Instrument Of Foreign Policy Research Articles

EU Restrictive Measures and Third Countries’ Evidence

EU restrictive measures, often referred to as ‘sanctions’, have become an increasingly used instrument of EU autonomous foreign policy. For some restrictive measures, however, the EU cannot act alone. In order to adopt them, the Council must rely on information transmitted by third states’ authorities and decisions taken by them at domestic level. This has been the case, in particular, of EU restrictive measures adopted in connection with misappropriations of state funds. The Council’s use of such evidence has been somewhat controversial and has led to numerous legal debates before the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). To what extent was the Council free to rely on the evidence provided by these third states’ authorities? How to ensure that the fundamental rights of the targeted persons and entities were complied with in the process? Faced with these questions in its particularly abundant case law, the CJEU has progressively raised the threshold of validity for these sanctions. It has done so up to a point at which, in the authors’ opinion, the sanctions can no longer reach such threshold in practice. This article addresses the evolutions and implications of the CJEU case law on a legal aspect that is of crucial importance for the EU’s sanctions practice. Restrictive measures – Third States evidence – Misappropriations of State funds – Terrorism – Judicial review – Fundamental Rights – Ukraine – Tunisia – Egypt

Trade and economic cooperation between the EU and post-Soviet states in the context of the Eastern Partnership program: the case of Azerbaijan and Georgia

The Eastern Partnership (EAP) program of the European Union is one of the key instruments of the EU's foreign policy for building relations with six post-Soviet states of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus, namely Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. This initiative contributes to the intensification of political, trade and economic ties between the Union and the above-mentioned countries. In this regard, for a more in-depth analysis of the dynamics of relations between the EU and the member states of the Eastern Partnership, both at the bilateral and multilateral levels, it seems necessary to conduct a study. Subject of research: trade and economic cooperation between the EU and post-Soviet states in the context of the Eastern Partnership program: the case of Azerbaijan and Georgia. The object of the study: the foreign economic policy of the European Union in the eastern direction in the XXI century. The purpose of the study is to identify the consequences of the foreign economic policy of the European Union within the framework of the Eastern Partnership on the economies of Azerbaijan and Georgia, taking into account their interaction with the Russian Federation.The relevance of this work is due to the close trade and economic cooperation and interaction of the post-Soviet states of the South Caucasus of Azerbaijan and Georgia with the European Union and the Russian Federation at the present stage. The scientific novelty of the work is explained by the fact that Russian historiography has not yet sufficiently studied the latest trends related to the EU Eastern Partnership program against the background of the current geopolitical situation in the world. If the ultimate goal of the Eastern Partnership program is transformed into EU membership, this region will turn into a zone of rivalry between the EU and the Russian Federation, which will create not only economic, but also political risks for the participating countries.

Diplomatija Srbije u odvraćanju

Resume Diplomacy represents the first line of promotion and defense of national interests and one of the sources of power, alongside with military, economic, information and other forms of power. The importance and complexity of diplomacy for Serbia in the contemporary international relations are perhaps most evident in terms of deterrence when a major war is being waged on European soil, which will certainly have long-term consequences for the international system. In addition to these factors, the persistent unresolved issues stemming from the Yugoslav heritage, notably the contentious matter of Kosovo and Metohija's status, underscore the imperative for Serbia to consistently harness its full national potential to establish a robust and comprehensive deterrence strategy under the constraints of a policy of military neutrality. This policy, in turn, further compounds the complexity of the challenges at hand. The effectiveness of diplomacy is one of the key prerequisites for successful deterrence, but its synergy with other instruments of foreign policy cannot be reliably realized without the concept of strategic communication. The goal of this paper is, relying on a realistic theoretical foundation, to provide an analysis of diplomatic functions and examine its significance for effective deterrence and the necessity of synchronized action with other foreign policy instruments; instruments that were primarily developed for deterrence but can be utilized differently if diplomacy fails to navigate the security dilemma's failings.

Зовнішньополітичний курс Д. Трампа в умовах формування нового світопорядку

The author made an observation of foreign policy course of the United States of America during D. Trump presidency. The United States foreign policy in the 21st century is strategically oriented to global leadership, forming of the new world order, and active application of information space as a foreign policy instrument that is supposed to implement national interests. Such an approach causes significant consequences due to presidential administrations activity, their realization and reaction to global challenges and threats that appear as a result of single countries and their alliances policy. The author of the article has made attempts to analyze D. Trump foreign policy course during his presidency. Controversial rhetoric of the candidate during the election campaign considerably differs from D. Trump foreign policy as a president. Early election campaign includes public statements about renewal of relationships with the Russian Federation, staying apart from being involved in conflicts in the Middle East, refusal to extend idea of democracy in the world, reluctancy to use military troops as means of solving problems in international relations. The article focuses on American-Russian and American-Ukrainian relationships that seemed to be controversial from time to time. D. Trump foreign policy doctrine is identified and described. Its essence is in escalation for de-escalation. The author singled out and described the situations, which demonstrate public statements as effective means used in information space for strengthening of president’s power and foreign policy of the United States. The author came to the conclusion that D. Trump policy course and his international political subjectness reflect unstable policy movement from interventionism to isolationism.

Israel’s 75th Anniversary in the Mirror of Foreign Policy: An Approach to Periodization

The paper focuses on specifics of Israel’s foreign policy periodization since the foundation of the state in May 1948 till the beginning of 2023, characterized by the return to power of Benjamin Netanyahu — the chairman of the Likud party. The author analyzes existing approaches to identifying stages in the history of Israel's relations with foreign countries, and also studies the degree of mutual dependence between the domestic and foreign policies of the Israeli leadership in 75 years. The research is based on the concept, suggested by the professor of international politics at the City University of London Amnon Aran, based not on the chronological, but on the problematic principle of periodization. By 2013, when this specialist completed his analysis, he identified three stages of Israeli foreign policy: Etatist, ethno-national and globalist. The turning points for the first two stages were 1973 and 1985. The nomination of the third stage is driven mostly by the peculiarities of Israeli economic development, which influenced decisions regarding the Middle East peace process and the growing interest of the state in expanding its presence in Asia. The paper also examines the evolution of the Israeli leadership’s understanding of the term “mamlakhtiyut” (statehood), the specifics of the “domestication” of Israeli foreign policy in comparison with the experiences of European and Middle Eastern states, as well as the influence of NGOs on the use of military force as a foreign policy instrument. Finally, author’s interpretation of the current period is proposed. It is marked by a high degree of personification of foreign policy. The increased importance of the establishment of friendly personal contacts with foreign leaders by Israeli prime ministers in recent years was caused by the task of strengthening popularity among the electorate in the context of a series of early elections to the Knesset. In addition, the formulation of the country's course in the international arena was significantly influenced by the ministers of foreign affairs, their previous experience and views on the distribution of powers of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with related departments.

Digital diplomacy of USA and China in the era of datalization

Among the numerous discourses on US-China relations in recent years, issues of the influence of digital international relations (which include such areas as digital/data diplomacy, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence (AI) development, and the influence of information projects in social networks) are rarely given explicit consideration. At the same time, all these elements have come under the pressure of datalization and takes a big pleasure on the place of states in the world politics. This article reveals the phenomenon of one the most important element of digital international relations — digital diplomacy of the USA and China — and focuses on the political and academic discourses about this foreign policy instrument in these countries. The first part of the study presents academic discourses on digital diplomacy of Chinese and American experts, provides characteristics of PRC and US digital diplomacy, trends and role in bilateral relations. The second part of the article reflects the existing strategies and projects in Chinese and American digital diplomacy in relation to each other. The authors stated that digital diplomacy evolved from just an instrument of international information broadcasting to the full-fledged foreign policy mechanism which already has visible elements, structural connections and an evolutionary path of development with difficult methodology and institutional regulation, covering the issues of public diplomacy and cybersecurity, and which is the main instrument of the new ideological and economic confrontation of two powers.

The Taiwan Question and PRC Politics of Memory towards Japan

This paper discusses the place of Taiwan in PRC’s foreign policy and politics of memory from the perspective of PRC’s raising pressure on Japan and the necessity to solve the Taiwan problem. The Taiwan issue is an important topic for the PRC. Taiwan is still perceived by the Chinese as a reminder of the unfinished civil war and a divided China. The issue of reunification became especially acute during the reign of Xi Jinping, when the need to return Taiwan "to its homeland" became one of the main tasks of the "Great Revival of the Chinese Nation". However, the leadership of Taiwan does not want to lose its de facto independence from the mainland. Besides, the unification of the island with China is not welcomed by other major powers in the region, in particular Japan. Moreover, deep economic, political and cultural interaction has been established between Taiwan and Japan. From the point of view of mainland China, Taiwan cannot have either economic or political independence. To achieve reunification with the island, the PRC resorts to memory politics. The paper analyzes the origins of the Taiwan issue, as well as the positions of the PRC, Japan and Taiwan. The features of the politics of memory of the PRC, which determine the use of memory politics as a foreign policy instrument in relation to Japan, are exposed and analyzed. It is concluded that PRC politics of memory towards Japan is characterized by frequent appeals to the events of the Sino-Japanese war (1931-1945) and the period of Japanese occupation of Taiwan. The PRC claims its right to return the island "to its homeland" as a result of victory in the war and points out that Japan has no moral right to intervene in this issue.

Концепт культурного влияния в современной мировой политике

The coverage of the factor of cultural international relations and the role of an instrument of foreign policy in modern conditions is revealed. It is indicated that changes in foreign policy achievements in the field of culture force participants in international relations to have their own options for studying cultural heritage in line with foreign policy. The aim is to analyze national approaches to building external cultural activities. The format of cultural diplomacy is considered as the main model of cooperation between cultures in international relations. The presence of studies of the relationship between culture and foreign policy in modern political science is stated, which lead to a discussion in considering the terms "foreign cultural policy" and "cultural diplomacy". The presence in the modern political discourse of studies of the relationship between foreign policy and culture is stated, which contributes to the discussion of the terms "cultural diplomacy" and "foreign cultural policy". It stands out that the cultural interaction of Russia with a number of countries is limited by the "cancellation of Russian culture" abroad and, as a result, leads to a decrease in Russian cultural influence. In conclusion, the need to update the priority areas of the State Cultural Policy Strategy for the period until 2030 is indicated, taking into account the current foreign policy situation. Within the framework of Russian cultural diplomacy, measures are proposed to counteract the practice of a “cancellation culture”. Materials of the periodical press are used, as well as special literature on the problem.

Digitalizacija ekonomske diplomatije i logistike sa osvrtom na pandemiju COVID-19

The digital transformation process, that lies at the heart of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, is fundamentally changing the way we produce goods, services and relationships in society. The term digital transformation refers to the process of integrating digital technologies into all spheres of modern business, both in the areas of economic diplomacy and logistics, with a simultaneous essential reconfiguration of business modality. The purpuse of this paper is to review the role of digital transformation in the development of the economy and logistics, but also in the improvement of economic diplomacy as one of the most important instruments of foreign policy in the conditions of contemporary economic globalization. The paper uses desk research method and the scientific method of analyzing relevant literature sources on the importance and role of digital diplomacy in the management of international relations, as well as methods of specialization, abstraction and generalization of observed information, knowledge and trends. It leads us to a conclusion that digital transformation, the use of social networks and digitalization of logistics have an important role in the optimization of business activities, the adequate management of foreign policy, the realization of economic diplomacy activities, the increase of data security, as well as in the prevention and dealing with emergency situations, from which the paper's scientific contribution arises. At the same time, these are the ways to improve competitiveness and recognition of each country in the international economic environment.

The US humanitarian policy in the Middle East in promoting “rules-based” world order

The purpose of this article is to study the evolution, current state and prospects for the development of US humanitarian policy in the Middle East in accordance with US regional priorities. It notes that humanitarian policy is a key tool for advancing US foreign policy and economic priorities. While it appears to be a value orientation for external audiences, in fact it relies on intertwined political and military-strategic aspects to advance the American concept of world order. The paper outlines the growing importance of humanitarian policy: from a narrow understanding as a crisis response to defining it as one of the main foreign policy instruments. The interrelation of political and military-strategic factors influencing the development of the US humanitarian policy in the Middle East is revealed. Based on the analysis of the essence and content of the concept of humanitarian policy, the trends in the development of the regional humanitarian policy of the United States for the future are presented. It is concluded that the American economic system and high technologies are attractive to the Middle Eastern audience, but the “rules-based world order” promoted by the United States through the created crises is not so positively perceived by it. The US humanitarian policy in the region is able to adapt to the changing imperatives of the time, but at the moment it is not capable of rethinking the changing international status of the United States in the emerging polycentric system of the world order. The methodological basis of the research is the method of system analysis, as well as the synthesis of information contained in official documents, scientific, reference and periodical literature on the topic under study and their generalization based on personal experience of theoretical and practical work in the field of humanitarian cooperation.

Russian Para-Military Operations in Africa: The Wagner Group as a De Facto Foreign Policy Instrument

Russian Para-Military Operations in Africa: The Wagner Group as a De Facto Foreign Policy Instrument

EUROPEAN UNION-UKRAINE RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY

As a result of the enlargement policy of the European Union, the European Neighbourhood Policy was established in order to secure the borders and entered into force in 2004. However, changes were made in the European Neighbourhood Policy due to the failure to achieve the expected results over time. In this context, the policy was divided into two parts, known as the Union for the Mediterranean (2008) and the Eastern Partnership (2009). Thus, a step was taken toward regionalizing the European Neighbourhood Policy to make it more effective. The aim of this study is to analyze the function of the European Neighbourhood Policy, one of the foreign policy instruments of the European Union, within the framework of European Union-Ukraine relations. In this context, the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership are primarily discussed, then the European Union-Ukraine relations are analyzed. The study concludes that the European Neighbourhood Policy’s contribution to relations between European Union and Ukraine is insufficient and the policy should be revised urgently to increase this contribution over time.

Russian–African cooperation and summit diplomacy. Challenges and opportunities

The article examines the perspectives of summit diplomacy in relations between Russia and the countries of the African region. Summit diplomacy in the context of this article can be considered as an integral part of multi-vector network diplomacy, which is an effective addition, and sometimes an alternative to traditional diplomacy, despite the fact that officials also take part in the summits. The authors note that in studies on the diplomacy of summits, insufficient attention is paid to the substantive aspects of the relations between their participants. Thus, the summits imply consideration of a wide range of tasks, including those of a domestic political nature. At the same time, as an instrument of foreign policy, the effectiveness of summit diplomacy depends not only on the structural characteristics of relations, but also on the dynamics of interaction between the participants. The countries of the African region have rich mineral deposits, vast areas that could potentially be suitable for highly productive agriculture; forests, including the most valuable species of trees, as well as a huge population, which can become the basis for one of the world's largest markets for goods and services. It is African countries that occupy the first places in terms of GDP growth prospects and the rapidly growing economy as a whole. Transnational corporations have long been fighting for control over resources, access to cheap labor and the population's money, increasing their presence on the continent. In this regard, Africa has become the object of special attention of leading international players, including Russia. Thus, at present, a certain return of Russia's real interest in Africa is being ascertained. In the first part of the article, the authors analyze the economic opportunities of Russia and its main interests in relations with the countries of the African region. The second part deals with the development of Africa and the negotiating agenda of African states. The third part deals with new points of growth and promising areas of interaction between Russia and Africa.

Comparative Analysis of South Korean and American Soft Power Practices in World Politics

In the 21st century, soft power has proved its effectiveness and expediency and has become one of the most important foreign policy instruments of strong, medium and small powers. The approach proposed by Joseph Nye is considered to be a classic example of soft power politics with the United States being the leading state in this field. However, considering the intensification of glocalization processes and the growth of anti-global and anti-American sentiments, the effectiveness of the US soft power is being called into question. On the contrary, the popularity of South Korean culture has been constantly growing all over the world in recent years, which proves the possibility of successful application of the soft power policy by a non-Western (Asian) state.Aim. The aim is to compare the South Korean and American approaches to the implementation of soft power policy.Tasks. The tasks include studying the elements of the US and South Korean soft power models (culture and way of life, values and ideologies, principles of foreign and domestic policy) and comparing them with each other.Methods. The methods of cross-cultural analysis and secondary analysis of data, including official sources, were used.Results. When implementing the soft power policy, both states use the same resources (elements) distinguished by Joseph Nye (culture and lifestyle, ideology and values, principles of domestic and foreign policy).Conclusion. The difference between national models of soft power lies in the content of these elements. The United States and the Republic of Korea convey different values and prioritize different elements of soft power. The United States, placing the main emphasis on ideology, promotes democratic values, while the Republic of Korea, relying on culture in the broadest sense, appeals to humanistic and Confucian values (love for oneself, caring for others, seeking harmony, cheerfulness). Directions for further research include the analysis of the origins and prospects of such a phenomenon of international relations as Asian waves (Japanese, Korean, Chinese, etc.).

Supporting the Waldensians

Early modern aid to foreign fellow believers is usually seen as an expression of confessional solidarity, initiated by and through religious networks. By studying four collections organised in the Dutch Republic between 1655 and 1731 in aid of Waldensians persecuted in Savoy, this article argues for a broadening of our perspective on transnational aid beyond the narrow confines of religious solidarity. It investigates the role of the Dutch civil authorities in the provision of transnational aid to foreign Protestants, through an analysis of the decision-making process that followed aid requests, the manner in which charitable collections were organised, and how the resulting proceeds were used. Even if aid was only given to fellow believers, for the Dutch authorities such aid was never merely a question of confessional solidarity: it was first and foremost an instrument of national foreign policy. This adds an important dimension to our understanding of transnational aid to foreign fellow believers.

O nekotoryh aspektah sportivnoj diplomatii Azerbajdzhana na sovremennom etape

In the modern world, due to the growing role of sport in international relations, sports diplomacy has become their actual component. For the Republic of Azerbaijan, sport is of undeniable importance both in terms of cultural ties and as an instrument of foreign policy and diplomacy. Today, Azerbaijan has a huge potential for the successful implementation of sports diplomacy.

The Practice of Pilgrimage by Kalmyk Buddhists

Abstract Kalmyk Buddhists have long engaged in the practice of pilgrimage for religious purposes. Historically, the main destination for Kalmyk pilgrims was Tibet, which was facilitated by traditional ties between the Kalmyks and the Dalai Lama (and by extension the Tibetan people) after the adoption of Buddhism by Oirat groups at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries. Kalmyk pilgrims pursued a host of goals – religious, political, diplomatic, and educational in nature. Some pilgrims engaged in exploration; during the early Soviet period Kalmyk pilgrims were used by the Soviet government as covert foreign policy instruments in its dealings with Tibet. Soon afterwards, however, pilgrimage was banned altogether due to the anti-religious policy endorsed by the Bolsheviks. It was not until the late 1980s that pilgrimage was revived owing to the democratization of social and political life in the Soviet Union.

Multidirectionality(ies) in the Turkish Foreign Policy: Compensatory, Complementary and Reactive Multidirectionality

ABSTRACT This article is concerned with multidirectionality in the Turkish foreign policy (TFP). It discusses how multidirectionality attempts in the TFP in different times, with different purposes and instruments can be differentiated and conceptualized. It is argued that there have been three waves of multidirectionality in the TFP: compensatory multidirectionality in the 1960s and 1970s; complementary multidirectionality from the end of the Cold War approximately till 2015; and reactionary multidirectionality since 2015. They are analysed through a comparative perspective in terms of the causative role of the Western factor, the main motivation behind and foreign policy instruments employed. It is further argued in the article that contrary to the conventional wisdom states can adopt multidirectionalism as a mean to further enhance their relations with the ‘direction’ state or alliance. In this sense, beyond its contribution to the TFP literature, the article makes contribution to the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) in general.

The effectiveness of embargoes: Evidence from Russia

AbstractWhile sanctions have been an increasingly popular instrument of Western foreign policy over the past several decades, retaliatory measures by non‐Western targets of Western sanctions are a more recent development. In this study, I focus on the first such incident in recent history: the Russian retaliatory embargo imposed in August 2014 in response to the anti‐Russian sanctions that have been in place since March 2014. I formulate a comprehensive approach to analysing the impacts of such retaliations on trade and how retaliating countries deal with lost trade. Towards that goal, I use a quadruple difference approach with high‐dimensional fixed effects to disentangle various effects of the retaliatory embargo on the extensive and intensive margins of trade. I find that such retaliation comes at a cost to both the retaliating country and the target of retaliation, while not being effective as Russian sanctions are still in place today. I estimate that the total loss of trade from such retaliation amounts to about 42 billion USD in the first 1.5 years after the imposition of the embargo. The disturbances caused by such retaliation destabilise bilateral trade by causing negative spillovers and significantly increase the costs of retaliation as an economic policy or political strategy. Note: This paper was written prior to the Russian invasion in Ukraine on 24 February 2022.

Dyplomacja naukowa jako kategoria dyplomacji wpływu – przypadek Francji

In the last decade, science diplomacy, one of the subcategories of diplomacy of influence, has recently gained unprecedented attention as a subject of both an academic inquiry and political discourse. States adapting to these changes create science diplomacy legal and institutional frameworks which combine the priorities of foreign and science and technology policy. But still, there are only a few advanced countries in this respect. One of them is France, which began building the institutional and strategic foundations of science diplomacy in the middle of the 20th century, and can now provide a source of good practice for states at the beginning of this path. The article presents the conceptual basis of diplomacy of influence and organisational model of French science diplomacy, an example of diplomacy of influence based on the potential and attractiveness of science. Analysing particular dimensions of the model, we point to conditions, such as the concept of foreign policy, assumptions of scientific policy or the structure of the state’s science and technology sector, which influence the specificity of French science diplomacy. We argue that the distinctive features of the French model of science diplomacy are its strong link to foreign and development policy objectives, its treatment of science as an essential instrument of foreign policy and diplomacy of influence, but also its emphasis on supporting the internationalisation of science and increasing France’s participation in international scientific undertakings.