Foreign Minister Research Articles

“Китайские горки”

In Ukraine, China continues to adhere to the policy of “neutrality benevolent towards Russia”, remaining “above the fray” and at the same time looking for its place in the conflict as a “mediator” that does not condemn Russia, but does not recognize the transfer of part of Ukrainian territories to Russia. However, in Chinese society and the expert community controlled by the Communist Party of China (CPC), the attitude towards the Ukrainian crisis is changing. If at the initial stage of Russia’s Special Military Operation (SMO) in Ukraine, pro-Russian sentiments prevailed in the context of the Taiwan problem: “Russia is doing well!”, “And we need it!” Today, the angle is different: “neither for Russia, nor against”, with the addition that “the situation in Ukraine interferes with the normalization of China’s relations with the West and, above all, with the EU”. At the same time, Beijing is still interested in Russia as the main factor of “pressure on the United States” in the Sino-American confrontation. China’s two-tiered approach to Ukraine and Russia was manifested in Beijing’s reaction to the “Wagner” PMC mutiny. The official authorities limited themselves to a short statement by the Chinese Foreign Ministry: “what happened is an internal affair of Russia”. At the same time, the situation around “Wagner” caused active discussions in Chinese social networks. Their main topics were the following: how stable the situation inside Russia is, how what happened can affect Sino-Russian relations, and the development of the SMO in Ukraine. In the past three months, Beijing has stepped up its foreign policy. High-level contacts were organized with the U.S. and the EU, conciliatory proposals were made to Japan and South Korea. However, this has not yet led to an improvement in relations, although, according to Beijing’s expectations, it may lay the foundations for normalization in the future. In other areas, progress was achieved where the PRC directed its financial resources – Latin America, Africa, Central Asia, Pakistan, Afghanistan, etc. Relations deteriorated with those countries which improved their ties with the United States – India and the Philippines. Despite some personnel changes the internal political situation remains stable. Xi Jinping’ promotion as China’s “chief ideologue” in the “new era” continues. Without exception, all CPC members study Xi’s writings on “socialism with Chinese characteristics in a new era” every day. At the end of June, Xi talked at a group study of the Party’s Central Committee members about “sinified Marxism”, the importance of combining “Marxism and Chinese civilization”. China’s main problems are in the area of the economy. According to foreign experts, China’s GDP growth rate is too low. Chinese analysts, on the contrary, believe that economic growth rates turned out to be moderately high compared to a low base in 2022. The PRC is starting to react more aggressively to U.S. sanctions. A set of laws has been formed that impose restrictions on foreign companies within China. At the same time, there is a belief in the country that foreign businesses interested in the Chinese market will themselves bypass U.S. restrictions.

О традиции использования вислых метал­личе­ских печатей в канцеляриях Золотой Орды и постордынских государств

Research objectives: Following M.A. Usmanov stated claim that hanging seals were not at all used in the Horde offices, this became an indisputable fact. However, D. Kolodzeichik proved the existence of golden hanging seals, which were officially called altunbaisa, on Crimean charters of the 17th century. He suggested that this innovation was introduced into the office of the Gireys. Recent studies allow us to speak confidently about the widespread existence of gold and silver gilded seals in the territory of the Siberian, Crimean and Kazan Khanates, in the Nogai Horde, and in the Caucasus in the 16th century. In addition, they are recorded among the peoples of the Middle Volga and Trans-Urals. Only two types of documents were certified with such seals – wool and letters of commendation. Traces of the phenomenon lead to the late Golden Horde’s offices. This paper exa­mines information about the use of metal hanging seals in the offices of the Golden Horde and post-Horde states. Research materials: Messages from the inventories of the archives of the Posolsky Prikaz and the Collegium of Foreign Affairs, Russian-Crimean and Russian-Nogai embassy books, as well as documents of the internal office work of the Foreign Ministry. Results and scientific novelty of the study: The existence of gold and silver hanging seals, which were used to fasten individual documents in the post-Horde states of the 16th century, is demonstrated. At the same time, indirect data and the logic of the transformation of clerical practices allow us to assume their presence at least as early as the 15th century. Golden seals, apparently, became a logical step in the gradual transformation of the khan’s labels and paiz. At some point, these two items merged into one. This could have happened after the practice of awarding paiz ceased. The observations made here allow us to rethink the ideas about the Horde’s stationery traditions that have been long established in the scientific community.

ВВЕДЕНИЕ ВОЕННОГО ПОЛОЖЕНИЯ В ВЕЛИКОМ КНЯЖЕСТВЕ ФИНЛЯНДСКОМ В ПРОЕКТАХ РОССИЙСКИХ УЧРЕЖДЕНИЙ И ДОЛЖНОСТНЫХ ЛИЦ (1907-1911 ГГ.)

The article considers the projects of the introduction of martial law in the Grand Duchy of Finland after the end of the first Russian Revolution in 1907–1911 and the discussions in the ruling circles on that issue. It analyzes the reasons for the desire of the bureaucratic elite to introduce martial law in the Principality. Based on documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the Russian State Historical Archive funds and published sources, it is concluded that the introduction of martial law was associated with the need to fight the Russian revolutionary movement, whose participants actively used the Finland’s special status when hiding from the Russian police and gendarmerie. A comparison is made of the positions of Nicholas II, Grand Duke nikolai nikolaevich, P.A. Stolypin, A.F. Zein, V.n. Kokovtsov regarding the possibility of martial law in Finland. Their views, as well as the position of representatives of the ministries, show that the imposition of martial law has always been considered by the Russian side as an extreme measure, an undesirable and ineffective way of governing the Grand Duchy. That is why, despite the difficult political circumstances, it was not introduced and official St. Petersburg sought to resolve issues through negotiations.

The green issues and foreign policy: an analysis of Indonesian foreign ministry’s selected tweets

Abstract. A green issue is relatively new for Indonesian policymakers. All countries paid close attention to this issue in the 1960s, when people were facing some environmental crises. But international political scholars started paying more attention to green issues in the 1990s, after the Cold War ended and traditional security issues became less important. Non-traditional security problems, like the environmental crisis, are becoming the focus of foreign policy issues in countries like Indonesia. Social media is a good place to investigate green issues, especially those that have to do with Indonesian foreign policy. This article tries to explore what the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) said on Twitter about green issues that have not been studied as much. This article tries to analyse some tweets about green issues in Indonesian foreign policy using NVivo content analysis. Thus, this article argues that green issues are still not talked about much on Twitter. The fact that the sentiment analysis is still neutral shows that the issue is not a big deal in the discussion. This research offers a fresh perspective on green issues inside the MOFA Twitter account and has contributed to the body of knowledge in this field of study

중일전쟁 준비를 위한 일본의 만주지역 치안숙정과 군비강화

The 1933 Tanggu Armistice Agreement reduced military conflict between China and Japan. However, Japan resumed its invasion of China in 1935 with the separation of Hebei. As a result, tension between China and Japan reached its peak again. Accordingly, Japan tried to prepare for a war with China by strengthening security and arms against Manchuria. In particular, China-China relations deteriorated rapidly toward the end of 1936. And in June 1937, just before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, Japanese Kwandong Army and Soviet Army clashed in northeastern China. Since then, Japan has carried out a military reorganization in northeastern China and also carried out reforms to the Manchurian Army. The reform was mainly centered on the integration of the military and police central organization. In addition, in the late 1936, Japan spent a lot of money to reorganize the armaments of Manchuria, and the weapons possession situation of Manchurian troops more than doubled compared to before.
 In addition, since 1936, Japan has conducted a security settlement in Manchuria to respond to the all-out war. The main contents are based on the security plan of the Manchurian army and the Foreign Ministry police. In particular, this security policy includes ideological work, which promoted a basic ideological exhibition that recognizes the excellence of nationalism in life while promoting the principles of people's lives. At the same time, an exhibition of wartime thought was held to strengthen the ideological general mobilization system in the urgent environment before the war. As such, Japan has already been strengthening security and arms against Manchuria as a preparatory step for invading China since the middle of 1936. Because of this preparation, it was possible to start a war without a declaration of war when the Lugouqiao incident occurred.

PROGRESS AND PROSPECTS: PRESIDENT JOKOWI’S MARITIME DIPLOMACY AND GLOBAL MARITIME FULCRUM

When President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo first came into power in 2014, he introduced his vision and commitment of transforming Indonesia into a global maritime fulcrum (GMF), highlighting the notion as his first grand strategy of his administration’s foreign policy. President Jokowi promoted the concept in multiple international meetings abroad, in which his foreign minister, Retno Marsudi, echoed the same ideas to various international dignitaries. President Jokowi’s administration even took it further by codifying the vision in 2017 through a Presidential Regulation on National Sea Policy. However, when President Jokowi took oath for a second term in 2019, it seems there have been less enthusiasm from himself and his newly sworn in administration regarding the grand strategy. This is shown with even the words surrounding the grand strategy have not been mentioned by the president or his ministers. Even though President Jokowi and his administration have not been blatant regarding the global maritime vision, the concept is still very much relevant and viable for such a vast archipelagic nation like Indonesia. The first term of Jokowi’s presidency has shown efforts of implementation of the GMF concept, but various limitations in economic, security, and foreign policy aspects have halted the progress. Maritime diplomacy is still a very important concern that President Jokowi must push before leaving office and will be an important legacy for his successor to build upon in the next administration. Despite that economic transformation and recovery have been the priority of President Jokowi’s second term administration, it withholds the potential of Indonesia if a wider spectrum of maritime strategy is not brought forward. Indonesia holds the capacity to become a global maritime power and it is unjust to the nation if the country does not hold the steering wheel of maritime influence in the region. The GMF may have not been the strongest starting point, but neither should the concept be dismissed completely. It could always be built on with a more comprehensive and systematic strategy in order to reach the same means. Though the current state of the GMF lies more on the side of rhetoric, the materialization of the idea should not be a halted relay at the current administration. Bridging the progress of the GMF with the prospects that it holds in the future should be brought upon in the transition of power when Indonesia elects its next president in 2024.
 Keywords: Global Maritime Fulcrum, Maritime Diplomacy, Foreign Policy, Jokowi, Indonesia

Counseling Management Assistance through Social Spirituality Values to Overcome Anxiety and Increase Learning Motivation of Indonesian School Students in The Hague

Abstract. This service program aims to assist in the management of counseling guidance through the values of Social Spirituality to overcome anxiety and increase student motivation to learn at the Indonesian School The Hague (SIDH). The Hague Indonesian School is located at Rijksstraatweg 679, 2245 CB, Wassenaar, The Hague, Netherlands. Basic Management of Joint Regulations of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Education and Culture of the Republic of Indonesia Number 07 of 2015 and Number 1 of 2015 concerning the Management and Implementation of Indonesian Education Abroad. Furthermore No. OND/ODS-2011/41537 U, Dienst Uitvoering Ondewijs, Ministerie van Onderwijs, Culture n Wetenschap (as a Foreign School in the Netherlands) September 9, 2011, the status of a State school. The implementation method is socialization to teachers related to the values of social spirituality in the Counseling Management selection to overcome anxiety and increase student motivation in The Hague Indonesian School. The output target of this service program is the DIMASEJATI Journal: Journal of Community Service accredited by the Ministry of Education and Culture and Technology with the Sinta 4 category.

Navigating Indonesia-United States relations, 1967-1969

Individuals not holding formal positions are often overlooked in studies of international relations, where the focus is generally on Heads of State, foreign ministers and accredited professionals attached to diplomatic services. Indeed, it is an anomaly for an individual, and certainly a non-national, to act as an envoy for one government, and for that intermediary to be attached great importance by another foreign government. Such an abnormality was Clive Williams, President Soeharto of Indonesia’s Australian Whisperer. Williams has never been mentioned in a single diplomatic, political or historical account of United States-Indonesia relations. But as shall be seen, he was an extremely effective and indispensable intermediary for both countries as they moved towards closer relations in the late 1960s. The practice of a non-national assisting a national leader in international affairs is a fascinating concept.

A European Bill Of Rights: Taking Stock Of The Charter Of Fundamental Rights Of The European Union

The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (EU) was proclaimed at the EU summit in Nice on 7 December 2000. Since 2009, it has been binding for the EU and the Member States. With seven titles and 54 articles, the Charter of Fundamental Rights sets out what the EU and the Member States have to observe. What is the significance of the Charter? – Is it an inventory of what is already in force and therefore of no tangible benefit to the individual, or does it have “added value”? – Is it a new Bill of Rights? Euphoric advocates of the Charter of Fundamental Rights see it as an instrument for more European democracy and transparancy, even as a precursor to a European constitution. Sceptics doubt the necessity of the Charter. Fomer German Foreign Minister Josef Fischer has called it a “milestone in the history of European unification”.

Kingdom of saudi arabia in the late 1920-s - early 1930-s: lessons from the soviet - british competition

A short, from a historical perspective, but extremely meaningful and impactful episode for the history of Russian/Soviet diplomacy in the Arab East, or rather dealing with the work of Soviet diplomats in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), is examined holistically in this article, following a thorough analysis of materials from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation and the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office’s Archive, largely introduced into scholarly discourse for the first time here. The author’s attention is focused on the contest between the Soviet Union and the UK, which was still the most powerful western nation in Arabia, although the Kingdom had never been colonized, within the period - late 1920-s through early 1930-s - witnessing the emerging changes in history related to the nascent state set up by Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud. The period under review directly preceded such a most significant event for the bilateral relations as the 1932 visit to the Soviet Union by the KSA founder’s and ruler’s son - the governor of Hijaz and Foreign Minister of the KSA, Emir Faisal Ibn Abdul Aziz. It is shown that, although the British were actively using their foreign policy expertise to push back Moscow and prevent it from gaining power in the Kingdom, including through trade deals, the Soviet diplomats contrived to effectively leverage the feeling of good grace that the Saudis had for the Soviet Union, as a state that had never attempted to colonize the Arab world and had always treated the Arabs on an equal footing, which the British representatives could never afford. At the same time, the Soviet diplomats, like the British, but to a lesser degree, committed mistakes in assessing the situation and in reacting to its developments, thus useful lessons can be drawn for the modern times.

A.A. Gromyko and security policy: setting up for Helsinki

The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the formation, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The relevance of the article is determined by the importance of strategy and strategic thinking in modern foreign policy and diplomacy, their influence on interstate cooperation, the evolution and manageability of international relations. The chronological framework is limited to the events of 1971. The importance of these events allowed the author to identify and characterise some elements of the complex and controversial process of setting up for a future conference on security and cooperation in Europe, as well as to analyse A.A. Gromyko’s strategy of in this setting. The studied materials are presented in six subsections. The scientific novelty of the first subsection lies in the consideration of the logic and features of the diplomatic game of the West. The scientific novelty of the second subsection consists of five differences in the approaches of L.I. Brezhnev and A.A. Gromyko, who could help or hinder the defense of the interests of the Soviet Union at a future conference. The scientific novelty of the third subsection lies in the consideration of the Soviet position on a conference on security and cooperation in Europe by Western diplomats. The scientific novelty of the fourth and fifth subsections was determined by the proof of the hypothesis that A.A. Gromyko had two plans - in case the conference was convened or postponed. In the fourth and fifth subsections, the author presents the main activities and expected results of «Plan A» and «Plan B». The sixth subsection is devoted to conclusions that can be classified into historical conclusions (conclusion 3) and historical and political conclusions (conclusions 1-2, 4-5). The results obtained make it possible to test hypotheses related to the influence of the personal factor (long-term holding of a responsible position; constant strengthening of influence, authority and opportunities) on foreign policy and evolutionary processes in the systems of international relations. In relation to 1971, the author discovered Soviet version of the “magnet theory” developed by A.A. Gromyko's. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, the use of which can be explained methodologically. It was important for the author to conduct the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations (outer reflection). The author's reasoning should be understood in the context of his earlier article in the journal.

A.A. Gromyko and Security Policy: Strategic Detente Project

The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the shaping, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The relevance of the article is determined by the importance of strategy and strategic thinking in modern foreign policy and diplomacy, their influence on interstate cooperation, the evolution and manageability of international relations. The subject of the article is the study of the strategic project of detente developed by A.A. Gromyko to 1972-1973. The chronological framework of the study is limited to 1972 and 1973. The article consists of three subsections. The first subsection examines the criteria for bilateralism and presents the conditions for concluding new agreements, substantiates the importance of purposeful work on new agreements. The second subsection analyzes the differences between formal balance and equal security. At present, the concept of «equal security» has become a structural element of the foreign policy doctrine and security doctrine of the Russian Federation. The third subsection characterizes the content of the strategic project, the features of differentiated cooperation - the interaction of the USSR with small, medium and large countries, shows the meaning of the concept of «pure national interest», mechanisms for the transition to a «long-term detente» of international tension. The author explores the approaches of A.A. Gromyko to a new system of international relations during the negotiations on the Moscow Treaty. The possible practical application of the main elements of the project in modern times is determined. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany. The author conducts the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations.

Shared Heritage Africa

Docomomo International is proud to present the results of the international project Shared Heritage Africa: Rediscovering Masterpieces and other selected papers from our call for papers Shared Heritage Africa – Campuses, published in December 2022. The SHA project itself, coordinated by Docomomo Germany, focused on rediscovering post-war modern buildings from the 1950s-1980s in the partner countries Ghana, Nigeria, Uganda, and Rwanda. This period of independence from colonial rule, from the United Kingdom (Ghana 1957, Nigeria 1960, and Uganda 1962) and from Belgium (Rwanda 1962), has a great socio-political significance and influence on the educational systems and buildings. The rediscovery of this heritage focuses on exploring the values, challenges, and opportunities through the eyes of their contemporary users. Concentrating on the post-war modern buildings constructed after independence from colonial rule, the project celebrated projects that are situated at the periphery of the architectural discourse and, therefore, seldom documented despite their social, economic, and political significance.This Docomomo journal highlights the importance of the combination of local workshops, including student writing and photography workshops, exhibitions and ‘digital fellowships’ using the internet for dissemination. Exploratory interviews and narratives are used to collect testimonies of contemporary users⎯applied in the SHA project as well as in the other articles. Aspects discussed are, among others, the physical; deterioration (technical, functional, social), the cosmological; through the sense of identity, community, place attachment, maintenance and taking care, ownership and appropriation, and the environmental; considering the quality, and sustainability of spaces, and also conditions of comfort and satisfaction. While the method is in development, preliminary conclusions can already be sketched. The written, visual, and digital documentation of the built cultural heritage of Africa is a prerequisite for sustainable urban and social development. The approach builds upon African and international Docomomo initiatives and identifies students and young professionals as important groups to develop social, cultural, and political awareness and to further advance participatory tools.Most relevant were the partners in and from Africa who helped with their networks in Ghana, Nigeria, Uganda, and Rwanda during the excursions and exhibitions: Ola Uduku (University of Liverpool), Taibat Lawanson (University of Lagos) are well-known and respected for their research on education buildings and urban development in Africa. Their commitment to the younger generations and the (built) heritage of Africa and their enthusiasm were instrumental to the achievements of the SHA project. Kuukuwa Manful from Docomomo Accra Chapter in Ghana finished her dissertation within the ERC program ‘African State Architecture’ during the project duration, and Mark Olweny (Uganda Martyrs University) in Kampala, Uganda, greatly supported the visit to Uganda and Rwanda. The photography and writing workshops and exhibitions were strongly supported by the project partners, namely photographer Jean Molitor, who has initiated his own art project ‘bau1haus’, is experienced in setting up exhibitions and shared his knowledge enthusiastically with the SHA-Fellows. Christian Burkhard brought in the competence of Architectuul, an architectural platform that, through its co-workers in various countries, forms an international architecture community. Finally, Anica Dragutinovic (TH OWL) coordinated the contact amongst the SHA-Fellows from the very beginning and during their visits to Europe to the 17th International Docomomo Conference in Valencia in 2022 and to the 19th Docomomo Germany Conference in Frankfurt 2023. Three exhibitions were organized: in Lagos in 2022, in Kampala and in Frankfurt in 2023.We also like to thank the members of the SHA project’s Advisory board: Ana Tostoes (University of Lisbon), Iain Jackson (University of Liverpool), Irene Appeaning Addo (University of Ghana), Kaija Voss (Architectural Historian), and Tino Mager (ICOMOS Germany).Finally, we are grateful to the German Federal Foreign Ministry that supported the project with a grant (AZ99210073) from 2021-2023, and it is with great pleasure that we are launching this issue of the Docomomo journal, published both in print and online via www.docomomojournal.com.

Buildings for Higher Education in Africa

Access to formal education has long been considered essential to progress by people in Africa. The design and building of educational institutions were also an important part of the post-war modernism construction boom around the world and on the African continent, coinciding with post-independence nation-building. From the 1940s through to the early 1970s, ambitious nations from Algeria to Zimbabwe invested in universities and higher educational buildings as both literal and physical centers of intellectual advancement for their nations’ youth in that jubilant era, heralding freedom from colonization and the emergence of self-rule.More than half a century later, these edifices borne of hope and expectation have generally stood the test of time and remain recognizable features in many African cities and landscape settings. How these structures have fared architecturally and how they have been adapted or incorporated into contemporary life varies by country, institution, and socio-political context: an important subject to be studied. As the provision of educational buildings is still important to African nations and is part of the global sustainable development goals, what better time to revisit those purpose-built institutions in a time of hope and exuberance? Especially as their relevance remains critical to the development of Africa’s best and brilliant young minds?This special issue of the Docomomo Journal focuses on educational institutions, particularly universities and other higher educational establishments built in Africa from the late 1940s to the 1970s, as instances of shared’ social, political, cultural, economic, and architectural heritage. This architectural heritage has been shared through actions of coercion, co-option, and co-operation between various proximal African countries, former colonial powers, and contemporary socio-economic partners. Many contributions are linked to the Shared Heritage Africa (SHA) Project—funded by the German Foreign Ministry (Auswärtiges Amt)—, which focused on the documentary rediscovery of modern university campuses as examples of cultural landscapes from the period of independence from colonial rule.

Reorganization of Diplomatic missions of the Russian Empire in North-East China During the Early XX Century: based on Materials from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Empire

In their article, author considers previously little-studied aspects of the activities of Russian diplomatic missions in China in the late XIX - early XX century in order to explore the features of the daily life of the consular offices of the Russian Empire in China. The study is based on the copies of the answers of the Russian consular office employees in Manchuria to the questionnaire compiled by a special Commission for the Reorganization of the Foreign Service under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1907. These documents are stored in the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Empire of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, and have been introduced used publicly for scientific use for the first time here. From the available material, it is apparent that in addition to the difficult living conditions in unusual climate, Foreign Ministry officials in China faced a large number of domestic difficulties, a lack of working materials, and funding. Disagreements over the delimitation of consular districts and the powers of diplomats led to inconsistency in the activities of Russian consuls in China. Nevertheless, despite the difficulties, under any circumstances Russian diplomats remained committed to their duty and did their best in the interests of their state, at the same time striving to establish friendly and equal relations with their Chinese counter-parts.

From human rights to “righteous humans”: Brazilian foreign policy in the Bolsonaro era

This article questions the widely accepted belief that the institutionalization of human rights norms automatically results in their advancement and safeguarding. Instead, it proposes an alternative view, suggesting that the international human rights framework is intricately entangled with politicization. Focusing on the case of Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency in Brazil, we argue that human rights bodies may serve antihuman-rights policies and propaganda. The article is divided into three sections, analyzing Bolsonaro’s and Foreign Minister Ernesto Araújo’s rhetoric on human rights, its direct echo in Brazil’s votes in the United Nations Human Rights Council, and the resistance to Bolsonaro’s policies by various actors in the international arena of human rights. We draw on existing scholarship, extensive corpus of speeches, reports, and media coverage to examine the Bolsonaro phenomenon and the limits and fragility of the international human rights regime and diplomacy in responding to it.

A neoclassical realist model of overconfidence and the Japan–Soviet Neutrality Pact in 1941

Why did Japan conclude the Japan–Soviet Neutrality Pact in 1941, even though it knew the German-Soviet relations were deteriorating and heading towards a disastrous war? Under the Tripartite Pact, it would be irrational for Japan to approach the USSR, which Germany had decided to invade. This article examines this long-standing puzzle in Japanese diplomatic history (also an anomaly of neorealism) by developing a new neoclassical realist model termed ‘neoclassical realist model of overconfidence’ based on self-deception in evolutionary psychology using scientific realism in the philosophy of science as a metatheoretical foundation. Drawing on neoclassical realism, I argue that Japan’s balancing strategy during 1940–41, which initially reflected the tripolar structure of the international system (independent variable), ultimately resulted in the suboptimal balancing of the Japan–Soviet Neutrality Pact (dependent variable) due to Yosuke Matsuoka’s (Japanese foreign minister) self-deception, including the positive illusion and cognitive dissonance effect (intervening variable).

Themes and ideologies in China’s diplomatic discourse – a corpus-assisted discourse analysis in China’s official speeches

Diplomatic discourse is a formalized form of political communication that significantly influences a country’s international perception. However, there is a research gap in the analysis of China’s diplomatic discourse, particularly in relation to the speeches available on the official Chinese Foreign Ministry website. This study aims to address this gap by conducting a quantitative and qualitative analysis of China’s diplomatic speeches. This study utilizes a quantitative corpus-assisted discourse analysis to explore the prevalent themes in China’s official speeches. Additionally, qualitative discourse analysis is employed to examine the ideologies manifested in specific examples from the official speeches. The research combines a corpus-based approach with critical discourse analysis to investigate language use, discourse practices, and social practices. The analysis of China’s diplomatic discourse reveals several key themes related to President Xi Jinping’s leadership, international relations, and future community and economy. The findings provide valuable insights into China’s diplomatic strategies and its international image, emphasizing its commitment to cooperation, development, and peace. This research contributes to a better understanding of China’s diplomatic discourse and its role in shaping international perceptions of the country. By highlighting the prevalent themes and ideologies in China’s official speeches, the study emphasizes China’s commitment to fostering positive international relations. The findings offer valuable insights into China’s diplomatic strategies and its efforts to shape its international image.

Foreign Policy Issues of the Republic of Turkey and the United States in the Period after the End of the Cold War until the 2020

At the beginning of the 21st century, in 2002, a new political era began with the arrival of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Islam-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP) at the head of the Republic of Turkey, which was gradually followed by changes in both foreign and domestic policy of the country.
 The main ideologist of modern Turkey’s foreign policy is one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party and Erdogan’s ally, former Foreign Minister and Prime Minister Professor Ahmet Davutoglu, who outlined the strategic priorities of Turkey’s foreign policy in his pioneering work Strategic Depth. In his doctrine, Ahmet Davutoglu argues that Turkey has “strategic depth” that allows it to pursue an independent foreign policy and claims to be the leading state in the region.
 As we know, the Republic of Turkey is located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia. According to the doctrine, precisely because of its geographical position and historical ties, it has a desire to influence all these regions (the Middle East, the Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, the Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf, and the Black Sea), what is considered the core of neo-Ottoman ideology.
 Neo-Ottomanism implies a shift of the Turkish political vector from West to East. Since the beginning of the 21st century, neo-Ottomanism as an ideology has become a force responsible for the shape of political life of Turkey. According to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism, the Republic of Turkey must get rid of the subordination of the United States, which will allow it to put itself on a par with such states as Britain, France, Russia, and China.
 Neo-Ottomanism is the main ideological direction of the new foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. One of the arguments used by Erdogan and his party in moving from a parliamentary to a presidential model is the fact that the country needs a government that is almost as strong and centralized as the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, the president himself and his entourage constantly emphasize that the Turks are the “heirs of the Ottomans” and that the country must return to its former glory and strengthen its political, economic and cultural influence in the former territories of the Ottoman Empire.
 Thus, neo-Ottomanism is part of the official ideology of the Justice and Development Party and the basis of the country’s new identity, shaped by the political elite over the years. Although there is no direct indication of Turkish regional hegemony in the “strategic depth”, most analysts, especially in the West, believe that the expansion of spheres of influence mentioned in the doctrine is, in fact, nothing more than the restoration of Turkey’s monopoly hegemony in the region, but this times by means adapted to the modern era, in particular through the use of political, economic and cultural expansion and other “soft power” tools.

The impact of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway on Bihor and the Novi Pazar Sandjak

The emergence of railways brought about new possibilities in people's lives, as well as in terms of political plans and actions. Railway activities began in the Balkans in the second half of the 19th century and had a significant impact on the relationships between Balkan states. This work explores the potential influence of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway in the region of Bihor and the broader areas of Bijelo Polje and the Novi Pazar Sandjak, which were part of the Ottoman Empire. Austro-Hungary had expressed its ambitions in the Balkans even before the Berlin Congress, seeing the region as a bridge that could connect them to the warm Aegean Sea and further to the Middle East. The construction of the railway was one of the means by which Austro-Hungary sought to expand its influence in the Balkans. Such significant political intentions did not go unnoticed by the Ottoman Empire, which aimed to preserve its territorial integrity and possessions in that part of the Balkans. Slovene states and peoples traditionally sought protection in Russia, giving Russia an opportunity to express its own interest in exerting political influence in this part of Europe. Recognizing that Austro-Hungary was its main rival in the Balkans, Russia reached an agreement with them in 1897 to maintain the status quo. This agreement was further confirmed by the Treaty of Mürzsteg in 1903, which aimed to mutually neutralize or divide spheres of interest, with Bulgaria falling under Russian influence and Serbia under Austro-Hungarian. Austro-Hungary's primary goal was to prevent the creation of a large state in the region from the Danube to the Adriatic Sea, which would block its path eastward. As Serbia was located in that region, Austro-Hungarian propaganda was directed against it, despite traditionally good relations with the Obrenović dynasty. Austro-Hungary attempted to strengthen its political plans through the construction of a suitable railway network, which would facilitate easier and faster control of the desired territory. This led to the advocacy of the so-called “Novi Pazar Railway,” which would connect Uvac with Mitrovica. However, German Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow advised Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski to abandon this plan due to the unfavorable situation in Macedonia, where unrest was brewing. Austro-Hungarian diplomacy did not want to make a public and final decision on this proposal. All of the above had an impact on the population of all parts of the Novi Pazar Sandjak. The work examines how the construction of the railway would have stimulated economic development in the entire region by creating new trade routes and encouraging investment in economic sectors such as trade and agriculture. The paper also provides insights into potential changes in the demographic structure through the influx of populations from other parts of the Ottoman Empire and Austro-Hungary, which the railway would necessarily impose. Furthermore, it is essential to mention how the realization of the “Novi Pazar Railway” would have affected the ethnic and religious dynamics in the Bihor district and the broader area. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire intervened with Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph and Count Goluchowski on several occasions to abandon the plan to build the “Novi Pazar Railway,” as the Russian government maintained the same view it had expressed in 1900. Austro-Hungary eventually agreed, leaving only a political influence supported by the propaganda activities of secret services. This work serves as a foundation for further research and discussions on this topic.