Forces In Egypt Research Articles

Intertwined Hierarchies: The Intersection of Religion and Gender in the Personal Status Laws of Orthodox Copts in Egypt

This paper raises questions about the extent to which the demand for a uniform civil personal status law, as advocated by progressive forces in Egypt, shows consideration for the context of religious persecution. In presenting a historical review of milestones in legislation regulating the personal status of Orthodox Copts in Egypt from an intersectional feminist perspective, the paper attempts to lay bare the balance of power among the parties that contributed to framing this legislation. It offers a brief overview of the historical context of the personal status law in Egypt, followed by a history of the emergence of the Coptic Orthodox General Communal Council, which issued Statute 38, the law that has governed the personal status affairs of Christians since 1938. The paper then reviews relevant regulations, legislation, and papal decrees, as well as significant disputes between the church and state on divorce and remarriage for Copts. Finally, it discusses the interlocking hierarchies that shape the status quo: the hierarchy between recognised and unrecognised denominations, between the Coptic Orthodox Church as the ‘mother church’ and the Catholic and Protestant churches, and between the clergy and the laity within the Orthodox Church, as well as social hierarchies based on religious identity (Muslims and non-Muslims) and gender.

Virtual Water Trade as a creative water-saving technique

Understanding the idea and strategy of virtual water trade is critical for formulating informed policies to increase water usage efficiency at various levels. The implementation of the concept of virtual water as a creative water-saving technique in Egypt, however, is still in need of comprehensive testing, research, and feasibility evaluation. Egypt also requires extensive investigations, surveys, and feasibility evaluations. At present, as a percentage of water supplies, Egypt's net virtual water import has risen to 23.55 percent. The primary concern here is to apply virtual water as a strategy that meets the interests and goals set out in Egypt's National Water Management Plan. The key concern of this paper is investigating the general use of virtual water as a water-saving technique in Egypt. It outlines the water scarcity problem and its indicators, supply and demand for water resources in Egypt, and water scarcity forces in Egypt. Going to virtual water in economic ideas history, the definitions of virtual water and water footprint, then virtual water as an analytical instrument and a political strategy. Finally, water saving from virtual water trade and its advantages and disadvantages in Egypt. In order to follow the introduction of the virtual water definition in the national water management policy of Egypt, A clear vision and understanding of its advantages and disadvantages according to the conditions of Egypt is required. Further analysis and a thorough understanding of the impacts and experiences on the local social, economic, environmental, cultural, natural and political situation is needed for this new definition as a policy choice in Egypt.

Literary Trajectories of Sulaymān al-Ḥalabī, a Hero Who Was Born a Criminal

On 14 June 1800, Sulaymān al-Ḥalabī, a Syrian student, stabbed to death General Kléber, leader of the French occupation forces in Egypt. A few days later, the first account of the event – the trial documents – was written, translated into the main languages spoken in Cairo and distributed by the French military. Since then, accounts of this fact have multiplied, each presenting Sulaymān al-Ḥalabī in a different manner, ranging from fanatic, to victim, hero, then back to the fanatic and the hero. Comparing the different stories about Sulaymān al-Ḥalabī and relating them to their context of production, this paper explores their possible motives and effects, showing how the character’s literary trajectories depend more on the circumstances in which the stories were written, rather than on a search for truth. Until now, three main tendencies have decided Sulaymān al-Ḥalabī’s destiny: legitimation, mirroring reality and responding to the regime’s propaganda.

Literary Trajectories of Sulaymān al-Ḥalabī, a Hero Who Was Born a Criminal

On 14 June 1800, Sulaymān al-Ḥalabī, a Syrian student, stabbed to death General Kléber, leader of the French occupation forces in Egypt. A few days later, the first account of the event – the trial documents – was written, translated into the main languages spoken in Cairo and distributed by the French military. Since then, accounts of this fact have multiplied, each presenting Sulaymān al-Ḥalabī in a different manner, ranging from fanatic, to victim, hero, then back to the fanatic and the hero. Comparing the different stories about Sulaymān al-Ḥalabī and relating them to their context of production, this paper explores their possible motives and effects, showing how the character’s literary trajectories depend more on the circumstances in which the stories were written, rather than on a search for truth. Until now, three main tendencies have decided Sulaymān al-Ḥalabī’s destiny: legitimation, mirroring reality and responding to the regime’s propaganda.

Egypt’s major political forces and their relations with the president M. Mursi in 2012–2013

Political situation in Egypt has been attracting international attention since 2011, when the wave of protests of so-called Arab Spring swept through the region of Middle East and North Africa. Inspired by democratic slogans of political pluralism, freedom of speech, press and religion, Egyptian revolution led to the political success of the Islamist groups, such as An-Nour and Muslim Brotherhood, that came to power in 2012. The representative of Muslim Brotherhood Mohammed Morsi held his position of the head of the state for a critically short term: had been elected in the end of June 2012, he was overthrown in the beginning of July 2013 by military coup supported by all the political forces of Egypt as well as Egyptian people, who gathered again in the Tahrir Square. Eventually, the people who had voted for Morsi a year before turned against him as well as political forces that used to support Muslim Brotherhood. He didn’t manage to prove his consistency as the president of the country. A number of factors led to this result. Economic situation in Egypt didn’t improve, democratically elected president launched totally undemocratic initiatives, etc. All these factors may be considered as obviously objective reasons for loosing the power. But Egyptian political environment has specific features that should be taken into account while investigating the reasons and factors of Morsi overthrow in 2013. Had being shaped through previous 30 years of Hosni Mubarak power and firmly rooted in Egyptian society, they couldn’t be changed simultaneously after the revolution. Two key players have been occupied leading positions in Egyptian politics during all this period: business elites and army. Both of them had financial and social base and influenced public opinion in the country. Political situation turned to be even more complicated with the vast number of new parties arouse after the revolt. All these players had an important part in Egyptian politics and should have been taken into account by the president. Moreover, his ability to form relationship with them and gain their loyalty was an important condition for maintaining power. Instead, M. Morsi started confrontation with the leading political forces of Egypt. Apparently, this wrong tactics resulted in his overthrow from the presidency in 2013.

Missed connection: relations between Italian anti-fascist emigration and British forces in Egypt (1940–1944)

Italian anti-fascists started to emigrate from the moment that Mussolini seized power. These émigrés, orfuorusciti, tried to organise themselves to put an end to Mussolini’s regime, but found themselves confronting a number of unexpected difficulties in their host countries. Among them,Giustiza e Libertà(GL) was one of the most active organisations. One of the problems they had to face was the issue of how best to deal with their hosts without compromising their integrity as Italians, and as patriots. The case of Paolo Vittorelli (Raffaele Battino), who is the subject of this article, presents a clear case study of this issue and shows how close collaboration between Italian anti-fascists and western democracies (in this case, the United Kingdom) was hindered by ideological problems. The study of such episodes helps us to shed light not only on the mentality of the GL émigrés, but also on the way the Italian Resistance would later approach the issue of working together with the Allies during the Italian campaign of 1943–1945.

THE EDUCATIONAL CONTEXTS OF ISLAMIST ACTIVISM: ELITE STUDENTS AND RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS IN EGYPT*

The literature on student activism finds that protesters come from prestigious universities and from the social sciences and humanities. Studies of political Islam, however, emphasize the prominence of engineering and medical students from secular institutions. Contributing to both literatures, this paper investigates Islamist students targeted by security forces in Egypt following the coup of 2013. Matching 1,352 arrested students to the population of male undergraduates, it analyzes how the arrest rate varied across 348 university faculties. We find that activists came disproportionately from institutions that provided a religiously inflected education. This contradicts the conventional emphasis on secular institutions. Most importantly, we find that Islamists tended to come from faculties that required higher grades and that admitted students who studied science in secondary school. Controlling for grades, engineering and medicine were not especially prominent. These findings suggest that Islamist students conform to the more general pattern: political activism attracts the academic elite.

Upended Path: The Rise and Fall of Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood

This article examines the rise and fall of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt after the 2011 uprising. It analyzes the Brotherhood's behavior and strategy since taking power in June 2012, exploring the underlying factors leading to their downfall in 2013. The article argues that the short-lived Islamist government's fall can be ascribed to three key factors: its lack of a revolutionary agenda, the Brotherhood's organizational stagnation and inertia, and its leaders' incompetence and inexperience in governance.1The abrupt rise and fall of Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood to power took many observers, commentators, and policy-makers by surprise. After only one year at the reins of government, the Muslim Brotherhood's path was upended and its future has become uncertain. While the Brotherhood leadership and sympathizers blame the old regime forces (i.e., the deep state) for their failure, the Brotherhood's own blunders and miscalculations cannot be disregarded. Their impetuous rush to power, the stagnant and rigid decision making-process within the movement, and the incompetent and weak leadership of President Mohamed Morsi all contributed to their fall. After the ouster of Husni Mubarak on February 11, 2011, the Brotherhood emerged as one of the key political forces in Egypt. Its Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) won the first parliamentary elections after the January uprising and party chairman Dr. Mohamed Morsi became Egypt's first free and democratically elected president. However, after only one year in office, Morsi proved unable to run the country effectively or to achieve the objectives of the January uprising, leading the military to take control in a coup on July 3, 2013, following an eruption of mass protests against Morsi on June 30.This article begins by tracing the debate over how to explain Islamists' behavior and strategy. It critically discusses the key theoretical trends dominating the terrain of Islamism over the past three decades. The second section probes the Brotherhood's role before and after the January uprising. It examines the ability of the Brotherhood to survive and endure under the Mubarak regime and how it became Egypt's key player in the post-Mubarak era. The third section focuses on the Brotherhood's downfall and explores the key factors behind it, particularly those related to the group's internal dynamics. The final section discusses the current crisis facing the organization and how it has thus far dealt with the post-coup regime, which has designated it as a terrorist group.DEBATING ISLAMISMOver the past few decades, Islamism has been a subject of inquiry and debate within academic as well as policy-making circles. Despite a plethora of literature on Islamist movements, capturing the essence of Islamism as a sociopolitical phenomenon is still an enigma. Scholars are not only puzzled by the changing faces of Islamism but also by the lack of methodological and theoretical tools that could help analyze and explain Islamists' discourse, behavior, and strategy.1 Since the Iranian Revolution in 1979, two influential bodies of scholarship have dominated the study of Islamism. The first is the essentialist or culturalist approach, which treats Islamism as a rigid and immutable phenomenon. The advocates of this approach tend to view Islamism as nothing but a reactionary response to the crisis of modernity that has challenged Muslim societies since the early 20th century. This trend falls short in explicating the complexity and multifaceted character of Islamism, and tends to consider it within a reductionist, ahistorical, and culturist view of Islamic societies.2 Moreover, to prove their views, essentialists tend to conflate Islamism with Islam as a whole, focusing particularly on more conservative and violent forces that follow a rigid and regressive version of the religion. For these scholars, Islam is not a faith but rather an anachronistic ideology that does not cope with modern ideas. …

Scheherazade’s Feast: Foods of the Medieval Arab World by Habeeb Salloum, Muna Salloum, and Leila Salloum Elias (review)

Reviewed by: Scheherazade’s Feast: Foods of the Medieval Arab World by Habeeb Salloum, Muna Salloum, and Leila Salloum Elias Justin Rose Habeeb Salloum, Muna Salloum, and Leila Salloum Elias, Scheherazade’s Feast: Foods of the Medieval Arab World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 2013) 256 pp. Named after the heroine of the Arabian Nights, the Salloum family composed this cookbook that balances interesting historical information with delicious and well-crafted recipes. The authors of Scheherazade’s Feast seek to connect Medieval Arab cuisine with contemporary Middle Eastern culture. In most cases, trying to draw such connections would merely result in perpetuating Medievalist or Orientalist clichés. In this work, however, the Salloums aptly link Medieval ingredients and recipes with contemporary recipes and practices. Anyone who has dined in a Middle Eastern home will immediately recognize the authors’ explanations of hospitality and the beautiful rituals surrounding food presentation. As with many cookbooks, the recipes reflect the eating habits of the elite since lower classes could not afford ingredients like costly spices. Nevertheless, the Salloums note several cases where common people were invited to the ruler’s table so that their concerns might be heard. As such, one can also read these recipes through political or social lenses. The introduction has two parts: an overview of medieval Arab cuisine, surveying from al-Andalous to Iraq and a historiography of primary source cook books. The overview provides important observations about the commonality of Middle Eastern cuisine as well as the changes brought about by local ingredients or other cultural influences. Access to trade routes and the movement and settling of Islamic forces in Egypt or Spain all contributed to a common set of foodstuffs available throughout the Mediterranean and beyond. European influences in al-Andalous or unique spices in Persia led to the development of new local recipes using the same foods. In the historiography section, the reader learns that medieval Arab cookbook writers had a holistic focus. Beyond prescribing ingredients and preparation, they included nutritional concerns and the curative natures of various herbs or foods. They wrote about hygiene, food ornamentation and table manners (7), how to clean utensils and what items were essential to a well-stocked kitchen. [End Page 325] The main section of the text, like most cookbooks, has sections for appetizers, entrées, desserts and beverages; with subsections that feature lamb, chicken and vegetarian recipes. Two features set this cookbook apart. The authors include recipes from the various medieval cookbooks they surveyed in the introduction. A special note at the beginning of the book explains that they did not “polish” the translations of these primary source recipes so that the reader could get a sense of the original writing and grapple with the ambiguous amounts and cooking directions. After the original recipe, the authors most often include a paragraph or two of explanation, considering the significance of a particular ingredient, how the foods were harvested or prepared for the kitchen, amusing anecdotes connected with serving a particular dish as well as practical insights into taste or texture. In these commentaries, the authors provide valuable historical and social insights that turn mere recipes into material culture for the medieval Arab world. Readers will learn not only where a particular item came from, but also the etiquette associated with enjoying the dish at the royal table. Of course, each entry of the text also includes a modern style recipe “translated” into standard measurements and cooking instructions. Here, the authors admit to having to make some judgments when the original recipe calls for an ingredient that no longer exists or that could be substituted by something more readily available. Nevertheless, their directions are clear and consistent. The listed ingredients are easily available at the very least in a Middle Eastern market. In the last pages of the text, the Salloums include a series of menus, some measurement conversions, a short but essential glossary and a considerable bibliography of both primary and secondary sources. The menus reflect the religious diversity of the medieval Middle East with suggestions for a dinner during Ramadan, Lent, Passover, and Christmas. By noting the various recipes that reflect particular religious dietary rules and customs, the authors...

The Role of the Armed Forces in Egypt’s Political System

The article offers an analysis of the status and position of the army, as the key institution within Egypt’s political system, showing the path and degree of its transformation as a result of the Arab Spring revolutionary wave affecting Egypt among other countries of the Arab world. It also contains certain forecasts concerning the future role of the Egyptian military, with the author, however, deeming the status of the army in the new political situation as being anything but stable and definitive.

Relationship between state and religion: Egypt after the revolution

According to Tariq Al-Bishri, it is not true that it is the Islamic current that controls the state in Egypt as a political project is in the process of crystallizing. His main proposal is for the three forces dominating the structure and dynamics of political life in Egypt – namely the army and judiciary, the Muslim Brotherhood, and liberals – to collaborate and avoid posing religion and the state as two opposing entities. Having to deal with the Shari’a as the source or reference for legislation need not be a polarizing issue as religion is being dealt with as ‘the dominant culture’; moreover, much work has already been done along this line throughout the 20th century. Al-Bishri argues that democracy within a society becomes vacuous if it is detached from solving its socio-economic challenges. To this end he prioritizes four main issues: (1) freeing the Egyptian national will from American and Israeli pressures; (2) reforming and rebuilding government administrative bureaucracy; (3) organizing civil society; and (4) drafting a constitution. Al-Bishri considers that ‘after Islamists assume power in Egypt’ it is imperative for the existing political and cultural forces in Egypt to cooperate as none of them has enough power to negate the others or lead on his own.

Structuring conflict in the Arab world: incumbents, opponents, and institutions

List of figures and tables Acknowledgments A note on the use of language Abbreviations Introduction 1. The manipulation of political opposition 2. Structures of contestation 3. Playing by the rules: the inclusion and exclusion of political oppositions 4. Dynamics of opposition in unified SoCs 5. Opposition dynamics in divided SoCs 6. Formal SoCs and informal political manipulation Conclusion Appendix: political forces in Egypt, Jordan and Morocco Notes Bibliography Index.

Tirhakah, King of Kush and Sennacherib

According to the Assyrian sources, Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704–681 BCE) went on campaign to the West to quell a rebellion in 701 BCE. During his campaign he conducted a pitched battle against the forces of Egypt and Kush and won the war. However, according to the Biblical narrative the Assyrians suffered an enormous defeat by the angel of God. Furthermore, the Kushite ruler who came to the aid of the Judean forces was Tirhakah (=Taharqa), King of Kush, who ascended the throne of Egypt-and-Kush only eleven years later, in 690 BCE.How then, can we explain the mentioning of Taharqa in the biblical account? Is the information that he was present in the events of 701 BCE an anachronism or is it historically reliable? Can his role in the events be determined? Who won the war – Sennacherib, King of Assyria or Taharqa, King of Kush (and his ally, Hezekiah, King of Judah)? Did Sennacherib conduct two campaigns against the Levant, as some have suggested? The purpose of this article is to address these questions.

A Pan-African Composer? Coleridge-Taylor and Africa

From early published compositions (the seven African Romances, op. 17, for voice), Samuel Coleridge-Taylor consciously projected himself as a composer of lively African sensibilities. His later scores reflect more somber musical influences from the African diaspora. The composer also made one specific attempt to incorporate West African thematic materials into his work, offering a tantalizing glimpse of a path he might have taken had he not died so young. He never visited Africa or met his father, but he had firm contacts with the tight-knit social circle of West African professionals to which his father belonged. At least twenty-four West Africans attended the composer's funeral in 1912, and a wreath in the shape of the continent, highlighting Sierra Leone, was laid at his grave (Fryer 1984, 261). African aspects of both his music and his family background are relevant to proper assessment of the composer and his work. Coleridge-Taylor came to prominence at the high point of Victorian political and popular engagement with Africa. The commander-in-chief of the British-led forces in Egypt, Sir Herbert Kitchener, defeated the Mahdists at Omdurman on September 2, 1898. Tory prime minister Lord Salisbury's main intent in venturing into the Sudan was to counter French threats to control continental river and rail connections. On

An Intertextual Reading of ‘A Crushed Reed’ and ‘A Dim Wick’ in Isaiah 42.3

The present study proposes a new reading of the ‘crushed reed’ and ‘dim wick’ passage in Isa. 42.3a by examining the interconnections of phrases and metaphors within Isaiah and beyond. Several similar phrases in other texts help one read these seemingly ambivalent phrases as referring to the group of people weakened and shattered, the Judaeans, on an explicit level and to the foreign forces of Egypt and Babylon on an implied level. A deliberate double entendre in the phrases conveys that Israel is assured of consolation, particularly under the coming authority of the individual servant, Cyrus or a Davidic king. At the same time, this double entendre also implies an irony in that Israel, also as the servant, will establish justice over against Egypt and Babylon and on the whole earth with the task that moves beyond anti-Babylonian ideology, a part of the new vision of the prophet.

Labour and Politics in Egypt, 1919–1939

The aim of this essay is to analyse the rise and development of a new labour movement in Egypt between 1919 and 1939, the crucial interwar period. As the history of the movement was inextricably linked to the Wafd as well as to the competing political forces in Egypt at the time, I examine the extent to which the various political parties and personalities were able to hamper the development of an independent trade union movement during those years. I also discuss the factors which assisted or hindered, at times, the promulgation of labour laws, and view the achievements of the trade union movement (in different sub-periods) in terms of its success in satisfying the demands of workers, which were being opposed by those of the predominantly foreign local bourgeoisie.

Hewet v. The Treasury.

Jurisdiction — Foreign Armed Forces — Jurisdictional Immunity of — British Forces in Egypt — Anglo-Egyptian Convention of 1936 — Immunity from Taxation

Hénon v. Egyptian Government and British Admiralty.

Jurisdiction — Immunity from — Foreign Armed Forces — British Forces in Egypt — Anglo-Egyptian Convention of 1936.Jurisdiction — Immunity from — Foreign Governmental Departments — British Admiralty — Foreign Armed Forces — Jurisdictional Immunity of — British Forces in Egypt — Anglo-Egyptian Convention, 1936.

Holder v. Ministère Public

Treaties — Interpretation of — Special Term — Interpretation of Term “Present” — Anglo-Egyptian Convention of 1936.Jurisdiction — Immunity from — Foreign Armed Forces — British Forces in Egypt — Treaties — Interpretation of Anglo-Egyptian Convention of 1936.

Amrane v. John.

Extraterritoriality of Armed Forces — British Forces in Egypt — Customary International Law.