Foreign Policy Discourse Research Articles

Exploring the link between historical memory and foreign policy: an introduction

This article introduces the special issue ‘Exploring the Link between Historical Memory and Foreign Policy’. It sets the scene for the individual case studies by illustrating how memory and foreign policy are linked in a complex and reciprocal way. Several mechanisms of (ab)using historical memory in foreign policy discourses are identified, including the application of historical analogies, the construction of historical narratives, the creation of memory sites, the marginalisation and forgetting of the past and the securitisation of historical memory. The contributions to the special issue are introduced according to this conceptual frame. The article highlights how these mechanisms are deployed in different national and political contexts, as well as how a state’s politics of memory influences its foreign policy and relations with other states.

Освещение евразийской интеграции в американском научно-академическом дискурсе

The article discusses modern Eurasian integration - regional processes of unification in the post-Soviet space, in which Russia plays a guiding role. Despite the declaration by the American establishment of the importance of the Eurasian macro region and the deep involvement of the United States in the region’s affairs, the American foreign policy discourse clearly shows a lack of interest on the part of the expert community in integration in the post-Soviet space against the backdrop of Washington’s assistance in integration processes in other regions of the world. In this regard, the purpose of the article is to analyze the current practice of coverage in the American scientific and academic discourse of Eurasian integration processes with the active role of Russia. Based on the opinion of American experts from centrist, liberal and conservative think tanks, it is planned to determine the place of Eurasian integration issues in the American foreign policy discourse, to determine the dynamics of changes in the process of coverage of Eurasian integration by the American expert community, and to outline the nature of the assessments of American experts on Eurasian integration projects.

The formulation and implementation of populist foreign policy: Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean

ABSTRACT Although populism does not dictate a coherent ideological or programmatic agenda, some of its elements still leave distinct marks on the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. This paper argues for the study of populism in its tangible policy impacts and scrutinizes the nexus of populism and foreign policy in contemporary Turkey under President Erdoğan’s rule. Despite the abundant references to the ‘people’ in the populist rhetoric, it identifies personalization in foreign policy decision-making, nationalization in foreign policy implementation, and civilizationalization in the foreign policy discourse. Having established the patterns of populist foreign policy from a wider reading, this study then examines, generally, how populism has informed Turkish foreign policy and, specifically, Turkey’s approach to the recent border disputes over the gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean.

The Road to Collective Security: Soviet Russia, the League of Nations, and the Emergence of the ius contra bellum in the Aftermath of the Russian Revolution (1917–1934)

Abstract This article argues that the quest for ‘peaceful coexistence’, sometimes depicted as an inherent quality of Soviet foreign policy, rather reflects a re-interpretation of actual practice in the light of subsequent developments – in connection with the emergence of Joseph Stalin’s doctrine of Socialism in one country. The latter was primarily inspired by tactical necessities rather than doctrinal dogmas. Even though Soviet Russia was perceived and sometimes acted as an outsider, if not a disrupting agent, until the accession of the USSR to membership in the League of Nations in 1934, Soviet foreign legal policy discourse in the 1920s and early 1930s, with its increasing focus on ‘peaceful coexistence’ and collective security rather than world proletarian revolution, contributed substantively to the emergence and development of modern ius contra bellum.

EU foreign policy and hybrid actors in the Middle East: ready for geopolitical contestation?

ABSTRACT The 2019 European Commission recognizes a need to learn the language of power and geopolitics for the EU to become a stronger player in a contested world. Yet the EU experiences difficulties in navigating the geopolitical scene in its immediate neighbourhood, the Middle East and North Africa, characterized by fast-changing alliances among international and regional powers but also a wide array of non-state and hybrid actors. Policy recommendations urge the EU to include the latter in its foreign policy calculus. This article investigates how the EU accounts for a specific set of actors by exploring its foreign policy discourse. Specifically, it analyses how two hybrid actors, Hamas and Hezbollah, are discussed within the European Parliament, Commission and Council. It is argued that internal contestation over the terrorist nature of these actors poses challenges for the EU to join the geopolitical game in its Southern neighbourhood.

Central Asia’s pipeline politics and India’s energy quest

Although Central Asia emerged out of the ashes of the disintegration of the Soviet Union, yet the ‘Five Stans’ (Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan) as a single geopolitical entity has emerged as new hotspot of global politics by virtue of its huge untapped hydrocarbon potentials and promises of new discoveries. That is perhaps the reason that even after the disintegration of the USSR, the geopolitical importance of Central Asia has never waned down, instead emerged as a grand chessboard for regional and extra-regional players. In the quest for energy security and diversity of supply sources by the energy consumers, the heartland region has witnessed a new great game in the scramble for resources to which many now call as the New Great Game for not just controlling but administering the energy resources of the region. This article examines the position of India in Central Asia and her policy initiatives in the epic quest for oil and energy in the traditional bastion of Russia and the new grand chessboard of China and the USA and endeavours to unearth if India at all have a foreign policy discourse towards the region.

Dominant Narratives, External Shocks, and the Russian Annexation of Crimea

ABSTRACT Existing explanations for the Russian annexation of Crimea do not pay enough attention to changes in the representation of the Ukraine crisis throughout its duration in Russian foreign policy discourse. This paper provides an additional interpretation, contending that the annexation became possible due to a particular context in which the events in Ukraine were presented as a threat to Russian compatriots. It also argues that due to the external shock of February 2014 events, the “threat to compatriots” narrative became a dominant one and was adopted by Russian authorities, which likely contributed to the decision to annex Crimea.

Canada’s feminist foreign policy and human security compared

Canadian federal governments regularly try to craft a unique image of Canada in the world; however, the Trudeau government’s embrace of feminist foreign policy feels strikingly similar to the late 1990s when human security was embraced. There seems to be a “sameness” in the promotion of a progressive values-based discourse that has transformative potential for Canadian foreign policy. The question is, does this sense of sameness bear out when we dig into the comparison? Drawing on speeches given by government ministers; policy documents, such as the Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP); media; and scholarship, we compare and contrast analyses of the sources of the human security and feminist foreign policy discourses and then identify common critiques. We also examine two significant differences. We find there is consistent Liberal articulation of values-based discourses and policies that have unmet transformative potential. In both cases, style and rhetoric are privileged over transformative change.

Franco-British Defence and Security Cooperation after Brexit: An Exception in Europe

Following the UK’s decision to leave the EU, British foreign and defence policy discourse has been inspired by the “Global Britain” narrative. But this narrative only makes sense as far as Britain is able to establish or maintain ambitious partnerships either with the EU or with individual member states. This paper analyses the rationale behind the deepening of bilateral cooperation with France in order to show that it remains crucial if Britain wants to maintain its role as one of the main actors in European defence and security policy.Ten years after the signing of the November 2010 Lancaster House treaties on defence and security and on nuclear cooperation, this paper uses a role theory approach to recall the strategic, political and economic rationales for bilateral cooperation and examine the current state of Franco-British relations. Brexit puts this cooperation at risk – with Emmanuel Macron calling for a stronger EU based on a reinforced Franco-German partnership – and recent developments in defence cooperation in Europe – with the implementation of the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) and the creation of the European Intervention Initiative (EI2) – raise questions about the respective roles of France and the UK. But this paper also shows that the current international context reinforces the case for close Franco-British defence and security relations that are beneficial for both partners, as well as for the EU.

What Kind of “Real World” Makes South Korea's Middle Power Categorization Necessary?*

The fundamental dilemma in the middle power study is the repeated epistemic fallacies that attempt to answer an ontological question of middle powers with epistemic features. With the common epistemic belief that middle powers are significant actors that play some constructive roles, South Korea is automatically designated as a middle power as long as the agent (researcher or practitioner) finds comparable middle power‐like characteristics in South Korea's material attributes and foreign policy behaviors. However, this research adopted a critical realist research design that addresses the epistemic fallacy and finds the “real world” that makes South Korea's middle power categorization necessary. It analyzed South Korea's middle power rhetoric in South Korean presidents' and foreign ministers' foreign policy discourses, and ultimately uncovered that the “real world” behind South Korea's middle power rhetoric has been its environment comprised of the dominant and less dominant countries. As the less dominant country, South Korea has utilized the middle power title to balance and neutralize the asymmetrical power relations and create an environment more conducive to South Korea's national interests. This includes the removal of South Korea's deeply ingrained victim mindset. Yet, it should be emphasized that such a conclusion is valid only because of the critical realist research design, committed to ontological realism, epistemological relativism, and judgmental rationalism. If not, South Korea's unequal power environment would be viewed as merely an additional condition that a “middle power” South Korea must deal with.

Формування соціально-інституційного конструкту цифрової дипломатії

Формування соціально-інституційного конструкту цифрової дипломатії

The role of historical narratives in Ukraine’s policy toward the EU and Russia

The article argues that policymakers often make use of historical narratives in order to underpin their foreign policy agenda. It duly explores how the structure of such a narrative is realized linguistically and illustrates this point by exploring a recent shift in Ukrainian foreign policy discourse. It is argued that in order to justify its pro-EU foreign policy agenda, the Ukrainian political leadership has promoted the understanding that Ukrainians have historical experiences that are similar to Europeans and different from Russians, and that this justifies Ukraine’s aspirations to distance itself from Russia and become an EU member.

Egyptian foreign policy after the 2011 revolution: the dynamics of continuity and change

ABSTRACT The outbreak of the Egyptian 2011 revolution raised expectations in academic and policy-oriented circles that Egypt would chart a new foreign policy discourse in response to the demands of its revolutionary public and the competing political forces that sought to shape its power. This article examines the development of Egyptian foreign policy after the 2011 revolution, with a view of identifying the patterns of continuity and change and their primary underlying causes. The article contends that, contrary to expectations, the elements of continuity were far more powerful than propensities for change during period of SCAF and Morsi where the revolutionary sentiment in Egyptian politics was at its peak. While the rise of Sisi to power seemed to have ended the revolutionary zeal in contemporary Egypt, it was only then that Egypt’s foreign policy has witnessed the most relatively significant change in the last 40 years.

Historical memory and securitisation of the Russian intervention in Syria

Memories of the past conflicts are a major part of Russian foreign policy discourse. Scholarly literature highlighted the widespread use of Second World War references in Russian discourse during the Ukraine crisis. However, the use of historical memory in the context of Russia’s intervention in Syria remains underinvestigated. Applying securitisation theory, the paper analyses a set of political statements made by Russian pro-government and opposition politicians between 2015 and 2018. The analysis identifies several ways in which they integrate memory and security discourse. These include pro-Kremlin actors’ justifications of the intervention through references to the War on Terror and Chechen Wars; the anti-systemic opposition’s de-securitisation of the Syrian conflict by exposing manipulative uses of history; and the systemic opposition’s counter-securitisation of the intervention itself as an existential threat to Russia through references to the Soviet–Afghan war. The paper concludes by discussing the relationship between historical memory and security discourse.

Islamic Identity and Foreign Policy Discourse: Indonesia’s Responses to the US War in Afghanistan (2001-2002)

Observers of Indonesia’s foreign policy commonly argue that while the state needs to include domestic Muslim interests in its foreign policy formulation, foreign policy officials have rarely considered Islam in their policy choices, with a dual-identity predicament constraining such a move. This article challenges this argument by demonstrating that foreign policy leaders have begun referring to Islamic identity and norms when justifying Indonesia’s foreign policy choices. By discussing Indonesia’s foreign policy responses to the United States’ war in Afghanistan in 2001, this paper elucidates the way in which Indonesia’s foreign policy leaders have constructed Islam as an “inclusive civilizational” identity in their foreign policy discourse, legitimizing their alliance with the global war on terrorism amid staunch domestic Muslim opposition to the war. They managed to turn identity constraint into opportunity by framing their policies within the context of “inclusive” and “integrative” Islamic values and norms.

Re-(Modi)fying India’s Israel Policy: An Exploration of Practical Geopolitical Reasoning Through Re-representation of ‘India’, ‘Israel’ and ‘West Asia’ Post-2014

Narendra Modi became the first Prime Minister of India to undertake a stand-alone visit to Israel from 4 to 6 July 2017. Although India–Israel relations had been normalised in 1992, the nature of this bilateral relationship remained murky as India avoided any explicit recognition. However, with Modi’s visit, the policy of ‘equidistance’ or ‘de-hyphenation’ of ‘Israel’ and ‘Palestine’ was formally operationalised proclaiming that India’s relations with one country will have no impact on relations with the other. Conventional academic wisdom attributes causal determinants to Indian foreign policy vis-à-vis Israel as guided by international and domestic factors. This article contends that a constitutive approach to understanding India’s foreign policy towards Israel and the Middle East offers a viable alternative. Adopting Gearoid O Tuathail’s theoretical framework of practical geopolitical reasoning, this article critically explores the geopolitical representations of ‘India’, ‘Israel’, ‘Palestine’, ‘West Asia’, ‘South Asia’ and ‘Middle East’ in the National Democratic Alliance government’s foreign policy discourse through an analysis of ‘grammar of geopolitics’, ‘geopolitical storylines’ and ‘geopolitical script’. The article demonstrates that re-representation of ‘India’ as a ‘global actor’ and re-representation of ‘Israel’ as a country in ‘West Asia’ have enabled the Modi-led government to implement India–Israel bilateral partnership which underscores strategic cooperation in full visibility via overt normalisation.

The "Russian question" in the German foreign policy discourse of the early nineteenth century

The "Russian question" in the German foreign policy discourse of the early nineteenth century

Enabling authoritarianism in the Indo-Pacific: Australian exemptionalism

ABSTRACTIn recent white papers, Australia has identified rising authoritarianism in the region as a key challenge to its regional security interests. Foreign policy discourses highlight Australia’s normative commitment to global democracy, and Australia engages in a range of democratic promotion activities. Democracy promotion by Western states has come under scrutiny by analysts of different ideological persuasions. Critics have framed American ‘exceptionalism’ as really meaning ‘exemptionalism’, referring to its capacities to create exceptions for itself and its own conduct on the global stage, particularly regarding democracy and human rights. This paper argues that this exemptionalism is not limited to the United States: Australia also engages in practices that have undermined its democracy promotion principles. In some cases, Australia’s policies have enabled authoritarianism to flourish unchecked. This paper uses Australia’s refugee policy and its effect on the small Pacific Island state of Nauru as a case study. It highlights how the securitisation of asylum seekers for electoral purposes has contributed to Australia carving out an exception for itself in both adherence to international refugee law and the promotion of democracy. It finds that formal democratic processes within Australia have produced undemocratic outcomes in foreign policy.

Gendering South Africa's Foreign Policy: Toward a Feminist Approach?

Abstract South Africa's leadership has sought ethical foreign policy since the advent of democracy. This foreign policy outlook focuses on the African continent and includes certain articulations of pro-gender justice norms. In this article, I reflect on the extent to which South Africa's foreign policy embraces these norms as part of its foreign apparatus and practices. It takes at its starting point the nascent literature on feminist foreign policy applied to South Africa, which shares similarities to countries in the Global North that claim a feminist orientation to foreign policy. Moreover, it takes account of gender dynamics at the domestic level and how they are manifested in foreign policy discourses and practices, particularly in the understanding and implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security agenda. Utilizing qualitative content analysis, this article provides context and meaning for how gender concerns have evolved in South Africa's foreign policy, including the role of certain norm entrepreneurs in shaping the gender narrative. The article concludes that the domestic context is important to shaping and limiting how a country can enact feminist foreign policy. Importantly, the South African case provides a Global South dimension to the nascent scholarship.

Silencing history: forgetting Italy’s past during the refugee crisis in Europe

Most scholarly analyses of memory politics investigate how historical events are remembered selectively in order to justify political choices. Recent research has shown that ‘silencing the past’, notably the omission of relevant historical events, is also an important aspect of memory politics. This article examines how Italian leaders silenced significant periods of Italy’s history during the refugee and migrant crisis in 2014–2018. Drawing on memory politics and postcolonial literature, the article argues that Italian foreign policy discourses are based on both historical oblivion and the long-standing myth of the ‘good Italian’. The myth negates the controversial aspects of Italy’s colonial experience and permeates the country’s self-perception as an international actor. Italian foreign policy narratives also silenced the highly relevant precedent of Italian migration abroad. The focus is on the public speeches of Italy’s main political actors, notably national ministers and the leaders of the largest parties in parliament.