Foreign Forces Research Articles

Russian Digital Diplomacy Towards China in the Context of the Russian Special Military Operation in Ukraine: The Instance of the Official Weibo Account of the Embassy of the Russian Federation in China

Introduction. Digital diplomacy based on cutting-edge information and communication technologies is playing an increasingly major role and is gradually becoming an important tool in boosting traditional public diplomacy by providing information and public opinion support for the implementation of the country’s foreign policy abroad. The Embassy of the Russian Federation in China has been actively engaged in digital diplomacy on the Chinese social media platform Sina Weibo, aiming to put an end to the “public opinion hegemony” of the Western media and counter fake news and negative propaganda from Ukraine and other countries about the Special Military Operation. Methods and materials. This paper is built on a streak of official interviews with diplomats at the Embassy of the Russian Federation in Beijing. Drawing on content analysis of the microblogs published by the official account of the Embassy of the Russian Federation in China from January 1, 2022 to April 1, 2023, this article examines the digital diplomacy of the Russian official institutions regarding China against the background of the Russian Special Military Operation in Ukraine. Analysis. Russia’s digital diplomacy towards China has been focusing strongly on the Special Military Operation. In the field of digital diplomacy with China, two main information sources have arisen that are represented by the Russian Embassy in China and two mainstream media outlets, Russia Today and Sputnik. They advocate steadfastly for Russia’s national interests and express its official stance. In terms of content and topics, the Russian Embassy’s Weibo diplomacy with China is overwhelmed by the political issues following the Special Military Operation, that emphasize the official position of Russia and explains the objectives of the Special Military Operation – to disarm and control the foreign forces used against the people of Donbas and to stop neo-Nazism and its ideology. In terms of communication methods, the Weibo operations team of the Embassy of the Russian Federation in China has demonstrated its professionalism and aptitude to market events while using such unique Weibo functions as the hashtagging events feature. Results. The target audience’s attention to a hot issue is time-sensitive, i.e., about one month after the event, which is the “golden stage” for effective digital diplomacy. At the same time, the study illustrates that while carrying out digital diplomacy activities with China, the Russian Embassy in China still has shortcomings in its performance, i.e., in early 2023, the official position was over-highlighted and the content and form of communications were relatively homogeneous. The content of communication should be appropriately enriched in order to eventually build up a multi-faceted and multi-angle communication system.

The Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force Afghanistan Inquiry Report and the applicability of Additional Protocol II to intervening foreign forces

AbstractThis article critiques the articulation of the legal framework applicable to Australian Defence Force operations in Afghanistan found in the Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force Afghanistan Inquiry Report (Brereton Report). In particular, using the Australian experience in Afghanistan as a case study, the article argues, on the basis of the rules of treaty interpretation, that where a foreign State party to Additional Protocol II (AP II) intervenes in a non-international armed conflict (NIAC) to which AP II applies, that foreign State is bound by AP II, in addition to the host State and non-State armed actors that are parties to the NIAC. The article concludes by outlining the reasons why the Brereton Report's silence in relation to AP II matters.

The Turks in the Land of Afghans: History, Politics, and Relationships

The Turks in the Land of Afghans:History, Politics, and Relationships Mohammed Alrmizan (bio) Introduction Turkish foreign policy in Afghanistan dates to the changing dynamics in the Ottoman Empire's foreign policy, particularly following the Russian Empire's wars and the support of the British Empire during the middle of the nineteenth century.1 The Ottoman Empire then began communicating with the Durrani and Barakzai dynasties in Afghanistan through different missions from Istanbul and Mumbai to Kabul. Ottoman foreign policy did not establish diplomatic relations, although it had previously had some positive communication with the rulers of Afghanistan. Due to increasing weaknesses in its colonies during the Great War and the rise of the İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti (Committee of Union and Progress, CUP), the Ottoman Empire ended in collapse. Then, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk rose to power and declared the Republic of Turkey in 1923.2 Turkish foreign policy toward Afghanistan developed through different periods: first, in the Kingdom of Afghanistan until the 1950s, then in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in the first two decades of the twenty-first century (2004-2021), [End Page 41] and currently in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan beginning from August 2021 when Taliban forces took over Kabul.3 In parallel, Turkish foreign policy toward Afghanistan, although starting with Atatürk, could not escape the impacts of the country's domestic politics and challenges in previous decades, for instance, the successful coups in 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997. Furthermore, relations were affected by Turkey's socioeconomic and political developments from the 1960s until the 1990s, including anti-Communism and the rise of Islamism. Such political instabilities, which were either caused by changes in power or by the rise of and conflict between different ideologies, significantly impacted the aims and priorities behind Turkey's foreign policy. Turkish foreign policy in Afghanistan has seen critical developments following the so-called war on terror, including the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001 and later that of NATO in 2003, and in Turkish politics the rise of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his party, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, AKP).4 The Erdoğan era has seen proactive, far-reaching, and noticeable developments in Turkey's domestic politics and foreign policy in particular. Turkish foreign policy has taken a different path from that followed from the time of Atatürk's predecessors until Turgut Özal. The rise of Erdoğan and his party has undeniably impacted Turkish foreign policy, especially Turkish-Afghan relations. In his era, Turkey has participated in NATO missions in Afghanistan and has initiated different strategies cementing Turkish-Afghan relations with the various regimes in Afghanistan, which dramatically increased Turkey's role in the country. This came to include overseeing hundreds of humanitarian and developmental assistance projects in Kabul, Mazar-i Sharif, Herat, and other cities, which made Turkey one of the most active foreign powers in Afghanistan.5 This becomes even more interesting when considering the end of the U.S. and NATO military missions and the subsequent departure of foreign forces in late 2021, which allowed the Taliban to take power. This once again made Afghanistan an essential topic in international relations and foreign policymaking in many countries, including Turkey. This article, based mainly on secondary resources and qualitative analysis, [End Page 42] aims to explore Turkish foreign policy in Afghanistan historically, politically, and operationally and is divided into four sections. The first provides a brief account of the history of Afghanistan. The second sheds light on the earlier developments of Turkish foreign policy in Afghanistan, first through the Ottoman Empire and later in the Republic of Turkey through Atatürk and subsequent eras, focusing on the Erdoğan era. Third, the article then investigates the Turkish state and the Taliban from historical, political, and intellectual perspectives, showing the potential similarities and differences between the two entities, and the Turkish foreign policy with a specific focus on the era of Erdoğan in Turkey and the Taliban in Afghanistan. The fourth and final section examines the motivations behind Turkish foreign policy in Afghanistan. A Short History of Afghanistan What is known today as the Islamic...

Polarization in the Turkish Press: Framing the Social Movement in Iran

This study examines the framing of the social movement in Iran launched on 29 December 2017, by analyzing the news texts of six national Turkish newspapers. It discusses the movement in the context of news framing, focusing on problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and treatment recommendation. The findings suggest that each newspaper has reported the social movement in Iran quite differently. The most obvious difference is that the left-wing, anti-government press mainly explained the events in terms of political, economic, and social factors while the right-wing, pro-government press attributed the events to ‘foreign forces’ and reflected the dominant discourse of political power while framing the news. Thus, the way Turkish newspapers frame a social movement outside the country reveals the intense polarization in the Turkish press.

Fighting Against Disinformation from Foreign Forces? Or Suppressing Criticism from Domestic Opposition Parties?

Abstract Every country is concerned about disinformation on the internet, especially its impact on domestic elections and domestic politics. Among them, there are concerns that mainland China will meddle in Taiwan’s elections with disinformation. In December 2018, Taiwan’s government launched a policy to combat disinformation, including proposing legal amendments. However, the laws that the Taiwanese government use to investigate and prosecute individuals are not newly revised laws, but an existing Social Order Maintenance Act. In addition, at the end of 2019, the ‘Anti-Infiltration Act’ was suddenly proposed and passed. Both laws (Taiwan’s main tools in the fight against fake news) raise questions as to potential violations of the freedom of speech, the discussion of which remains heavily influenced by the laws and jurisprudence of the United States (US). However, Taiwan’s judiciary and legislature have misunderstood the law in the US or have made amendments, resulting in divergent developmental trajectories.

When the Cemetery Becomes Political: Dealing with the Religious Heritage in Multi-Ethnic Regions

When the Cemetery Becomes Political: Dealing with the Religious Heritage in Multi-Ethnic Regions

전후 미국학계에 소개된 한국사 연구와 식민주의 역사학

As the Cold War system was established after World War II, American academia’s interest in East Asia as well as Korea, the front line of the Cold War, increased. Establishment of East Asian research institutes, new courses and professorship as well as the publication of Korean Studies Guide in the 1950s, shows considerable interest in East Asia and Korea in American academia right after World War II. Especially, the fact that Suematsu’s 『朝鮮史のしるべ』(1936) and Hatada’s 『朝鮮史』(1951) were translated and published in the days when there were very few Korean history books in English in the academic field, are an implication of the relation between the colonial historiography in pre-war Japan and post war Korean studies in the U.S. These two books, known to American academia by the Korean Studies Guide and its writers, received conflicting reviews from the time they were first introduced and even after the release of the book. A Short History of Korea was welcomed as a textbook and reference material in the absence of an English history book, but A History of Korea was evaluated as a fresh and objective Korean history book because it was not only based on socioeconomic perspectives but also described in strict criticism of colonial rule.BR Indeed, the two books revealed a clear difference in their description and composition, but they were common in that they negatively portrayed Korean history based on the study by former Japanese researchers. Hatada’s work based on socioeconomic perspectives was in line with the theory of lack of feudalism, which Japanese historians argued in the past, that the production relationship revealed in Korean history was developmental but centered on ancient production until the late Joseon Dynasty. This discussion was to find the reason why only Japan could succeed in modernization through feudalism from the time it first appeared by Japanese researchers in the early 20th century, which could lead to the modernization theory that emerged in American academia after the war. In addition, both books deal with the pressure and aggression of foreign forces on Korea as important historical nodes, which have resulted in not only emphasizing the heteronomy of Korean history but also explaining the development of Japanese history. The establishment of the Four Chinese Commanderies(Hansagun), and the Imjin War was a representative basis that not only showed Korea suffering from foreign invasion, but also described as a major phase revealing the historical relationship between the island country Japan and the continent. This was based on the research of former Japanese historians who tried to explain the history of Tōyō(東洋) centered on Japan, and could also be linked to the U.S. policy of pursuing U.S. hegemony and national interests in postwar East Asia.BR In conclusion, A Short History of Korea and A History of Korea are not only based on the identity and heteronomy of Korean history, but also faithful to the perspective of former Japanese historians in that they explain the historical relationship between Japan and the continent through Korean history. The reason why these works were able to be distributed to American academia was that the discussion of colonial historiography could easily match the U.S. policy and modernization theory that tried to carry out the security and U.S. national interests in East Asia with Japan as a policy partner.

Պանթյուրքականության խնդիրը Իրանի Իսլամական Հանրապետությունում 2005-2013 թթ․

Ethnic nationalism is an important component of the internal political life of any country, given the need to strengthen the internal security of that country, and in the case of Iran, being also at the crossroads of civilizations and ethnic groups. The activities of ethnic nationalists in western and southwestern Iran, where the economic and religious situation is markedly different from other Iranian provinces, and the potential for provocations by foreign forces in those areas may be significant. The situation is exacerbated by the existence of so-called "irredentism". On the one hand, Iran has the opportunity to influence its neighbors, but on the other hand, its neighbors can incite their target ethnic group to inter-ethnic clashes in Iran. In the context of the above, the issue of pan-Turkism in Iran is an important subject of discussion, which refers to the now Turkic-speaking historical Aturpatakan region, where activists try to promote pan-Turkic aspirations, mainly as foreign actors, with the ultimate goal of secession of this ancient land from Iran. It should be noted that the ethnic consciousness of this group is mainly determined not by the circumstance of linguistic affiliation, Turkish speaking, but by religious affiliation, the factor of being Shia. It is important in terms of ethnic self-awareness, forming an identity that can be defined by the term "Turkic-speaking Iranian". However, it should be noted that the Iranian authorities are in full control of the situation. Attempts at mass actions and protests are suppressed, activists are arrested, and the socio-political activities of NGO leaders are monitored. As for the neighboring countries, Iran had its own levers of pressure on the internal situation of those countries, such as the Shiite factor in Azerbaijan, the threat of exporting the Islamic Revolution, and ethnic conflicts in Turkey, which allowed Iran to maintain the balance of power.

Effect and reflect: opening the ‘black hands’ of foreign involvement in the 2019-20 Hong Kong protests

ABSTRACT This paper examines foreign involvement in Hong Kong’s 2019–20 protests. It focuses on the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) and local supporters’ accusations that foreign ‘black hands’ fomented chaos on the streets of the city. The paper argues that these accusations are partly a consequence of actual external involvement in the tumult. However, this factor alone does not explain Beijing’s advocacy of the ‘black hands’ thesis. The CCP’s perceptions of the role of foreign forces in the social unrest have also been shaped by mirror imaging in the context of Hong Kong’s Cold War history as an intelligence and covert action frontline, as well as the city’s contemporary socio-political attributes.

“How Does Nature Deify Us”

“How Does Nature Deify Us”

Tentatives de résolution du conflit congolais accords, accalmie et rebondissements

"What are the reasons for the failure of the ""peace agreements"" signed by the protagonists of the ever-revolving Congolese conflict? The signing of peace agreements, the presence of foreign forces and the presence of international armed troops have not prevented the armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (since 1996) from continuing. The application of the texts of the various agreements concluded between the states of the region to put an end to the insecurity that reigns there is slow, which is why they often become inoperative because they are not applied at the appropriate time. A lasting peace in the DRC does not seem to be within reach, especially in the next few years. The deployment of peacekeepers in the country at the beginning of this new millennium seems to be planned for a long-term anchorage in the DRC. In spite of this UN mechanism, the country continues to suffer under the weight of insecurity due to this war that does not say its name. The vicious circle is thus complete: conflict calls for the presence of UN forces, which are unable to curb the insecurity. A long-term presence in the DRC in the heart of Africa seems inescapable. Keywords: accord de paix, négociation, violence, conflit, résolution, ressources naturelles "

International Migration as an Instrument of Hybrid Aggression

Migration element of the hybrid strategy is becoming one of the dominant methods in the geopolitical confrontation and struggle for influence within the framework of the system of international relations. Artificially supported migration processes are becoming powerful weapons that are used by both asymmetric actors and revanchist states. Migration can cause an outflow of labor and intellectual resources from the state, undermining its potential. Also, temporary labor migrants could become an agents on influence of the foreign forces in their home state. However, the practice of destabilization of countries-recipients of migrants due to specially created migration flows directed to its territory is becoming even more dangerous. Artificially strengthened movement of migrants to EU states from the Middle East, which was seen in 2015-2016 and which is being implemented by Belarus’s authorities in 2021, undermines the unity of Europe and challenges the values of the Western world.

The Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar

Abstract The Rohingyas, one of the most vulnerable refugee groups in the world, have suffered from continuous state sponsored terrorism by the Burmese government since Myanmar’s independence in 1948. Religion and ethnic differences are often contemplated as the major reason for the Rohingya crisis. However, this paper argues instead of only focusing upon ethno-religious dimension of the Rohingya conflict, the geo-strategic and resource centric explanation also need to be addressed. For the above-mentioned purpose, this research analyses how the Rohingya crisis is robustly linked with geo-strategic factors and politics of natural resources. In this context, the role and activities of the Government of Myanmar and military force in the Rakhine province are explained. In addition, this paper also examines the geo-economic interests of some foreign forces in Rakhine state. Based on qualitative analysis, data are collected from both primary and secondary sources such as books, journal articles, reports of government, etc. The research shows that the Rohingya’s persecution, displacement have a possible connection with the resources and geo-strategic factors that are present in the Rakhine state. This study further implies, the resources and geo-strategic factors also influence the Myanmar’s policies and actions and the engagement of military forces in the Rohingya crisis. Therefore, this new geo-strategic and resource centric explanation which are often overlooked can provide a better understanding of the Rohingya crisis.

Race, Sex, and God

Race, Sex, and God

Employment of Central Asian Migrant Workers in Russia during the COVID‑19 Pandemic

In the context of the COVID‑19 pandemic and the economic crisis in Russia, the labour market has changed, affecting the foreign labour force, which is an important category of it. In these changed conditions, the study of the employment of labour migrants from Central Asia is becoming more relevant. Based on a sociological study conducted by the author in Russia in 2020–2021 among 900 labour migrants from Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan in the cities of Moscow, St. Petersburg and Yekaterinburg, the type and scope of their employment at home are analysed. The type and scope of their employment in Russia, the method of finding a job and competition with Russians, the type of colleagues and the length of stay in Russia are analysed. The analysis analyses the average monthly and hourly wages in Russia on average per year in rouble and dollar terms and participation in the formation of the family budget at home, the existence of a written agreement with the employer and the reasons for its absence in Russia during the COVID‑19 pandemic in the country and gender sections.

The Kazakh Steppe and its Political Elite in the Conditions of Revolutionary Transit in Eurasia at the Beginning of the 20th century

The author examines the political situation in Kazakh society in the conditions of revolutionary transit at the beginning of the 20th century, taking into account the influence of foreign policy factors on it. The Great War forced the Kazakh political elite to analyse more closely the place of their region in the world and the fate of the peoples of Eurasia in the international context. Tomohiko Uyama and other authors draw attention to the international context of the Central Asian revolt of 1916. The role of foreign political forces in the events of the October Revolution and Civil War in the Kazakh steppe, as well as political orientations of the Kazakh political elite in the early 1920s, were not yet accurately taken into account. The author believes that the involvement in all-Russian processes determined the main reference points of the Alash autonomist movement in the conditions of revolution and Civil war, as well as the indifferent attitude of foreign political forces towards the Kazakh steppe. The aim of the article is to analyse the evolution of perceptions and initiatives of national figures involved in the process of Sovietisation of the region, regarding the strengthening of their power positions using the idea of world revolution. The study draws on new sources and the results of contemporary historiography of the history of the Alash movement. For Bolshevik foreign-policy strategy, the recognition of Soviet power by the Alash Orda was one of the stages in the drive towards world revolution in the colonial East. At the same time, the idea of the world revolution itself played an ambiguous role in the Bolshevik strategy. The author demonstrates that different groups of local Bolsheviks, as well as representatives of the central government, used it to achieve quite practical objectives. With the consolidation of Soviet power, the Kazakh Bolsheviks attempted to introduce the factor of the world revolution into the local political context. This was also reflected in Turar Ryskulov's project to create a Turkic Republic and a Turkic Communist Party.

Drivers of Chaos in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo Warfare

Eastern DRC is seriously affected by a protracted warfare involving illicit exploitation of natural resources, corruption, humanitarian crisis and terrorism carried out by armed groups including the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) and the Movement of 23 March (M23). According to DRC government, M23 is a terrorist group supported by Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF). Invasion and terrorism drive the war and the chaos. For Rwanda, fighting and chaos derive from ethnic conflicts over land, citizenship, local political power, and state failures. To many observers, ongoing violence and fighting are driven by rent seeking by Congolese military commanders, lack of State authority, distorted rule of law at both national and local levels, the abuse of public office for private gain (corruption), failed defence/security and justice sector reforms, undisciplined civilian armed and unarmed combatants, warlords and opportunist warmongers. Overall, state failures combined with globalized war diseconomy as conducted by multinational companies, failed multiparty system regarding democratic governance system drive ongoing chaos and armed violence, beyond government control and defence capabilities, despite peace agreements and the involvement of international and regional peace peacekeeping initiatives. Our analysis suggests that the war strategy being used resembles to what McKew refers to as the Gerasimov Doctrine, a chaos theory of political warfare which is used by Russia in Ukraine war. It is a silent total warfare combining politics and war activities with the objective of weakening, controlling and submitting an enemy by influencing its domestic politics and security. It creates a chaotic environment as a result of Clausewitzian friction. Hence, the search for sustainable peace and political stability needs to address factors which drive and sustain the chaos. Such strategic change requires top leadership involvement at the Head of State level, in his capacity of commander in chief of the armed forces. It is a matter of rebuilding the State, transforming non-state forces into a professional military and inducing few innovations into the defence reform process. Such innovations will include establishing territorial armies in eastern provinces where armed groups and foreign forces take advantage of State weaknesses to exploit resources and abuse local defenceless populations.

Ending of the endless in Afghanistan: gauging the responsibility of the USA in international law

The fall of Kabul triggered by the Taliban and the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan has created havoc in the international community. The legitimacy of control given to the Taliban is under the peace agreement signed by the Taliban and the USA. This has raised a pertinent question as to whether the USA (state actor) should be held responsible for the wrongful acts of the Taliban (a non-state actor) in Afghanistan for actively permitting their arrival in the country. Usually, state attributability is understood via the Articles on State Responsibility. However, due to certain limitations in its application, the authors rely on Common Article 1 of the Geneva Convention to argue the accountability of the USA for acts of non-state actors in a situation of an armed conflict, even when it has extraterritorial jurisdiction over Afghanistan.

Research on the Role of New Media in Thailand's Democratic Politics

With the rapid development of emerging technologies such as the Internet, new media in Thailand have started to develop fast. In terms of freedom of opinion, new media have a higher degree of freedom compared to traditional media. In Thai democracy, the new media is a "double-edged sword" with both positive and negative effects. It is a booster for political parties' election campaigns, a medium for Thai people to express their political views and communicate with the government, an important propaganda and mobilization platform for political campaigns, and a tool for foreign forces to interfere in Thailand's internal affairs. The duality of new media brings new opportunities and great challenges to Thai democracy. In the future, new media can both increase people's motivation to participate in politics and achieve two-way interaction between the government and the people. However, some of Thailand's new media have deviated from the track of democratic political development and have become political weapons for political parties to fight with each other. Some of the new media will also be influenced by Western forces and Western ideology, making Thailand's democracy appear alienated.

The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Middle Eastern and North African History

The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Middle Eastern and North African History