France's Foreign Policy Research Articles

French Foreign Policy Shifts in a Multi-dimensional Perspective: The Impact and Consequences of Populism

French foreign policy has played an important role in global politics in history. As one of the core countries in Europe, France's diplomatic decisions not only affect its own interests, but also have a far-reaching impact on the political landscape of Europe and even the world. In the past few decades, the process of globalization, regional conflicts, EU internal dynamics and other factors have continuously reshaped France's diplomatic strategy. In recent years, the rise of populism has been particularly eye-catching. It not only triggered great changes in domestic politics, but also had a far-reaching impact on France's foreign policy. As a political phenomenon, populism is usually characterized by anti-elite, anti-dism and an emphasis on national sovereignty and the will of the people. In France, the rise of populism is reflected not only in the words and deeds of politicians and political parties, but also in the attitude and voting behavior of voters. The impact of populism on French foreign policy is mainly reflected in its attitude towards the European Union, its position on immigration and refugee issues, and its attitude towards international cooperation and multilateralism. This article aims to explore the foreign policy transformation of France under the influence of populism from a multidimensional perspective and analyze the consequences of this change. By comparing France's diplomatic strategies in different historical periods, people can more clearly understand the role of populism in it and its potential impact on future international relations.

Paradigms of European Security in the Foreign Policy of France, Germany, and Great Britain (2014-2022)

Paradigms of European Security in the Foreign Policy of France, Germany, and Great Britain (2014-2022)

Francuska polityka zagraniczna wobec Rosji, Ukrainy i wojny Federacji Rosyjskiej przeciwko Ukrainie w kampanii prezydenckiej we Francji w 2022 roku

This article aims to compare the political positions of the five main candidates in the presidential election in France (Emmanuel Macron, Marine Le Pen, Jean Luc Mélenchon, Éric Zemmour, Valérie Pécresse), representing the political parties running in the election to the National Assembly, on the foreign policy of the French Republic in the context of the war in Ukraine caused by Russia on 24 February 2022. The article focuses on four thematic segments showing their attitude to: Russia before the war in Ukraine and the economic sanctions introduced in 2014 after the annexation of Crimea; Russia after the outbreak of war in Ukraine and the resulting economic sanctions; military and humanitarian aid to Ukraine; and the concept of ending the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. It also attempts to understand the special position of Russia in the foreign policy of France since the beginning of the Fifth Republic, which has influenced perceptions of the war in Ukraine and proposals for resolving the conflict.

The dilemma of France's relations with Africa in the 21st century: the relationship between discourse and practice

The object of the study is the foreign policy of the French Republic. The subject of the study is the African vector of France's foreign policy in the 21st century during the presidencies of N. Sarkozy, F. Hollande and the current head of state E. Macron. The purpose of the study is to identify the reasons why France faced difficulties in the African direction of its foreign policy in the 21st century. The author analyses in detail the declarative and practical components of French policy towards Africa in the period under study. Particular attention is paid to the evolution of French military intervention in Africa between 2007 and 2023. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the study makes a comparative analysis of the discursive and practical dimensions of French policy towards Africa between 2007 and 2023 in order to identify possible reasons for the failure of France's policy course towards Africa in the 21st century. The study concludes that France, which has a long history of colonisation of Africa, still does not consider Africa as an equal partner, while the African dimension of French foreign policy is characterised by a contradiction between its declarative and practical components, as the declared principle of equality as the basis of Franco-African relations actually gives way to the traditional policy of spheres of influence and France's desire to maintain its position on the African continent.

Unpacking the storytelling around French arms sales: Demystifying the “strategic autonomy” argument

AbstractThis article looks at the way France's arms exports have historically been framed as an inherent part of the country's core policies to achieve “strategic autonomy” at the domestic and international levels. It posits that taking this argument for granted without subjecting it to critical scrutiny is hazardous because it enables the continued unquestioned support for French arms sales and hampers the development of more stringent export control processes. Today, the need to look beyond this blanket storytelling is heightened in a context where unchecked exports relying on outdated views of global dynamics have precisely started to undermine France's strategic autonomy and interests. Not only does the country's growing dependence on exports create an antinomy of arms sales as a means of strategic independence, but the phenomenon of clients' reverse influence onto suppliers amidst a consolidated buyer's market also calls into question the autonomy of France's foreign policy.

Selected Aspects of France's Foreign Policy towards the United States during Emmanuel Macron's Presidency from 2017 to 2022

The French diplomatic tradition has been going on for centuries and has influenced other parts of the world. One of France's most essential foreign policy directions is relations between France and the United States. It can be said to be friendship and hatred at the same time. The deep-rooted anti-Americanism in the French and the desire by Paris to return to great power status makes these relations even more difficult. In this article, I review France's foreign policy toward the United States from 2017 to 2022. In particular, I focus on analysing the aspect of superpower status, NATO membership and UN membership. I prove that these aspects have the greatest impact on Franco-American relations.

The French communists on the results of the Munich conference of 1938

The article is devoted to the reaction of the leading figures of the French Communist Party (PCF) to the results of the Munich Conference of 1938. The Communists became one of the few forces that unequivocally condemned the transfer of the Sudetenland to Germany. Their opponents very often blamed them for trying to ignite a large-scale European conflict, which was, however, far from the truth. The leaders of the PCF had their own clear vision of how the French government should have acted during the events of September 1938. Only by the combined forces of democratic countries, by their resolute resistance to the aggressor, a new European war could be prevented. The author examines what impact, according to the communists, the results of the conference had on the domestic and foreign policy of France. Particular attention the author pays to the actions the leaders of the Communist Party considered necessary to resolve the Czechoslovak crisis.

The Covid-19 Pandemic and the Political Situation in France before 2022 Elections

The article explores the political situation in modern France the year before the next presidential election. It is revealed that during Emmanuel Macron’s presidency, a social divide between wealthy and poor social groups has taken root in the country manifested in the “yellow vests” movement and a wide-range public disagreement with the reforms proposed by the government. The negative impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, which overlapped with the previous contradictions and aggravated them, is discussed. The article also shows that, apart from the “National Rally”, no other political forces now represent a real opposition to Macron’s policy, thus helping him to keep relatively high chances for re-election. This is especially true in case of two traditional parties – the Republicans and the Socialists – which have suffered from a profound internal crisis. In conclusion, regarding a likely contest between Macron and Le Pen in 2022, prospects of changes in domestic and foreign policy of France after the election are formulated. The author concludes that even in the “Le Pen wins” scenario, any innovations will have a limited impact, taking into account the role of continuity in the French state policy and the growing moderation of the far right platform.

An Afrocentric Critique of France Foreign Policy towards Southern African Development Community (SADC): Case Study of South Africa, 2009-2019

An Afrocentric Critique of France Foreign Policy towards Southern African Development Community (SADC): Case Study of South Africa, 2009-2019

Франция в эпоху глобальных трансформаций

Since joining the current stage of globalization, France has changed considerably. Shifts occurred in all spheres of society, but they were not synchronous. The most dynamic area – the economy-was the fastest to «react» to France's entry into the global economy. In the social sphere, the changes were slower than in the economy, but they were very profound: they affected the working class, employees, and the middle classes, which were numerically reduced and fragmented. In the mid-1990 s, France's foreign policy began to adapt to the new world order that emerged as a result of the collapse of the USSR. This forced the French political class to reconsider its foreign policy attitudes and «to make lower its ambitions». By the second decade of the twenty-first century, the political landscape of the country had changed: traditional parties had collapsed, and radical populist parties and movements («Unconquered France» of J.-L. Melenchon and «National Union» of M. Le Pen) had become stronger on the left and right flanks. Against the background of these large-scale changes, social protest movements have emerged and intensified in France; the split between society and the elites has acquired unprecedented proportions. To these trends and phenomena, the coronavirus pandemic has been added, which poses a huge number of problems for the country's authorities to solve.

Cultural Diplomacy of France: Essence, Main Directions and Tools

Abstract The article is devoted to the study of “cultural diplomacy” of France in recent history. The relevance of the topic is conditioned by the fact that states use new, non-leverage levers of influence more and more, striving to spread their values and culture in the world to expand and strengthen their presence in the international arena. The French Republic, in order to revive its former greatness, has accelerated the activities of its institutions over the past decades, which can be interpreted as the manifestations of “soft power” in general, and “cultural diplomacy” in particular. The increase of the French language, culture and history status among the population of Europe, America, Africa and the Middle East is becoming an increasing priority task of the state foreign policy. This, in particular, is evidenced by the statements of the French leadership, as well as the reforms carried out in internal structures to increase the effectiveness of its “cultural diplomacy” concept implementation. The authors of the article concluded that over the past ten years, France has not only stepped up and renewed its cultural and partnership relations around the world, but also opened up new opportunities for the dissemination of information and cooperation, adapting to the diverse expectations of the audience, taking into account, first of all, the factors of multilateral diplomacy and interculturalism. This, in its turn, makes it possible to expect the increase of France foreign policy potential in the international arena. The obtained results are consistent with the conclusions of a number of researchers and expand the existing ideas about the nature, the application of “cultural diplomacy” approaches and the specifics of its influence in the world. The reliability of the study is based on a wide range of published materials, and the obtained results make a significant contribution to knowledge expansion about this problem. At the end of the article, on the basis of France experience study, they determined the potential opportunities for the development of “cultural diplomacy” of Russia.

У истоков международной организации Франкофонии: роль Франции в образовании Агентства по культурному и техническому сотрудничеству (ACCT)

This article studies the prerequisites of foundation of the Agency for Technical Cooperation and Development (now known as International Organization of Francophonie). The french role in the process of foundation of the ACCT has been analyzed. After the end of French colonial empire the leadership of France tried to keep cultural, economical and tecnical connections with the former colonies as soon as it helped to leave these countries under french political influence. Foreign policy of France was aimed to replace colonial relations by ‘cooperation’ strategy which was based on common culture and language. For realisation of this objective several official documents were signed (such as First and Second plans of actions to extend cultural and technical influence of France abroad); new organizations and structures in Ministry of Foreign Affaires were established; the budget for realisation the Francophonie policy was increased. The appearance of ACCT caused differend reactions among contemporaries, some of them assessed the new Organization as the neocolonial move and accused the former metropoly of attempts to refund new independent countries; others believed in perspective of Francophonie cooperation. Although the official initiators of establishmet of ACCT were africans political leaders (that was claimed in the constitutive convention) and French authorities spooke with restraint about an appearance of any international organisation based on idea of francophonie, it was general de Gaulle who was claimed as father-founder of Francophonie. The documents of Ministry of foreign affaires proved that French authorities gave huge attention to relations with francophonie countries, speacialy with former colonies, and encouraged arranging the international cooperation with them. The research focuses on the contradiction between public position of the French government and real actions in the sphere of intensification of french cultural policy and institutionalization of the Francophonie in 1970.

IMAGE OF THE TURK AND OTTOMAN DOMINATION IN THE WORKS OF RUSSIAN TRAVELER OF THE 19TH CENTURY

In article works and traveling notes of travelers to Egypt in the period of Muhammad Ali of Egypt board for the purpose of definition of the developed image of a Turk domination in Egypt and personal attitude of Russian and French to the colonial policy in these works are considered. The author analyzes works of travelers to Egypt within the XIX century and shows the factors which influenced emergence of certain estimates in an image of Turk in Egypt. The carried-out analysis allowed to establish that despite the general negative attitude perception of Arabs, colonial policy, Russian and French has a different attitude to Turk domination in Egypt. It shows different foreign policy of France and Russia in relation to the Ottoman Empire.

Загадочная смерть шевалье де Бурдона: из истории политической борьбы во Франции в первой четверти XV века

The article is devoted to the study of the features of policy of king Charles VI of France in the last years of his reign. Based on a comparative analysis of a wide range of sources, the author reconstructs the events of the spring of 1417, which resulted in the arrest by order of the king of the Grand master of the Palace of Queen Isabella Chevalier Louis de Bourdon. It is reported that after a short investigation conducted by the provost of Paris, he was secretly executed; soon Isabella was removed from power and sent to Blois. The author of the article made an attempt to find out the reasons that caused such changes in the policy of king Charles VI. To answer the question, it was necessary to trace the fate of the participants in the events in Vincennes, in particular Chevalier Pierre de Giac. It was established that he died under similar circumstances and that he was charged with practicing dark magic. As a result of the study it was concluded that a possible reason for the removal of the Queen from Paris could be a suspicion of practicing black magic. A question is raised about the relationship between domestic and foreign policy of France during this period, since the expulsion of the Queen led her to an Alliance with the Duke of Burgundy.

Foreign Policy of France: Moving Away From Gaullism

Foreign Policy of France: Moving Away From Gaullism

France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy

After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.

The National security of France in White Papers on Defense. Continuity or change?

France after World War II was in a difficult situation. This involved a loss of position, not only as a superpower in the world but in Europe. Superpower, the global position of France, decided to rebuild, after the new president was elected in June 1959, Gen. Ch. de Gaulle. According to his conception of a foreign policy for France it should have a global dimension, supported by the independent French defense not only as a conventional but also nuclear power. Gen. Ch. De Gaulle took the position that France having regard to its independence in the political, military, economic and cultural center should not submit to any of the blocks. Independence in the foreign policy of France was understood as the freedom to determine their own place in the world, freely determine their fate, the defense of vital national interests and full freedom in the choice of ends, means and methods of foreign policy.

The Europeanization of France's foreign policy towards the Middle East conflict – from leadership to EU-accommodation

France's prominent role in Europe's policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict represents an interesting case study for the evolving research on Europeanization. While France's involvement in the CFSP is frequently described as a case of national projection through the EU, this view needs qualification. Proposing a novel conceptual categorization of different member state approaches to European foreign policy cooperation, this article shows that France's involvement in Europe's Middle East policy has gone through different phases. Guided by de Gaulle's politique arabe, France assumed a ‘leadership’ role in Europe's common foreign policy, leaving a strong mark on its collective diplomacy. Since the 1990s, however, a number of complementary changes have weakened France's capacity for leadership, challenging well-established French foreign policy positions. France's response to the mounting constraints of EU-level cooperation has oscillated between ‘re-nationalization’ and efforts to ‘facilitate’ a common European approach, displaying a considerable degree of pragmatism and tactical adaptation.

A FRENCH ARMADA? THE AZORES CAMPAIGNS, 1580–1583

ABSTRACTThe Spanish Armada and the battle of Lepanto loom large in a remarkable period of international history shaped to a considerable extent by the deployment of sea power. Yet between 1581 and 1583, France also conducted a large-scale naval operation at great distance. A series of expeditions to the Azores reached a climax with the defeat in battle of a French fleet of sixty ships off the island of São Miguel in July 1582. Acting under the authority of Catherine de Medici and in the name of her rival legal claim to the Portuguese throne, the commander Philippe Strozzi had not only led the most ambitious oceanic operation in French history up to that date and a bid to extend France's overseas empire but a serious challenge to Philip II's union of the Iberian crowns. Yet this was more than just a puzzling anomaly in France's foreign policy. It was also an act of royal authority and the pursuit of reputation and status by the queen mother that was entirely consistent with the domestic priorities of the crown in the context of the Wars of Religion.

The social construction of European solidarity: Germany and France in the EU policy towards the states of Africa, the Caribbean, and the Pacific (ACP) and Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC)

This article compares the foreign policies of France and Germany in the 1990s towards the European Union (EU)'s special relationships with the countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP) on the one hand and the Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC) on the other. Whereas France advocated support for ACP interests, Germany supported those of the CEEC. We argue that French and German prioritisations cannot sufficiently be explained by rationalist, interest-based approaches (i.e. neorealism, economic liberalism and institutionalism) and offer a constructivist supplement to fill in the gaps. This approach is based on the concept of solidarity. First, we develop our theoretical concept and identify three principles of solidarity action (i.e. ties, need and effort). We then apply our concept of solidarity to show how French and German policies towards the Cotonou Agreement, concluded in 2000 with the ACP, and the EU's Eastern enlargement process were shaped by different social constructions of solidarity, resulting in strong preferential support for either the ACP (France) or the CEEC (Germany).