Foreign Policy Doctrine Research Articles

СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВО РОССИИ И АСЕАН В КОНТЕКСТЕ ФОРМИРОВАНИЯ БОЛЬШОГО ЕВРАЗИЙСКОГО ПАРТНЁРСТВА

The concept of creating the Greater Eurasian Partnership put forward by the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin in 2015 and developed in a number of his subsequent speeches is the most ambitious Russian foreign policy doctrine for the recent years. At the same time the principles of institutionalization and practical content of this project are still at the stage of discussion. This article analyzes the prospects for the formation of this community including the possibilities of synergy with existing integration structures as well as the development of relations in the EAEU-SCO-ASEAN format. Strengthening cooperation in this in this particular trilateral form is assessed as the most likely basis for the formation of the Greater Eurasian Partnership.

Доктринальный подход к соотношению национального и международного права в свете конституционных поправок

The article analyzes the Law of the Russian Federation on the amendment to the Constitution of the Russian Federation of March 14, 2020 No. 1-Federal Constitutional Laws «On Improving the Regulation of Certain Issues of the Public Power Organization and Functioning». The author carries out the theoretical and legal analysis of the Russian Federation Constitutional Court practice and the legislation adopted in view of this practice. It is noted that the amendments added to the Constitution of the Russian Federation reflect the official doctrine based on the recognition of the priority and supremacy of the Russian Federation Constitution in the legal system of the country. The author agrees that representatives of economically and militarily strong states have a significant influence on the development of international law, expressing the foreign policy doctrines of their states, while building a dual model of behavior: in relation to themselves – the priority of national law, in relation to other countries – the priority of international law. Under these conditions, the doctrine becomes a universal tool that connects the national and international legal spheres. It is necessary to recognize the ability of the doctrine to ensure the individualization, self-identification of the domestic legal system, the convergence of the Russian legal system and the systems of international public and private international law.

Kulturna diplomatija nesvrstane Jugoslavije - odblesak zaboravljenog nasleđa

Cultural diplomacy of Yugoslavia 1945-1991 is often represented through its socialist, European or westernization aspects. However, one specific characteristic of this multinational federation is often overlooked. Non-alignment was the main axis of the Yugoslav foriegn policy from c. 1956 to 1989. This foreign policy doctrine made possible a wide array of networks to be formed with the newly liberated post-colonial states of Africa, Asia and Latin America. This paper presents a short history of these networks. The given examples present Yugoslav-African cooperation in the fields of museology, literature, artistic and intellectual exchange, exhibitions and institutions created based on this cooperation - such as the Museum of African Art in Belgrade. Yugoslavia was very present on the African continent and signed official cultural cooperation treaties with over 30 of its nation states. Belgrade and the rest of the Yugoslav federation was extremly receptive of initiatives from the non-aligned and, to the limits of their infrastructural and financial possibilities, supported them. The specificities of socialist Yugoslavia, however, made possible for a decentralization of cultural cooperation. The paper also examines the most recent interpretations of Non-Aligned heritage and history in lieu of events following the 60th anniversary of the Belgrade Conference and the Jubilee Conference of the Non-Aligned (Belgrade, October 2021). A special emphasis is placed upon the analysis of two exhibitions - The Non-Aligned World in the Museum of African Art, and the Prometheans of the New Century in the Museum of Yugoslavia. The last part of the text elaborates on the renewal of these old trends of cooperation and gives some thought to the reach and possiblities of cultural diplomacy in the post-colonial space of Africa, Asia and Latin America, highlighting recent examples from the Republic of Serbia and its neighbours. In a globalised world and with Serbia rapidly forming partners on all continents, these links should be re-examined and renewed.

Germany’s Participation in Peacekeeping Operations in Africa at Present

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of Germanys participation in UN, EU and NATO peacekeeping operations in Africa. The relevance of the research topic is due to conflicting opinions about the need to preserve and prolong most operations in the region. In this regard, the opinions of experts with optimistic and pessimistic views on this problem are considered, and the stages of the evolution of peacekeeping activities are highlighted. The purpose of the study is to prove the validity of the assumption of the critical theory of the use of peacemaking by countries as a tool for realizing their foreign policy aspirations. Based on the analysis of German efforts to increase its military contingent in UN peacekeeping operations and maintain positions (despite the presence of oppositional representatives of the Parliament) in EU and NATO operations, it is proposed to identify the cause-and-effect relationships of such behavior. To achieve this goal, we used the method of historicism, which helped to identify the problems of the past that Germany is trying to get rid of by participating in the operations of international organizations, as well as the method of comparative analysis, which regulates the comparison of Germanys efforts in missions with its foreign policy tasks. The analysis of the documents of the international organizations under consideration, as well as legislation and foreign policy doctrines of Germany, allows us to assess not only the legality of the country's operations outside its borders, but also to identify foreign policy priorities in order to obtain reliable results when comparing them. In conclusion, we present the following conclusions: the evolution of Germanys efforts in the UN, EU and NATO missions in Africa. The results of the research reflect the postulates of critical theory in the process of studying German peacekeeping activities in Africa.

EVOLUTION FROM THE CONCEPT “ZERO PROBLEMS WITH NEIGHBORS” TO THE PRACTICE “ZERO NEIGHBORS WITHOUT PROBLEMS”: THE ROLE OF NEO-OTTOMANISM

The peculiarities of Turkey’s foreign policy in the Middle East in 2002-2020 are studied. Turkey’s intentions to establish itself as an influential Eurasian state, which claims leadership in the Middle East, as well as in the Balkans, the Caucasus and Central Asia, were noted. The authors indicate the concept and foreign policy doctrine of “Zero Problems with Neighbors” as the ideological basis for Turkey’s transition from a peripheral to a central role in international politics. It is emphasized that the doctrine of “Zero problems with neighbors” has become a revision of traditional Kemalist values in Turkey’s foreign policy. The authors of the article evaluate the practical implementation of the doctrine as an unsuccessful attempt to become a regional leader in the Middle East. It was emphasized that at the beginning of the implementation of the concept of “Zero problems with neighbors” the only goal of the Turkish government was really to establish good neighborly relations, but after the beginning of the “Arab Spring” foreign policy strategy was revised. It was noted that in the last decade the Turkish government has reoriented to a more pragmatic foreign policy direction; it is determined by the main purpose of protecting its national interests; the result was partial Turkey isolation. The article expresses author’s vision that Turkey in its foreign policy has obviously moved from the concept of “Zero problems with neighbors” to the practice of “zero friends”. It is proved that: 1) Turkey’s relations with the Middle East (except Qatar) are quite tense; 2) although there is a partnership with many countries in the Middle East, it is often based on pragmatic mutual interest of countries, and cooperation often does not go beyond trade and economic relations.

USSR and Germany in the context of the events of the 1920s-1930s

The article is dedicated to the Soviet-German relations of the 1920s-late 1930s. It explores the key issues that fit into the General context of the European situation of the interwar period. The most important normative acts of those years – the Treaty of Versailles, the Locarno and Rapallo agreements – are studied. The article analyses the core document of Hitlerism – Mein Kampf, its influence on the formation and development of foreign policy doctrines of Nazi Germany. The position of the Soviet Union towards the policy of the Weimar Republic before and after the national socialists rise to power in 1933 is evaluated. In response to the growing revanchist tendencies to solve the problems created by Versailles, the Soviet Union began to search for optimal options in order to create a collective security system in Europe. Special attention is paid to the initial stage of Hitler's aggressive course – the annexation of the Saarland, the militarization of the Rhineland, and the Anschluss of Austria. The appeasement policy of the leading European powers in these matters manifested clearly in the so-called Munich betrayal of September 1938, which opened the way for Hitler to implement his aggressive plans.

Global actors in Central Asia: Great Game or Great Gain?

From the first days of their independence, the Central Asian states were constantly searching for the most optimal and beneficial ways to interact between each other and with other partners, both located in close proximity to their borders and relatively remote, but no less significant. The main goal and scientific novelty of this research is to analyze current approaches, taking into account the foreign policy doctrines of global actors (Russia, China, the USA and the EU) in relations with the countries of Central Asia. Particular attention is paid to the assessment and conclusions on the prospects for their development, including through the prism of the interests of the states of the region.

NEUTRALITY IN PERPETUITY: FOREIGN POLICY CONTINUITY IN TURKMENISTAN

Since the passing of Turkmenistan's first president, Saparmurat Niyazov, in late 2006, Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov has ruled over Turkmenistan. Although authoritarian regimes occasionally undergo reform following a transition from one leader to the next, the dictatorship in Ashgabat remains intact and Berdymukhamedov has not modified his predecessor's foreign policy doctrine. Why though has Turkmenistan chosen not to revise its “permanent neutrality” status under new leadership? This article stipulates that the ruling elites in Ashgabat have preserved Turkmenistan's neutrality for three reasons. First, in contrast to other isolated dictatorships, the government of Turkmenistan does not have to contend against any state adversaries or antagonize a foreign power to legitimate its rule. Instead, Turkmenistan portrays itself in the United Nations General Assembly as an exemplary neutral state and this affords the regime latitude in navigating geopolitics. Second, while Berdymukhamedov has revised aspects of the Niyazov dictatorship, the Arkadag personality cult heralds him as the “protector” of Turkmenistan's sovereignty. “Permanent neutrality” thus undergirds the president's political legitimacy to some degree. Third, Turkmenistan's neutrality contributes to the ruling elites' maintenance of a corrupt and repressive regime through which they exert control over the economy. Hence, in spite of many challenges facing the country, the ruling regime will likely endure.

부동국가(Swing State)로서의 인도: 외교노선의 진화 경로와 미국과의 이해관계 수렴에 대한 논쟁을 중심으로

부동국가(Swing State)로서의 인도: 외교노선의 진화 경로와 미국과의 이해관계 수렴에 대한 논쟁을 중심으로

The Trump administration’s politics of time: The temporal dynamics that enable Trump’s interests to determine American foreign policy

Scholars and political observers have noted how the rate of significant events and crises in the Trump administration appear to be accelerating at an unmanageable and irresistible pace, making it difficult to respond to these actions as they happen. This paper uses the lens of the present as a frame for exploring the temporal assumptions and “timing mechanisms” at work in the contemporary moment within American politics, particularly within US foreign and security policy. The paper identifies and explores three elements of this particular present that combine to enable the implementation of Trump administration policy goals. These three areas include the production of an indefinite present, temporal othering, and the rapid tempo of political activity. Focusing on the temporal dynamics of the political present during the Trump administration reveals some of the ways in which domestic and/or foreign acquiescence is realized despite their rejection of recent US foreign policy doctrine. The paper concludes with a reflection on likely implications this will have on the conduct of American foreign policy, ultimately arguing that it is likely to become increasingly unpredictable and even more violent, dangerously exacerbating already existing inequalities, marginalizations, and erasures of difference.

Oman’s Diplomacy Strategy

The role of Omani diplomacy is visible in promoting its foreign policy and fulfilling the Sultan’s vision. Since 1970, Oman adopted a different foreign policy in both regional and international arenas characterized by independence, pragmatism, and moderation. This approach was reshaped after Sultan Qaboos bin Said seized rule. His first order of business was to accelerate the steps towards modernizing the Sultanate by adopting a nation-wide social, educational, and cultural reform often referred to as the Omani Renaissance. To translate the Sultan’s vision to reality, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has adopted a well-structured mechanism that will enhance diplomatic relations with various countries of the world. This research highlights Oman’s diplomacy strategy post-1970. It focuses on Oman’s foreign policy doctrine and examines the different categories of diplomacy that have been practiced in achieving Oman's foreign policy. The research includes the following types of diplomacy: official, mediation, tolerance and co-existence, economy, cultural, water, poet, aviation, and non-governmental diplomacy. This paper attempts to contribute to academia by providing a comprehensive outlook on Oman’s diplomacy, focusing on this topic from a practical point of view. It presents Omani diplomacy through dialogue and negotiations. It assembles a clear direction for the reader based on information, including personal communication with Omani diplomats.
 Since 1970, Oman adopted a different foreign policy in both regional and international arenas characterized by independence, pragmatism, and moderation. This approach was reshaped after Sultan Qaboos bin Said seized rule. His first order of business was to accelerate the steps towards modernizing the Sultanate by adopting a nation-wide social, educational, and cultural reform often referred to as the Omani Renaissance. To translate the Sultan's vision to reality, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has adopted a well-structured mechanism that will enhance diplomatic relations with various countries of the world. This research highlights Oman's diplomacy strategy post-1970. It focuses on Oman's foreign policy doctrine and examines the different categories of diplomacy that have been practiced in achieving Oman's foreign policy. The research includes the following types of diplomacy: official, mediation, tolerance and co-existence, economy, cultural, water, poet, aviation, and non-governmental diplomacy.

Pseudoisolationism: the Neoimperialism of the State(s)

During the Obama administration years, the American military seemed to be withdrawing and American global hegemony withering. The administration had adopted a new foreign policy doctrine called “offshore balancing,” and its critics were many, dubbing the doctrine “neoisolationist.” However, this label has misdiagnosed the doctrine, which as this essay will first argue, can more accurately be labeled “pseudoneoisolationist”—the American military may have withdrawn its conventional forces to a degree, but it continues to become increasingly reliant on unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs). These UCAVs have allowed the United States to maintain Pax Americana while appearing to have staged a global retreat. This essay will then argue that two aspects of the American drone program have redefined territoriality: targeting methods and legal justification. This redefinition is a neoimperialist understanding, although admittedly it is one that cannot be correctly categorized as imperialist nor neoimperialist based on their traditional definitions. Finally, this essay will discuss why it is important to discuss the first two subjects (i.e. offshore balancing and the American drone program’s redefinition of territoriality) together, rather than in isolation.

Post‐1994 South Africa's peacekeeping and military intervention in Southern Africa, reference from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Lesotho

South Africa, once a pariah state as a result of the apartheid regime destabilization policies in Southern Africa, became a full fledge democratic state following the victory of the African National Congress (ANC) in the first and all‐inclusive democratic elections of 1994. The ANC's vision for Southern Africa was to be routed on the notion of curbing the imbalances of the past (pre‐1994), which had cost the Southern African region great economic loss. Here, one of the many fundamentals that were to drive the ANC's foreign policy doctrine was that of conflict resolution for a more stable and prosperous Africa particularly Southern Africa. Conflict resolution was viewed as a pivotal element for the new democratic government in order to stimulate beneficial relations with other African states post the apartheid era. In light of the above, and using a qualitative method approach, this paper draws a nuanced appraisal and examines the role of South Africa's peacekeeping and mediation initiatives in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Lesotho post‐1994. In conclusion, South Africa has been able to utilize its regional hegemonic stance to ensure regional security while ensuring economic stability at home.

Современные американо-германские отношения: кризис стратегического сотрудничества

The article is devoted to the analysis of the modern strategy of mutual partnership between Germany and the United States in the conditions of aggravation of the situation in the field of nuclear disarmament and strategic stability. A number of European countries assess Germany's current foreign policy as a threat of German hegemony in Europe. The article deals with the potential of the effectiveness of Germany foreign policy doctrine, attempts to assess the prospects of Germany's economic security in the framework of the crisis of Euro-Atlantic model and the optimal means of its implementation. The author analyzes the possibility of the US-German dialogue in the field of strategic cooperation, as well as the transformation of the model of the EU foreign policy as a whole.

Доктринальні підґрунтя зовнішньої політики США в період "позолоченої епохи"

The article is devoted to the analysis of such the of the US foreign policy doctrines in the period of «Gilded Age» as the «Monroe doctrine» and Washington` doctrine. The author is considering the «Monroe Doctrine» and indicates that she received several interpretations. This doctrine was announced in 1823 by 5th President of the US J. Monroe and appeared to be a sign of protection against European colonialism. However, it gradually became the sign to justify expansion and US intervention to Latin American countries. The proclamation of the «Olney's Doctrine» was a prime example this. Throughout the nineteenth century, the United States had been following that principles of foreign policy that were proposed by George Washington. In practice, this policy was called isolationism. The author argues that this term is not entirely successful and proposes «Washington` doctrine» as an alternative definition of such policy. In the article also consider attempts of the American politicians to moved away from traditional the US foreign policy. The first such attempt was made during the presidency of Chester Arthur and was associated with the colonial division of Africa. In the hope of gaining economic dividends, American representatives took part in the Berlin Conference during November 1884 to February 1885 and supported the claims of the Belgian King Leopold II to the territory of Congo. But the desired result wasn`t be achieved through the opposition in the US Congress. A second attempt to change traditional American politics took place during the presidency of Grover Cleveland. As a result of American claims to Samoa, the United States participated in another Berlin conference, which took place in 1889. Its result was the signing of agreement by Germany, the US and England on a triple protectorate over Samoa. The author came to conclusion that the reasons for this change were economic factors and also foreign. Under the latter should understand the danger of expansion the European powers in Western Hemisphere.

Targeted soft power in Turkish new foreign policy and its impact on origins of in-bound tourists

This article is a preliminary study on impact of targeted soft power on origins of in-bound tourists. By focusing on the case of Turkey, it argues that the origins of foreign visitors to Turkey is affected by its targeted soft power policies within the new Turkish foreign policy. Since the AKP government came to power in 2002, Turkey experienced a significant foreign policy orientation shift. This new foreign policy doctrine prioritizes increasing country’s soft power towards targeted regions. Using several foreign policy tools, Turkey tries to increase its soft power among countries that have cultural and historical ties to itself. Increasing soft power of Turkey in these targeted countries significantly and positively impacts the number of in-bound tourists since early 2000s.

КОНЦЕПЦИЯ "ИСЛАМСКОГО ПРОБУЖДЕНИЯ" КАК ВНЕШНЕПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ ДОКТРИНА ИСЛАМСКОЙ РЕСПУБЛИКИ ИРАН В XXI В.

The article examines the essence and functioning of the concept of «Islamic Awakening» (IA) (Persian – bidariye eslami) in Iran, which has been actualized by the Iranian political elite as a description of events related to the Arab Spring, as well as the foreign policy doctrine of the Islamic Republic Iran (IRI) in the 2010s. As this study shows, this term appeared in Iranian sociopolitical discourse in previous decades and has similarities with the concept of «Islamic revival», covering a vast number of diverse movements in the Islamic world in different historical periods. The authors of the article analyze the ideological roots of this concept, which dates back to the ideas of the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini that received the title «Export of the Islamic Revolution» (Persian – sodure engelabe eslami). Much attention is paid to identifying the essence of this concept and its difference from IA, which was also revealed by the present study. This article also analyzes the basic principles of the concept of «Islamic Awakening», manifested both in the statements of the highest representatives of the Iranian political elite and in the school textbooks on the modern history of Iran. The authors also seek to examine the dynamics of using the term «Islamic Awakening» in the Iranian social and political discourse, which demonstrates a strong increase in its mentioning in 2011 and a gradual decrease after 2013, which was related to a decline in the influence of Arab Spring in the Near and Middle East region and changes in the foreign policy views of the main political figures inside Iran.

РОССИЯ И ФРАНЦИЯ: ТОРГОВО-ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОЕ СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВО В 1960-1970-Х ГГ. ПО МАТЕРИАЛАМ РГАЭ

The article is devoted to the analysis of documents of the Russian State Archive of Economics on the history of Soviet-French trade relations in the “era of detente.” The desire of France in the 1960-1970s to establish mutually beneficial cooperation with the USSR became one of the important components of the new foreign policy doctrine of Paris. The visit of French President Charles de Gaulle to the USSR in 1966 was the starting point for the improvement of Soviet-French relations. Following the results of the talks in Moscow, in order to improve trade and economic relations between the countries, intergovernmental commissions for trade were established, a Soviet-French Chamber of Commerce was established. To increase exports of equipment and machinery from the Soviet Union, so-called “Soviet-French mixed societies” were established. Documents on the history of Soviet-French trade are concentrated in the fund of the Ministry of Foreign Trade of the Russian State Archive of Economics (RSAE). A common array of documents, typewritten copies of the record of interviews of employees of foreign economic associations with representatives of French firms and reports of the trade mission of the USSR in France. However, despite the friendly atmosphere of cooperation, the USSR and France failed to realize all the potential opportunities in the field of trade and economic relations. The share of the USSR in the foreign trade turnover of France was about 2%.

Предначертания «постсоциализма»

The article highlights the main policy directions of the Western powers, especially the USA, towards the socialist countries in the second half of the 20th century. The beginning of the Cold War predetermined the strategy of the West in the Soviet region and in Eastern European countries. The formation of this strategy, reflected in Gorge Kennan’s "Long Telegram" to Washington from the American Embassy in Moscow, is considered. The views of the author of this telegram and their transformation are detailed in the article. Not only the principle of "containment" formulated in G. Kennan’s "Long Telegram", but also the foreign policy practice itself, undergoing some temporary changes, persisted for more than seven decades. None of the American, and indeed, Western strategies towards the Soviet Union and its allies in the socialist camp did not do without the idea of "containment". And yet the "Long Telegram", its content and purpose, continue to attract special attention even now, many decades later. The importance of this strategy cannot be overstated: it influenced the development of the American foreign policy doctrine for the next forty years, determined the policy of other states towards America and, finally, formed the basis of many important diplomatic and political initiatives, such as the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, NATO, and the Berlin Airlift. American historians link the origins of the Cold War with the USA policy in Eastern Europe. In the 70s-80s of the last century there was a tendency of weakening the "Cold War", which is reflected in a series of Soviet-American discussions between diplomats and historians from both countries. However, the subsequent development of international relations led to the hardening of positions on both sides of the "Cold War", the intensification of the policy of "containment", the realisation of the destiny of post-socialism planned in the 50s of the 20th century.

The Rise and Fall Of Turkish Soft Power and Public

This article explores Turkey’s public diplomacy and soft power policies under the government of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) over the period of 2003 to 2016. Thus, Turkish foreign policy is analysed within the framework of soft power policy and the new institutional design of the country’s public diplomacy. The main research questions of the study are as follows: “What are Turkey’s public diplomacy mechanisms and instruments, and furthermore, why did Turkey begin to implement public diplomacy under the JDP governments? Additionally, how does Turkey implement soft power policies in line with the new foreign policy doctrine?” The study has two fundamental arguments: First, the JDP leaders’ ambition to become a regional power and the leader of the Middle East and Muslim world has played the chief role in pushing forward with public diplomacy and soft power policies. Secondly, the new vision and identity of the ruling party leaders have been effective in the transformation process for a shift towards soft power and public diplomacy in new foreign policy doctrine within a modern understanding. In this context, the JDP rule initiated public diplomacy and soft power policies until the Arab Spring, which era could characterize the rise of Turkish soft power. However, Turkish soft power began to fall particularly in the wake of the Syrian crisis.