Foreign Policy Approach Research Articles

Nepal’s Status‐Seeking Endeavors: Between Normative Convergence and Geopolitical Interests

Due to limited material and geopolitical factors, the agency of small states is limited in international politics. As such, these states may seek to mitigate such weaknesses through status-seeking, adopting peculiar foreign policy approaches or international commitments to signal to more powerful actors about specific political or normative affinities. In this article, the conceptual framework of social identity theory, specifically social mobility, is used to assess Nepal’s foreign policy choices. It is argued that Nepal pursues the identity management strategy of social mobility in the form of normative conformance with more powerful actors to reinforce its status in the international community but not necessarily to rise up in the hierarchy of states. Social mobility through normative conformance not only allows Nepal to elevate its status with higher-status groups like the EU, the UN, and US (which are the country’s primary development partners), but it also reinforces Nepal’s interest in maintaining (and if possible, expanding) its agency as a sovereign state which is constrained due to its geopolitical location in between much larger neighbors, India and China. Nepal’s normative convergence efforts are broadly categorized into two specific types of commitments: (a) multilateralism and (b) normative congruence with development partners. Both of these normative conformance approaches seek to emulate the values and practices of the higher-status group—the US, the UN, and the EU.

A Win-Win Relationship between China and Kazakhstan: Thinking Beyond Dependency

This article focuses on the economic cooperation between China and Kazakhstan from a win-win perspective. Kazakhstan’s geographical location and rich natural resources make it a strategic partner for regional and global actors. Dependency theory is often used to explain asymmetric and unequal relations between developed and developing countries. According to this theory, developing countries become dependent on developed countries, which hinders their economic development. However, it is argued that this traditional theory cannot fully explain only partially China and Kazakhstan. Economic cooperation between China and Kazakhstan has been analyzed through trade relations, investment flows, and significant infrastructure projects. These projects reinforce not only financial but also political and cultural interactions. Dependency theory cannot fully understand the relations between China and Kazakhstan, characterized by mutual benefit and win-win situations. China’s investments in Kazakhstan and Kazakhstan’s multi-vector foreign policy approach reveal a cooperation model that serves the interests of both countries. China’s BRI initiative and Kazakhstan’s Nurly Zhol program are concrete examples of cooperation between the two countries. This article goes beyond the boundaries of traditional dependency theory and offers a new perspective based on mutual benefit and win-win relationships.

Türkiye’s Foreign Relations with Regional Blocs in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Case of AU and ECOWAS

Strong foreign relations among nations are crucial for fostering global stability, economic growth, and cross-cultural understanding. A stable global system that resolves conflicts through dialogue rather than confrontation benefits from positive foreign relations. This paper examines Türkiye’s changing foreign policy approach towards Sub-Saharan African regional blocs, with an emphasis on their political, cultural, and economic facets. Türkiye’s strategic involvement with influential regional bodies such as the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), among others, reflects its broader objective to expand its influence and cultivate multifaceted partnerships across the African continent. The scope of this paper is limited to the AU and ECOWAS. Through a comprehensive analysis, the paper evaluates Türkiye’s economic initiatives, including trade agreements and investment flows, as well as its contributions to infrastructure development. The findings established Türkiye’s peacekeeping roles, cultural diplomacy, diplomatic efforts, and educational exchanges. Through the investigation of these diverse aspects, the conclusion outlines a comprehensive understanding of Türkiye’s place in geopolitical dynamics and regional integration in Sub-Saharan Africa.

1989 in Poland (Up to the June Elections) in the Journalism of Le Monde

The article aims to show how one of the most influential centre-to-left French journal Le Monde assessed the political developments in Poland from the end of 1988 until the Solidarity victory in the June elections. The attitude of Le Monde towards the changes in the Soviet Union and its external empire is considered as well but it serves only as a contextual backdrop. The French newspaper observed the irreversible nature of the ongoing processes in the Soviet Union that marked a significant change in Gorbachev’s foreign policy approach. The political developments of all members of the Eastern Bloc were closely examined by the daily but the changing dynamics in the Polish People’s Republic directed most of the magazine’s focus towards the situation in that country. It may seem astonishing that the journal analysed the puzzling murders of Polish priests and scrutinised the reforms introduced by M. Rakowski in significant detail. However, these issues were considered intertwined with the progress of Poland’s political transformation. The agreements made at the Round Table and the results of the June elections were viewed as significant accomplishments. The Solidarity was commended for abstaining from abrupt actions that could threaten the agreement with the authorities. Le Monde opines that such actions could be hazardous owing to the present geopolitical situation and the likelihood of resistance within the party.

Goodbye, Wolf Warrior: charting China's transition to a more accommodating diplomacy

Abstract China has abolished its previous wolf-warrior diplomacy and is increasingly adopting a softer diplomatic tone, primarily driven by internal economic challenges such as a slowing economy and the need for global economic stability to sustain its growth and development. In response to international pressures and the desire to avoid further isolation, China is adjusting its foreign policy to be more in line with global norms and expectations, which may improve its relations with western democracies. The shift in China's diplomacy reflects a broader strategy to recalibrate its global influence by presenting itself as a more responsible and cooperative international player, which is essential for maintaining its long-term geopolitical ambitions. Western democracies should: Avoid seeing China solely as an adversary. Instead, they should engage constructively, leveraging this diplomatic shift to build trust and foster cooperation on global challenges. Promote policies that encourage reciprocal openness and collaboration, ensuring that China's diplomatic softening goes beyond rhetoric and leads to tangible improvements in international relations. Continuously monitor China's evolving diplomatic strategies to adjust and optimize foreign policy approaches, balancing collaboration opportunities with cautionary measures against potential risks.

The Views of Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio on Japan’s Foreign Policy Within the Context of the Search for a New Grand Strategy

At present, security environment in East Asia is becoming increasingly fraught, characterised by the growing strategic rivalry between the US and China. Meanwhile, Japan is faced with the challenge of formulating such a foreign policy approach that would both ensure its national security and avoid further escalating the US-China conflict. In these circumstances, it is of interest to examine the views of Japanese Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009–2010) on Japan’s foreign policy and its role in the international community. This article analyses Hatoyama’s attitudes and rhetoric within the context of Japanese political elites’ longstanding search for alternatives to the Yoshida Doctrine, which underpinned Japan’s grand strategy throughout the Cold War. While the Prime Minister’s attempts to modify Japanese diplomatic approach have often been considered incoherent or “naïve”, the author argues that, drawing partially from the concepts pertaining to Japan’s role on the international stage that were introduced in the 1990s, Hatoyama consistently advocated the formulation of a new strategy. While admitting that some of Hatoyama’s proposals were not well-thought-out and went beyond the political mainstream, the author posits that he pursued the same goal as previous Japanese leaders, namely achieving balance in Japan’s relations with the US and China. The parameters of Hatoyama’s strategy were different from both the Yoshida Doctrine and the emerging course towards a more robust security policy, which was fully implemented under the second administration of Abe Shinzo (2012–2020). This strategy was based on Japan’s proactive role in upholding global stability through non-military means, reducing its dependence on the US, deepening integration in East Asia, and achieving friendly ties with China. The objectives of this article are to analyse Hatoyama’s political philosophy, identify the similarities and differences between it and other key contemporary foreign policy initiatives, as well as examine the Prime Minister’s approach towards foreign-policy making. The sources include Hatoyama’s speeches and writings as well as a range of academic literature devoted to analysing his foreign policy with an emphasis on the works of Japanese scholars.

Foreign Policy Aspects of the Activities of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the First Convocation (on the 30th Anniversary of the Start of Work)

The article considers the foreign policy aspects of the activities of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the First convocation. The specifics of the main results of parliamentary votes of this period, which were related to international-political realities, in the context of their relationship with the conceptual foundations and implementation of Russian foreign policy, have been characterized. Features of the composition and nature of the activities of the lower house of the Russian parliament of this period have been identified. The conceptualization of the Russian Federation’s foreign policy has been analyzed. The initiatives and decisions of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the First convocation in the field of foreign policy and international relations have been assessed. It is shown that these were due to the specifics of its personal composition, where there was no strict factional discipline and a clear advantage of any political force, which determined the need for situational interaction. The normal work of the lower house of parliament became possible largely due to the efforts of its Chairman, who took a centrist position. It is substantiated that the State Duma, operating in conditions of complex socio-economic problems and the colossal weakening of Russia’s international political positions, demonstrated significant activity in international political initiatives that covered a wide range of topical issues with an emphasis on the situation in the states of the post-Soviet space. These decisions were relatively balanced, which was explained by the approximately equal distribution of resources between the so-called “left”, “right”, “centrists” and “national patriots”, as well as the presence of “common bloc” issues, positions on which coincided or did not cause obvious contradictions. The international political initiatives of the State Duma of the First convocation were distinguished by greater realism and emphasis on the protection of national interests than the content of conceptual documents and the foreign policy course pursued by the state. This happened against the background and simultaneously with the beginning of the process of rethinking the foreign policy approaches of the Russian Federation, which had a significant influence on it.

‘Crawling dissatisfaction’: understanding China’s bilateral approach towards South China Sea disputes

ABSTRACT China’s foreign policy behaviour has been highly scrutinized in the last decade. Its foreign policy approach towards neighbouring countries is no exception. Scholars have mostly focused on China’s hard, soft, or ‘dual’ approach to explaining Beijing’s current foreign behaviours corresponding to the South China Sea dispute. However, specific studies on China’s bilateral approach remain understudied, while understanding regarding this matter might result in a better perspective towards regional peace and stability. This paper, thus, has two aims: firstly, it goes beyond rationalist perspectives in understanding China’s bilateral approach; secondly, it provides an explanation of why China chose this approach. It is, therefore, argued that China’s bilateral approach is vastly influenced by Chinese strategic culture as an effort to seek stability. It, moreover, also argues that China’s bilateral approach is not a mere an image of its soft diplomatic approach but more deeply it is a practice of its dissatisfaction towards the liberal order embraced by ASEAN. By choosing a bilateral approach, while formally maintaining multilateralism, China ‘crawlingly’ promotes a non-liberal approach towards ASEAN.

Intra-Party Rules: Rebuilding the Chinese Communist Party’s Political Ecology

This article offers an in-depth analysis of intra-party rules development within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since the Eighteenth Party Congress in 2012. Through examining fifty-three major intra-party rules, leaders’ speeches, media articles, and 9,412 punishment verdicts, the study uncovers a three-stage process aimed at revitalising the CCP and constructing a “political ecology.” The analysis identifies three stages of intra-party rules development, characterised by nascent attempts to define political–moral and organisational norms, the tension between expansion and centralisation from 2016 onwards, and a period of deepening and advancement coupled with increasing arbitrariness in enforcement. This investigation enriches our comprehension of the intricate interplay between organisation, morality, and punishment within the CCP under Xi Jinping, shedding light on broader ramifications for China's societal structure, governance, and foreign policy approach.

İSMAİL CEM: A UNIQUE IMPRINT IN TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY

The 1990s marked a significant turning point in international politics and Turkish foreign policy. İsmail Cem served as Türkiye's longest-serving foreign minister from 1997 to 2002 during this period of great change and transformation. Cem's historical perspective and realistic approach, which was peaceful but also based on interests, stood out from the first day he took office. He aimed to change the static structure of traditional Turkish foreign policy. During this period, İsmail Cem's vision shaped Türkiye's relations with its neighbours and allies, and this multidimensional foreign policy approach became a key motivation for Türkiye's post-Cold War foreign policy. This study will examine the foreign policy dynamics during İsmail Cem's tenure and his intellectual influence on Turkish foreign policy. It is argued that Cem aimed to create a multidimensional and realistic understanding of foreign policy, but his vision of Turkey's post-Cold War geopolitical posture differed from other visions, such as “neo-Ottomanism” or “Eurasianism”, which excluded the West.

China’s Assertive Foreign Policy and Global Visions Under Xi Jinping

China, which has made a major economic breakthrough, has become one of the most important actors in international politics by increasing its military power in recent years. China's increasing power and influence in the international arena arouses increasing curiosity about the country's foreign policy. With Xi Jinping becoming president, China began to display a more assertive attitude or behavior on many issues. This study basically seeks an answer to the question of what differences Xi Jinping brought to Chinese foreign policy. What kind of changes do these differences lead to in Chinese foreign policy? In this study, the general tendencies and directions of Chinese foreign policy during the Xi Jinping period are discussed. The assertive foreign policy approach that Xi Jinping is trying to implement is analyzed. In this context, the visions of "Chinese dream", "new type of great power relations", "new type of international relations", “Belt and Road Initiative" and "a community with a common future for humanity", which reflect Xi's assertive foreign policy approach, are examined. At the same time, challenges to the assertive foreign policy implemented under Xi Jinping are discussed. The study mainly questions the extent to which Xi Jinping's assertive foreign policy approach is successful. The study concludes that Xi Jinping's active foreign policy approach has not increased China's sphere of influence in the international arena to the extent expected. As China becomes more visible in the international arena, the country's foreign policy challenges seem to be increasing.

THE ROLE OF SHIISM IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN

The Iranian Revolution of 1979 caused Iran to shape its foreign policy along with its domestic political structure, within the framework of a certain Shiite understanding of Islam. Within this context and through the use of the explanatory case study method, this study aims to examine the effect of Shiism within the foreign policy of the post-Revolution Islamic Republic of Iran. First, the foreign policy-making process of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its various elements were discussed within the framework of the views of the Republic’s founder, the Supreme Leader Khomeini. Second, the effect of Shiism within and on Iranian foreign policy and affected regions will be explored and discussed. This study reports that Shiism is the most significant determining element in Iran’s foreign policy following the 1979 Revolution, that the country’s foreign policy approaches are not entirely Shiism-oriented, that there are deviations from this strictly Shiite approach, and that Iran’s foreign policy also includes realpolitik approaches.

Türkiye’s “-lateralisms” in Asia: A Multi-Vectorial Analysis

This study aims to illustrate that multi-vectorial approaches in foreign policy could not only be practical but also productive for middle powers. With this aim, the study conceptualizes Turkish foreign policy in Asia with multi-vectorism, a foreign policy behavioral pattern that has been mainly utilized for post-Soviet countries’ concurrent interactions with the West (the EU, the U.S.) and the non-West (Russia). The study, firstly, argues that Asian international relations require a more composite re-definition of multi-vectorism, since in Asia, due to the intra-regional fragmentations and diversions, there are more than the conventional two vectors, the West and the non-West. By considering this argument the study applies multi-vectorism to Türkiye’s foreign policy in Asia by comparing the practicability of different interaction patterns, e.g., multilateralism, minilateralism, and bilateralism. The study, secondly, argues that Türkiye’s multi-vectorial foreign policy in Asia is particularly successful in its bilateral relations and less so in its multilateral and minilateral interactions.

Balance of Threat Analysis in Resolving the Diplomatic Crisis of Qatar and Saudi Arabia in 2017-2020

The regional closeness of Persian Gulf countries faced a threat due to Qatar's foreign policy approach. Despite having the lowest military expenditure among Gulf countries, Qatar diverged from Saudi Arabia's policy of fostering stability in the Persian Gulf region to distance itself from groups deemed a threat to the domestic politics of other Gulf nations. Qatar's pursuit of greater democratic freedoms and a more moderate approach to international relations prompted Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations to impose a diplomatic blockade in 2017. Despite this, Qatar's flexible foreign policy helped it avoid a prolonged domestic crisis. Establishing ties with nearby countries like Iran and Turkey and acquiring fighter aircraft from France and the United States garnered international support beyond its region. This research will examine Qatar's efforts to navigate the diplomatic crisis using a balance of threat approach—a key concept in Neorealism theory that posits an anarchic international structure requiring countries to navigate the global political stage for survival.

Changing strategy and foreign policy of the United States regarding Afghanistan and the new interim government of the Taliban

The history of Afghanistan has always been accompanied by insecurity, military occupation, intra-sectarian and religious differences, foreign interventions and poverty of the society, which did not turn this country into a field to protect the interests of foreign powers. The relationship between Afghanistan and other countries such as Russia, China and Iran has always been considered in the foreign policy equations of the American governments. Occurrences subsequent to the incidents of September 11 and the military occupation of Afghanistan in 2001 removed the Taliban from power until 2021, simultaneously as the withdrawal of American troops and the fall of Afghan cities. The Taliban put the power at their disposal after two decades. The main question is how can the US foreign policy approach be explained prior to the establishment of the Taliban group? The current research, with the explanatory method according to the theory of realism, seeks to test this hypothesis that the domination of the Taliban at the top of Afghanistan's power did not mean the complete withdrawal of America from that country, but rather for various reasons such as concern about the growing power of China, heavy military expenditures, the presence of regional powers. Like Russia, China, and Iran, the failure to destroy terrorism, disagreement with the Afghan government and agreement with the Taliban can be explained.

National Role Conceptions of Greek and Turkish Foreign Policies: A Bilateral Assessment

ABSTRACT Greece has faced since 2009 one of the most significant crises in its modern history. Unique in its intensity, at least during times of peace, the financial crisis impacted the country’s economy, politics, and society. Despite the country being under the international spotlight for several years, one cannot help but notice that little has been written on the issue of Greek foreign policy, especially, on whether there is a necessity for adaptation to the limitations imposed by the new realities which have augmented the sense of marginalization and the challenges presented by a continuously complicated international arena amid systemic change. Similarly, Turkey has undergone substantial changes during the past years. Following the July 2016 failed coup attempt and the April 2017 referendum, the country has been in the midst of both administrative change and a change in its foreign policy approach, while its leaders have challenged long-held foreign policy orientations and priorities, in search of a new outlook for the country’s international relations. Our paper aims to explore whether there is a need for Greece and Turkey to adopt a new role in the international system, and therefore, the necessity for the two states to adjust their respective foreign policies accordingly.

Deterrence and Disinformation: Communicating Deterrence in a Non-Linear Media Environment

This paper investigates how the strategy of deterrence is relevant to understanding responses to disinformation in general, and in the case of Canada in 2014–23. First, it argues that extending a wide lens of deterrence to hybrid threats, including disinformation, highlights many options to deter by denial (mostly resilience) and by imposing widely defined ‘costs and punishments’, and reveals strengths and limits of both. Second, it shows that Canada’s efforts have intensified and shifted over time, resulting in a security and foreign policy approach focused on resilience to deny negative effects, and the imposition of costs and punishments to dissuade harmful actions. Third, it highlights benefits and limits of extending deterrence to disinformation in general and in the case of Canada. It suggests that deterrence principles and practices can further adapt to today’s non-linear information environment by engaging with the emerging academic field of strategic communications. In sum, the paper extends the literature on deterrence to disinformation, adds empirical knowledge about the evolution of the Canadian government’s efforts, and develops key critiques based on its findings. Ultimately, it suggests scholars conceptualise a ‘sixth wave of deterrence’ where the deterrence of complex challenges is communicated more strategically and long term within a contextualised, holistic, and ethically grounded approach.

Is Mongolia's 'Third Neighbor Policy' Truly Effective?

The Third Neighbor Policy is a strategic foreign policy approach adopted by Mongolia to diversify its international partnerships beyond its immediate neighbors, China and Russia. This policy aims to enhance Mongolia's economic, political, and security ties with countries outside its immediate region, reducing dependence on neighboring giants and enhancing strategic autonomy. The United States has become an important "third neighbor" for Mongolia, with the two countries establishing a strategic partnership focusing on areas such as trade, clean energy, and aviation. While there are similarities and differences in the implementation of the Third Neighbor Policy by other countries, Mongolia should continue to pursue this approach in the future to enhance its strategic autonomy. The policy holds promising future opportunities for Mongolia to expand cooperation in various sectors, particularly in terms of economic cooperation.

From Bolsonaro to Lula: Understanding Brazil’s Passive Neutrality on Palestine and Israel

This essay examines Brazil’s foreign policy approach toward Palestine and Israel by comparing the administrations of Presidents Jair Bolsonaro and Lula da Silva. In outlining elements of continuity and discontinuity between them, the essay argues that it is necessary to examine Brazil’s strategic diplomacy regarding Israel’s ongoing illegal occupation of the Palestinian territories and its brutal attacks on Palestinians in light of key structural changes that have occurred in Brazil. These include the growth of the agribusiness sector and the Evangelical Church, both of which have significant influence over the foreign policy choices of successive Brazilian presidential administrations, regardless of their political or ideological leanings. As a result, as this essay shows, neither Bolsonaro nor Lula could fully implement their stated agendas toward Palestine and Israel; indeed, despite the latter’s defense of a two-state solution, this will not translate into punitive measures against Israel, especially given the international permissiveness of Israeli crimes.

India's Strategic Considerations With Russia In The Post-Russia-Ukraine War Era

This article examines India's strategic considerations in the aftermath of the Russia crisis, explicitly focusing on India-Russia relations. The article analyses the factors influencing India's approach towards Russia, particularly in defense cooperation while considering the implications of China's rising influence on India's strategic calculations. By conducting a case study of India-Russia relations, the paper investigates the dynamics of defense collaboration, the significance of Russia as a defense partner for India, and the evolving regional security landscape shaped by China's ascent. The research provides insights into India's strategic alignments and decision-making processes in the post-Russia crisis era, considering Russia's new foreign policy emphasizing India and China. Furthermore, the paper examines the encircling impact of China's rising influence in South Asia on India, highlighting India's abstention in the UN General Assembly resolution condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine as a reflection of its difficult position amidst these geopolitical developments. The findings of this research contribute to the understanding of India's strategic responses and decision-making frameworks in the context of shifting regional dynamics, considering the implications of Russia's foreign policy approach and China's growing power.