms of Armenia and Azerbaijan. The main aim of this article is to determine the different aspects of Iranian foreign policy preferences towards Azerbaijan and Armenia in the context of pragmatism.

An analytical review of Ahmadinejad’s foreign policy frameworks in terms of constructivism theory

The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the administration of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, due to its importance and its not so in significant achievements, from the structuralist point of view, created a different identity and role in international relations and a special approach in relation to foreign and international systems. The author’s main question is that what impact has the foreign policy of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had in the international community? It seems that the role of domestic norms that came from the international community was damaged by internal policies due to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s policies, which, from the structuralist point of view, had a profound effect on the declining of Iranian foreign policy during the Ahmadinejad era in the international system. Direct conflict with the global system, presenting incorrect policies of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic, the lack accepting common understanding minds of the international community, non-convergence in foreign policy, the adoption of irrational foreign policy, are all important factors that could undermine the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the public opinion of the international community.

Аятолла Рухолла Хомейни и формирование внешнеполитического курса Исламской Республики Иран

The author analyzes the influence of the ideas of Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini, the leader and founder of the Islamic revolution of 1979 in Iran, on the formation of the main directions and principles of Iranian foreign policy in the context of the first ten years of the Islamic state in Iran. Specific examples show the attitude of Ayatollah Khomeini to foreign policy issues in the years of the anti-Shah movement in Iran, as well as the final form of his system doctrine after the 1979 revolution. Considering in a comparative perspective the foreign policy priorities of the Shah and the Islamic regime, the author focuses on the metamorphoses of Iranian diplomacy of the 1980s. It is noted that the Islamic Republic has declared its priority the strengthening relations and cooperation with the Muslim world, as well as ideological, economic and military-political opposition to the West. At the same time, Khomeini’s pragmatic approach to practical politics is shown, which in many cases had serious differences with his theoretical ideas about the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic.

An Arab Assessment of Iranian Foreign Policy

An Arab Assessment of Iranian Foreign Policy

Leadership Role of Hassan Rouhani and Nuclear Deal of Iran

Hassan Rouhani had been serving as secretary to Supreme National Security Council for 16 years. Hassan Rouhani was the person who was tasked to lead the team of technically, politically and legally expert's negotiators on nuclear program of Iran to start talks with the western powers to decreased the tension between IAEA body and foreign ministry of Iran on reports published by the IAEA and adoption of the UN Security Council resolution condemning Iran. Iran's nuclear program was started in the era of the reign of Raza Shah Pahlavi before the Islamic Revolution. It was not only another country providing nuclear technology but also America. Iran's foreign policy will not be affected by the slogans, but we will safely defend our national interests. Hassan Rouhani After elected as President in 2013, promised that he would work to bring relief in economic sanctions on the country due to which the economy was destroyed and life was difficult for the Iranian people. Iran's hardliner leaders had been opposing the any deal and talks on the matter of nuclear program. On the other end reformist groups in the Iran always favored the new ideas and negotiations on nuclear program and when the balance of power turned in favor of President Rouhani when won the elections in 2013 and he gave the green signal to the negotiators.

Internal Factors and its Impact on Iranian Foreign Policy

Internal Factors and its Impact on Iranian Foreign Policy

Prospects for Collective Security Cooperation in the Gulf

The process of establishing a new security structure in the Gulf should take into consideration the failures of the past and the political differences among GCC countries which have been impeding collective security in the Gulf. Collective security arrangements should consider the strategic circumstances that currently exist and the numerous security problems which have implications for security beyond the region itself. These include the Iraqi security situation, Iranian foreign policy and its nuclear and missile programmes, the stability of Yemen, borders disputes, and the deepening Sunni-Shia divide with its destabilising political and social effects on the region. Cooperation in the Gulf should not be limited to military aspects, but must also include economic development, counterterrorism, disaster response, environmental, social and cultural issues. Gulf States should institutionalise their security structures which is important for the establishment of a strong joint command needed to achieve collective security and prosperity and effectively leading to development and stability in the region.

Prospects for Collective Security Cooperation in the Gulf

The process of establishing a new security structure in the Gulf should take into consideration the failures of the past and the political differences among GCC countries which have been impeding collective security in the Gulf. Collective security arrangements should consider the strategic circumstances that currently exist and the numerous security problems which have implications for security beyond the region itself. These include the Iraqi security situation, Iranian foreign policy and its nuclear and missile programmes, the stability of Yemen, borders disputes, and the deepening Sunni-Shia divide with its destabilising political and social effects on the region. Cooperation in the Gulf should not be limited to military aspects, but must also include economic development, counterterrorism, disaster response, environmental, social and cultural issues. Gulf States should institutionalise their security structures which is important for the establishment of a strong joint command needed to achieve collective security and prosperity and effectively leading to development and stability in the region.

Dialectics of Post-1979 Iranian Foreign Policy in West Asia

The article focuses on Iran’s foreign relations with the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region since the Islamic Revolution. It looks at interplay of domestic and transnational variables. The domestic factors include the beliefs system of the policymakers, interest of political survival, political economy, the geopolitics of Persia and also geographical realm. The transnational variables consist of the global order, symmetrical and asymmetrical interdependence as well as the regional systemic status. These major components are vital in Persia’s relationships with the regional and trans-regional players in the WANA region. Unlike the Iranian negative or conflictual dialectics, the Iranian positive or cooperative dialectics is the main consequence of the agent–structure’s interactions in this region.

Can Neoclassical Realism Become a Genuine Theory of International Relations?Squandered Opportunity: Neoclassical Realism and Iranian Foreign Policy. By Thomas Juneau. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015.EU and NATO Relations with Russia: After the Collapse of the Soviet Union. By Glenn Diesen. Abingdon: Routledge, 2016.Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics. By Norrin M. Ripsman, Jeffrey W. Taliaferro, and Steven E. Lobell.

Previous articleNext article No AccessReview EssayCan Neoclassical Realism Become a Genuine Theory of International Relations? Squandered Opportunity: Neoclassical Realism and Iranian Foreign Policy. By Thomas Juneau. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015. EU and NATO Relations with Russia: After the Collapse of the Soviet Union. By Glenn Diesen. Abingdon: Routledge, 2016. Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics. By Norrin M. Ripsman, Jeffrey W. Taliaferro, and Steven E. Lobell. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016.Nicholas Ross SmithNicholas Ross SmithUniversity of Nottingham, Ningbo China Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 80, Number 2April 2018 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/696882 Views: 2923Total views on this site Citations: 11Citations are reported from Crossref HistoryPublished online February 27, 2018 © 2018 by the Southern Political Science Association. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Nicholas Ross Smith, Grant Dawson Mearsheimer, Realism, and the Ukraine War, Analyse & Kritik 44, no.22 (Aug 2022): 175–200.https://doi.org/10.1515/auk-2022-2023Lenore Martin Constructing a realistic explanation of Turkish – US relations, Turkish Studies 23, no.55 (May 2022): 765–783.https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2022.2077102Carly E Beckerman Is there a cyber security dilemma?, Journal of Cybersecurity 8, no.11 (Sep 2022).https://doi.org/10.1093/cybsec/tyac012Mark R Brawley Britain's Trade Liberalization in the 1840s: A Defensive Neoclassical Realist Explanation, Foreign Policy Analysis 18, no.44 (Sep 2022).https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orac019Stephen P. Westcott Causes of Interstate Border Dispute Intractability: A Neoclassical Realist Levels of Analysis Approach, (Feb 2022): 75–108.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7450-1_3Grant Dawson Classical Realism, Status, and Emotions: Understanding the Canada/Saudi Arabia Dispute and Its Implications for Global Politics, Global Studies Quarterly 1, no.44 (Oct 2021).https://doi.org/10.1093/isagsq/ksab027Elias Götz Neoclassical Realist Theories, Intervening Variables, and Paradigmatic Boundaries, Foreign Policy Analysis 17, no.22 (Feb 2021).https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/oraa026Mehmet ŞAHİN Uluslararası Ekonomi Politikte Neoklasik Realizme Duyulan İhtiyaç: Avrasya Ekonomi Topluluğu, Erciyes Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi , no.5757 (Dec 2020): 253–272.https://doi.org/10.18070/erciyesiibd.745808Michiel Foulon, Gustav Meibauer Realist avenues to global International Relations, European Journal of International Relations 26, no.44 (Jun 2020): 1203–1229.https://doi.org/10.1177/1354066120926706Nicholas Ross Smith A Four-Dimensional Neoclassical Realist Framework, (Jun 2019): 9–23.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-20675-8_2Gustav Meibauer Interests, ideas, and the study of state behaviour in neoclassical realism, Review of International Studies 46, no.11 (Aug 2019): 20–36.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0260210519000214

Iran's Foreign Policy Toward Iraq Crisis After 2014

To achieve national objectives and interests, different countries adopt specific orientations and strategies according to their domestic needs and geopolitical conditions, and based on the structure of the international system. In this regard, Iran's national power components, including strong national government, geopolitical position, and ideological elements, provides this country with a leading role in regional issues. Iran's strategic and geopolitical position, attained through its connection to some issues in the Middle East, provides it a context for serving the role of a regional player. This focus of Iran's foreign policy on regionalism safeguards the country's national interests in the long run. Thus, the Islamic Republic of Iran not only acts as a major player in the Middle East, but also upholds decisions to strengthen its position and to promote its national interests. At present, Iraq crisis is one of the central issues of Iran's foreign policy decisions in the region. In this study, we intended to discover the performance of Iran's foreign policy in Iraq crisis based on the components of its national interests. The investigated hypothesis is developed based on a realistic logic from the perspective of Iran's national interests including political-strategic and economic-commercial interests, as well as development model of Iran-Iraq cooperation.

THE FUTURE OF IRAN-CHINA RELATIONS: AN ALLIANCE OR PURE COOPERATION?

The future of the Iranian political relations with other countries especially China in the post-nuclear-agreementera is of serious importance in the Iranian foreign policy in the Rouhani administration. Despite turbulences in the relations of the two countries in recent years, theirs have been stronger than the trade relations between Iran and western countries. For this reason, the shift from ordinary to strategic relations between Iran and China is attracting serious attention in the political circles in Iran. The supporters argue for the present and future stance of China in the international society and its constructive role during the western- imposed sanctions against Iran. The opponents refer to the poorer Chinese technology as opposed to their Western rivals and to ambivalent and at time anti-Iranian stances Beijing adopted in the Iranian nuclear problem. The question this paper seeks to answer is whether there is a possibility of the promotion of the relations of the two countries in future and the possible obstacles in the way.

IRAN’S FOREIGN POLICY AND EVOLVING ROLE OF SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION

The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the most active players in the framework of South- South cooperation. During the Cold War period Iran treated South-South cooperation as an instrument for providing an independent foreign policy and defending the rights of “oppressed” peoples from the influence of colonizers and imperialists. Nowadays this vector of cooperation is used by Iran as tool for gaining regional superiority in the Middle East and the Muslim world in general. This article describes the Iranian foreign policy strategy and determinants from the Shah Pahlavi period until Hassan Rouhani presidency in order to assess whether the tools used to foster South-South cooperation for becoming regional power and achieving international recognition by the international community were useful. The author uses qualitative methodology in order to answer the following research questions: to analyze the Iran’s foreign policy literature, to identify the SSC initiatives in the post-bipolar era during the presidency of Hashemi Rafsanjani, Khatami, Ahmadinejad and Rouhani, to explain the essence of “non-aligned strategy” and third-worldism. The article also covers the participation of Iran in the international institutions of the Global South, including Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), G77, etc.

Squandered Opportunity: Neoclassical Realism and Iranian Foreign Policy. By Thomas Juneau. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015. 296p. $60.00 cloth.

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Politics of Oil and Natural Gas vis-à-vis the Foreign Policy of Iran

:This study discusses the relationship of Iran’s oil and gas resources with its foreign policy. Because these resources play a major role in government power, they serve as a major focus of Iran’s governmental policy and relations with other countries. Our review led us to conclude that despite Iran’s abundant reserves – the world’s fourth-largest crude oil and largest natural gas reserves-international powers influenced the country’s foreign policy sufficiently for Iran to decrease its oil production. The authors will demonstrate how fluctuations in oil and natural gas production were the outcome of a globalized structure that affected instability in Iran’s foreign policy in specific ways. Our conceptual investigation of energy politics after the 1979 revolution revealed different policies that caused numerous concerns for the new government. While Iran’s politicians strove to retain the Islamic Republic above all, both doctrine and foreign policy revolved circuitously from a radical 1979 Revolution position to renewed radical position in 2005 with two intermediate shifts in position. One was pragmatic shift in the late 1980s, and the second took a more moderate tone in late 1990s by focusing almost entirely on the production of oil and natural gas.

The Role of Social-Identity Beliefs in the Trends of Foreign Policy of Iran

AbstractValues and elements of popular culture play an important role in shaping and implementing the foreign policy of Iran. In this paper, using content analysis and after explaining the characteristics of Iranian identity, the author seeks to investigate the implications of Iranian social beliefs on foreign policy. In other words, the author sets out to explore whether the perceptions and attitudes of Iranian identity at different historical periods have been the basis according to which Iranian politicians have followed the same model or not? For this purpose, three major components, the influence in the regional area, xenophobia, and conspiracy theorythat are complementary in nature, have been selected. Research findings illustrate that the long history of societies like Iran has been the raison d'etre for the recurrence of social beliefs and values in various political eras of such societies.

A Review of the Turnaround in Iranian Foreign Policy during President Hassan Rohani's Administration

The transition of power in the Islamic Republic of Iran is not only a change of guards in the different political and executive institutions during each electoral cycle but it also radically redefines the fundamental aspects of self-identity and the very definition of national interests and priorities and even how they should be defined. Upon the assumption of power by President Hassan Rohani in Iran, foreign policy of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been exposed to tremendous developments. Prevalence of conservatism over revolutionary mindset, nationalism over trans-nationalism, and structuralism over agent-oriented trends are considered as the three main pillars of these developments. In Rohani’s administration there is no longer any trace of the revolutionary behavior of Ahmadinejad’s era. This turnaround in the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy is not a new phenomenon. We have witnessed such a shift in Iranian foreign policy after the end of the 8-year war with Iraq, albeit with different dimensions. An assessment of this issue would greatly enhance our understanding of the country’s foreign policy. Accordingly, assessment of the real roots of these foreign policy shifts is the main objective of the present article. Evidently, the shift in foreign policy, more than anything else can be attributed to changes in the definition of the concept of national interests, and how each administration defines such national and transnational interests. Any shift or transformation in this concept, as the guiding principal of foreign policy, creates a context for the shift in the national priorities, orientations, and strategies in its interaction with its external environment. By highlighting the three concepts of “circulation of elites”, “perception towards national identity”, and “structural developments”, the present article endeavors to review the causes of differing understandings of the concept of national interests in a specific period of the I.R. of Iran’s foreign policy.

الثابت والمتغير في السياسة الخارجية الإيرانية اتجاه منطقة الشرق الأوسط : العلاقات الإيرانية السعودية نموذجا

يعتبر البحث في الثابت والمتغير في سياسة ايران الخارجية اتجاه منطقة الشرق الأوسط بشكل عام واتجاه المملكة العربية السعودية بشكل خاص موضوعا جديرا بالدراسة لما يحمله هذا الموضوع من أهمية لعدة أسباب ربما من بينها الموقع الجيواستراتيجي لمنطقة الشرق الأوسط، ومن جانب اخر لما تعرفه هاته المنطقة من توترات وأزمات مختلفة هذا ما يتطلب البحث في جذور العلاقات الإيرانية السعودية ومحاولة تبيان الفترات المختلفة للعلاقات الثنائية بين البلدين ومحاولة ايضاح أهم ما ميز تلك العلاقات، وكذلك الخلفيات والأسباب الكامنة وراء مختلف الأزمات في المنطقة و تموقع كل من ايران والسعودية من هاته الأزمات، لمحاولة استشراف في الأخير لمستقبل العلاقات الإيرانية السعودية في ظل الأوضاع الراهنة. Abstract: It’s noteworthy to take up the issue of Constance and variable of Iranian foreign policy towards the middle east region in general, and the Saudi Arabia in particular, owing to its importance, for the significance of the geostrategic location of the middle east in one hand, not to mention the tensions and crises characterizing the region, which require searching in the roots of Saudi Iranian relations, added to that, an attempt to show the different periods of bilateral ties between the two countries, and clarification of what would distinguish them .Additionally, light must be shed on different backgrounds and reasons behind the polices of both countries, summing up on the outlooks of their relationships under the current situay.