Foreign Policy Narrative Research Articles

Whitewashing American Exceptionalism: Racialized Subject-Positioning and US Foreign Policy

Abstracts American exceptionalism is enjoying a revival of scholarly interest amid new approaches to studying foreign policy narratives and unease regarding how US policymakers will manage a less unipolar international system. That revival coincides temporally, though not yet substantively, with growing attention to racialized dynamics and Eurocentrism within international relations. This article examines how core strands of American exceptionalism—the prevailing narrative framing of US foreign policy—reflect a whitewashed understanding of US foreign policy that can best be understood as the product of racialized subject-positioning that saturated its historical development. After conceptualizing American exceptionalism, it develops a theoretical framework to capture how racialized subject-positioning stratifies understandings of a nation’s role in the world. It proceeds to investigate how this process shaped the development of American exceptionalism in line with epistemologies of immanence, ignorance, and innocence, producing exceptionalist narratives that neglect non-white populations as meaningful others in the construction of US national identity and that negate US interactions with those groups as relevant evidence that might undercut its exceptionalism. These whitewashing effects remained embedded even as overtly racist discourse became delegitimized, posing enduring obstacles for US diplomacy today.

Examining the Role and Perception of Nepali Peacekeepers in Nepal’s Foreign Policy Narratives

In the mid of July, a few Members of the Parliament proposed the idea of downsizing the Nepali Army as one of the measures to decrease public spending. But this is not the first time that such debate has stirred in the Nepalese political stratum. The topic of downsizing the Nepalese Army has been reiterated from time to time in the higher echelons of the Nepali government, most notably following the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA). At the national level, The Nepal Army as an institution has been deployed since centuries for to accomplish a wide array of functions. On the international front, the Nepbat has been deployed in UN Peacekeeping missions since 1958 in war-prone regions and is largely regarded as a highly competent battalion of proven caliber. Nepal Army's global exposure and experience as such have also refined the institution's conflict resolution and crisis management skills. But despite such positive global acknowledgment and the rich experience that the Nepal Army has garnered, the deliberations regarding the utilization of their insights and experiences in Nepal’s foreign policy discourse seem to have been kept at an arm's length. To identify the role of the Nepali Army in promoting the value of world peace as enshrined in the Nepalese Constitution, this article has intended to investigate the level of recognition and influence of their insights in Nepal's foreign policy discourse. This qualitative study based on both primary and secondary data and process tracing and interview methods, identified that the imbalances in the state's priorities have led to the skills of Nepali peacekeepers from their global exposure being kept under the radar. The study has then suggested some of the possibilities for incorporating military expertise into Nepal's foreign policy discourse.

The Challenge(s) of India’s foreign policy in the shifting global power balance

ABSTRACT India is regarded as a key player in Asia’s security landscape. This stance has become increasingly important with China’s rise and US’s waning influence. While India has emerged as an active participant in multilateral forums under the leadership of prime minister Narendra Modi, its regional and global politics remain somewhat obscure. This article addresses the challenges India encounters where decisions are influenced by the need to balance economic obligations and strategic interests. Also, an effective propaganda machinery is absent from amplifying India’s foreign policy narratives globally, a mismatch between its ambitions and material strength.

The path to Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine: Moscow’s framing of conflict and cooperation with the West under Putin’s rule

ABSTRACT This article explores the relationship between the evolution of Russia’s foreign policy narrative (RN) and the breakdown of its relations with the West. Even though the West is a rather fluid and nebulous concept, it is central to Russian foreign policy and primarily encompasses the EU and the United States (US), but also other countries like Canada, Japan or Australia that are framed by the RN as key supporters of US leadership in the world order. Relations between the West and Russia veered towards conflict and lack of engagement following the start of the Ukraine crisis, with various voices indicating that the world had stepped into a new Cold War. In this article, a curated collection of key interviews and op-eds from the Russian President was coded and examined for frame analysis for the period between the start of 2000 (when Vladimir Putin first became President) to the end of 2021. This study finds that the RN discursively constructs the context within which the Kremlin made the fateful decision to invade Ukraine in February 2022.

US Sanctions Policy Towards Latin America: Cases of Official Narratives on Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua

Introduction. The following article examines the effectiveness of US sanctions on Latin America by analyzing three cases of restrictive measures against Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. The correlation between US foreign policy goals and the interpretation of the existing sanctions results containing the official narrative is analyzed. This study shows that, from the point of view of promoting democratization and protecting human rights, US sanctions are ineffective. Methods and materials. The following research utilizes a constructivist approach when analyzing international relations. To a greater extent, this work is based on the theoretical approaches of Professor G. Hufbauer. Analysis and results. The following study additionally reveals that the US foreign policy narrative covers the erosion of US hegemony in Latin America. Within this narrative, international relations are described as a global rivalry between “democracy” and “autocracy.” The United States uses motives for protecting human rights and democracy to justify sanctions against several Latin American countries and also weaken ties with Russia and China. Author’s contributions. L. Sokolshchik and Yu. Sokolshchik developed the research design in addition to writing its content and general scientific editing. K. Teremetskiy made a contribution to the search for official sources and their analysis. The authors jointly analyzed all the content and results of the research.

Humor and Foreign Policy Narration: The Persuasive Power and Limitations of Russia’s Foreign Policy Pranks

Abstract This article explores the persuasive power and limitations of humor in narrating foreign policy issues to publics. I focus on audience reception of humor produced by state and state-affiliated actors to advance foreign policy narratives, deflect external criticism, and ridicule opponents. This article examines Russia’s foreign policy pranks, widely assumed to be a tool of influence and persuasion, and their reception by their primary, domestic audience. Using focus groups to discuss pranks on the theme of mutual interference between Russia and the United States, this study relates participants’ reactions to wider foreign policy narratives and questions links between reception and political views. I argue that while humor drives the popularity of the pranks, their power to convince remains ambiguous. Their persuasive power is mostly limited to reinforcing existing views and already popular narratives, while both pro-government and oppositional publics expressed strong suspicions of their fake or propagandistic nature. Even when doubting the pranks’ politics, however, participants were entertained by their humor—suggesting that humorous narration of foreign policy presents means for increased outreach first and persuasion second. Any adverse reactions were mostly directed at the pranksters rather than government officials—highlighting how humor can be a politically expedient way of narrating contentious foreign policy issues to publics through proxies.

Russia’s Foreign Policy Ideologemes and Their Relevance for Middle East in Context of Transformation of Modern System of International Relations

As part of this research, there was made an analysis of the foreign policy ideas, values and narratives of the Russian Federation distributed in the information sphere based on the theses that were voiced by the President of Russia V. Putin during his speeches in 2022. These ideas were considered through the prism of ideologemes that determine the strategic vector foreign policy of official Moscow. In addition, an assessment is made of the relevance of these ideologemes for the states of the Middle East region in the context of changes in the global transformation of the entire system of international relations and the building of a new polycentric world order. Conclusions are drawn about the interest of the cross-regional actors of the Middle East subsystem in the promotion of the theses and ideologies put forward by Russia and a certain identity and coincidence of the ideological and value spaces of Russia and the countries of the Middle East. Aspects and directions are outlined in which cooperation and coordination of actions between Moscow and the Middle East leaders can develop. An assumption is put forward about the possibility of building a system of rules and ideas in the Middle East, which can subsequently be extrapolated to the entire global system of international relations.

The UK’s role in shaping the anti-russian policy of The West

In the context of the Ukrainian crisis, Western countries have significantly intensified their anti-Russian policy along with its collective development. The article examines the role of the UK in the process of multilateral formation of the collective Western anti-Russian policy. The theoretical basis of the study is the spatial approach and organisational theory. Based on the analysis of institutional-identitarian dynamics using the qualitative and quantitative content analysis, the British foreign policy identity, the transnational identity of the political space of the West, and their mutual influence are explored. It is concluded that the anti-Russian aspects of the foreign policy narratives of the UK and the collective West generally coincide. However, there are features in the corresponding discourse in the UK, which bring it closer to the discourse of the countries of the Anglosphere. International institutions and practices with the participation of the UK are considered, their compliance with anti-Russian narratives is substantiated. The article reveals the directions of British foreign policy that have the most influence on the collective policy of the West. The study focuses on cases where the British leadership was the first to take certain anti-Russian measures, encouraging other countries to follow its example. The reverse impact of international institutions and practices on the British foreign policy identity was analysed. It is argued that the UK has a significant influence on the formation of a collective anti-Russian policy, and is one of the leaders of the West in this context.

A Foreign Policy Narrative for Our Time

A Foreign Policy Narrative for Our Time

Turkish Foreign Policy in the Centennial Republican Anniversary: Quo Vadis?

The Republic of Türkiye is proudly celebrating its centennial anniversary as a nation erected on the ashes of the Ottoman Empire, which had reigned for six centuries until it was wrecked by the First World War. Since the end of the Cold War, Türkiye has been incrementally attracting more and more attention in world politics compared to any previous era. The more Türkiye is under the spotlight, the more it increases its activist foreign policy, becoming routine under the AK Party led by Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Thus, Turkish foreign policy (TFP), in return has also attracted substantial scholarly work not only from the national International Relations students and scholars but also from foreign policy analysts both in Türkiye and abroad.

Painful Moments and Realignment: Explaining Ukraine’s Foreign Policy, 2014–2022

ABSTRACT For decades, Ukraine’s foreign policy was indecisive, with elites balancing domestic interests, Russia, and the West. This article claims a critical juncture occurred in 2013–2014 resulting in Ukraine’s decisive turn to the West for two main reasons. First, the fragmentation of the Donetsk elite and territorial losses that excluded parts of its voter base weakened “pro-Russian” political forces inside Ukraine. Second, Ukraine’s predominant foreign policy narrative increasingly portrayed the EU and NATO as a civilizational choice and Russia as a radical other. The article shows how the critical juncture made Ukraine’s shift possible and how Ukraine’s pro-Western orientation stabilized from 2014 onward.

Digital literacy and technopolitics, core enablers in a disintermediated digital political communication age

The growing interconnection of technology and politics and the enactment of particular political goals (technopolitics) has been closely articulated with emotions and the building of foreign policy narratives. In the current context of change in the communication paradigm, global and disintermediated, bringing together in the same digital space distinct actors, and having wide diffusion and reach, the challenges to international politics are diverse. Digital and media literacy are, in this regard, key to address the implications of these changes, avoiding the spreading of disinformation, fake news and distorted practices that might have profound effects at societal and political level. In this context, this paper aims at providing a basis for understanding the emerging and increasingly clear connection between political communication, polarization, disinformation, and emotions in social networks and digital literacy as a central factor explaining misuse or alleviating deficiencies, on the one hand, and how this context is affecting the reconfiguration of international relations and politics, on the other hand. The case of the war in Ukraine is illustrative of these trends and dynamics.

What (Who) Is Moderate Islam for? Malaysia's Ontological Security Seeking in the Post-September 11 Global Order

Abstract The popular yet ambiguous idea of moderate Islam has been treated with either interest or indifference in international relations. The interest hinges on hopes of Islamic reformism, whereas the indifference originates from a cynical view that sees moderate Islam campaigns as driven by political opportunism. These viewpoints conceptualize the idea of “moderate Islam” as exegetically rooted and seek to measure state actions based on that. This article argues that “Islamic” signifiers in the foreign policy narratives of Muslim states are better understood from the postcolonial subjectivities of their producers, who are most aware of uneven global cultural hierarchies. It demonstrates that elite Muslim narratives of moderate Islam are less about religious reformation as they are about ontological security seeking. This need for ontological security seeking by Muslim state elites stems from the historical stigmatization of Islam that is exacerbated by the Global War on Terror. Using the case of Malaysia, I highlight how discourses about moderate Islam in foreign policy operate through two mutually reinforcing discursive strategies: image building and image differentiation. Through historical and discourse analysis, I argue that both strategies contain a stigma-correction motive as they worked to craft this image of Malaysia being an exemplary “moderate” Muslim state.

Do the EU and Ukraine speak the same language? The various notions of resilience before the military intervention

ABSTRACT The concept of resilience has become a leitmotif for the current foreign policy narrative and practices of most Western states and international organisations. It has been more visible due to the pandemic crisis and accentuated significantly in the midst of the escalation between Ukraine and Russia. This article first discusses various notions of resilience, especially unpacking state-centred and societal approaches to resilience. In the empirical section, it identifies and compares the views and approaches to the resilience of the EU and Ukraine. The qualitative content analysis shows that their views on resilience identified in the official documents have differed substantially over the last few years. Yet, the top-down (or state-centred) approach clearly dominates in both environments. While the EU links resilience to stabilisation of the area, Ukraine has formulated the concept only recently, connecting it first with the desire to belong to the EU community, but soon tested it in the face of a Russian attack. Therefore, the war has triggered severe discussion, not only about the future commitment of the EU to the Eastern region but also pushes both actors (often unwillingly) towards adapting their societies in a rapidly changing world and possibly towards reformulating the concept as such.

Conspiracy Theories and Foreign Policy Narratives: Globalism in Jair Bolsonaro’s Foreign Policy

An analysis of more than 2,000 speeches and social media posts on foreign policy issues from four members of Jair Bolsonaro’s government from January 2019 to December 2020 suggests that a conspiracy theory called “globalism,” which explains current events using a series of intrigues and stratagems carried out by fictitious enemies to undermine the national order, has not only taken root in Brazil’s foreign policy narrative but consistently been used over time by the cabinet members responsible for that policy. It also indicates that the use of “globalism” is not just a political strategy to persuade voters but a worldview embedded in Bolsonaro’s far-right cabinet. Uma análise de mais de 2.000 discursos e posts provenientes de redes sociais sobre questões da política externa do Brasil por quatro membros do gabinete do governo de Jair Bolsonaro de janeiro de 2019 a dezembro de 2020 indica que a teoria de conspiração denominada “globalismo,” que explica atualidades em termos de uma série de intrigas e estratégias implementadas por inimigos fictícios para minar a ordem nacional, não se arreigou apenas na narrativa exibida na política exterior brasileira mas também se utilizou há anos pelos mesmos membros do gabinete que são responsáveis por sua elaboração. Isso significa que o uso do “globalismo” não é só uma estratégia política para convencer eleitores mas é também uma visão do mundo que é enraizada no gabinete de Bolsonaro cuja origem reside na extreme direita.

Investigating Turkey’s Changing Narratives Regarding Interventions in Libya and Syria

Abstract This article investigates the role of intersubjective and situated meanings and norm contestation for militarised humanitarian interventions from a critical perspective. The International Relations (ir) literature on humanitarian interventions, the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, and emergence of norms is explained and critically evaluated. The case analysed here is Turkey and its foreign policy discourse regarding interventions in Libya and Syria. Based on the case and literature review, the author concludes that critical approaches particularly provide useful tools to understand the role of identity, changing foreign policy narratives, and power constellations in world politics.

Post-American World, Post-Ukrainian Geopolitics: Russia's Foreign Policy Narrative

Post-American World, Post-Ukrainian Geopolitics: Russia's Foreign Policy Narrative

Historical Memory in the Context of U.S. Foreign Policy: The Case of the Presidency of Joseph Biden

Modern day politicians often refer to historical memory in order to construct and/or adjust foreign policy. The analysis of historical memory as one of the tools for constructing foreign policy narratives is attracting increasing scientific interest in the study of international relations. Under conditions of deep socio-political split in the USA and fragmentation of American identity, representatives of the Democratic administration actively turn to historical memory, trying to explain the changing international realities and justify the implemented foreign policy course. The article attempts to identify the key historical narratives of the Biden Administration and analyze how their use influences the foreign policy of the U.S. at the present stage. To achieve this goal, the authors used the method of narrative interpretation to conduct a qualitative analysis of a broad source base (speeches, interviews, press conferences of key representatives of the U.S. executive branch). As a result, a number of foreign policy narratives with the most characteristic historical subjects for the current administration were identified. It has been established that U.S. leaders address historical memory as part of discourses on the promotion of liberal democracy in the world; the limits of “hard power” and the fight against international terrorism; human rights and freedoms; relations with Russia; and the defense of a liberal world order. It is determined that historical narratives are often used by the United States to legitimize its unilateral and discriminatory foreign policy actions. The authors conclude that for the current administration the construction of foreign policy narratives through selective reference to the subjects of American historical memory becomes one of the key tools of adaptation to the development of international multipolarity, mobilization of its resources and consolidation of allies to defend the “free world” from “illiberal” opponents.

The Illusion of the China-US-Europe Strategic Triangle: Reactions from Germany and the UK.

The dawn of the Sino-US peer competition has broken, denoting a new status quo of instability as Beijing and Washington vie for influence. As leader of the rules-based international order (RIO), Washington under the Trump administration nevertheless adopted an “America first” posture, which triggered a transatlantic discord. Simultaneously, Beijing, having signalled discontent with existing settlements, has sought to alter international arrangements to cement its leadership role. Europe has been identified as a significant theatre for the emerging competition, with Germany and the UK recognized as essential target states for Beijing’s efforts, yet are simultaneously major stakeholders in the US-led RIO. As such, this article sets out to operationalize a European narrative of hedging. The article poses the questions, how does the transatlantic discord and Beijing’s leadership ambitions impact the hedging strategies of Germany and the UK, and why do such coping behaviors differ in various indices? Utilizing key signals from policy practitioners, policy elites’ rhetoric and national strategies, it is contended that while the UK is struggling to formulate a coherent foreign policy and now finds itself aligned with US foreign policy narratives, Germany is unlikely to signal its wishes to become strategically independent, if the US and EU foreign policy imperatives accord with Berlin’s political and economic interests. These two case studies reveal that both European powers are decidedly wary about Beijing’s signals and intentions, and are likely to retain closer alignment with Washington, foregoing strategic independence and illustrating the temporary nature of the transatlantic discord. Both will not, however, wish to relinquish Beijing, so long as attractive economic benefits can be attained, resulting in an inexplicit strategic hedge.

“This barbaric terrorist organization”: Orientalism and Barack Obama’s language on ISIS

ABSTRACT This article explores US foreign policy discourse surrounding the rise of ISIS, from 2014 to 2016. Specifically, it asks how Obama constructed ISIS as a threatening Other at this time. This research responds to a gap in the literature concerning official Western discourses on ISIS violence, and partially fills this by tracing the formation of US foreign policy narratives and exploring how this drew from existing discourses and older Orientalist tropes. Conducting a discourse analysis of official statements, this paper shows how Obama modified his language to elevate the level of the threat in official discourse. It argues that he achieved this by drawing upon longstanding racialised and Orientalist archives of knowledge, effectively resituating the terrorist Other within a more markedly Orientalist discourse. Finally, the article concludes that by (re)producing the traditional Orientalist character of the barbarian as an existential threat to a Eurocentric idea of Western civilisation, Obama made possible an approach to intervention that prioritised air power, targeted assassinations and international cooperation to defend the “civilised” world. This had the effect of stigmatising Muslim communities who were left occupying a discursive space between the civilised West and the barbaric ISIS.