Forced Exile Research Articles

Catholic loyalism, service and careerism: Lewes Lewkenor's quest for favour

This article discusses one of Lewkenor's more obscure works, The Resolved Gentleman (1594 – STC 15139), in the context of Elizabethan court politics in the 1590s, with a particular emphasis on the author's own experience of dissent, exile to Catholic Spain in the 1580s and return to England in the early 1590s. A translation of Hernando de Acuna's El Caballero Determinado, itself a reworking of Olivier de la Marche's Chevalier Delibere (1483), the Resolved Gentleman bends the conventions of medieval chivalric allegory to articulate Lewkenor's own experience of alienation and dissent in the specific context of the factionalism of the 1590s. Beneath Lewkenor's seemingly self-effacing, ‘humanist’ translation it is in fact possible to discern a complex set of criticisms of Elizabeth's court. The knight's ‘wandering’ and ‘errance’ thus becomes a complex, multivalent figure that reverberates with a number of autobiographical meanings: the knight's exile becomes in Lewkenor's hands a figure of his own forced exile to Catholic Spain, and the account of the knight's quest functions as an oblique allusion to his own efforts to make his way back to Elizabeth's court. More importantly, however, these ‘personal’ meanings acquire a wider, political valence in the context of the allegory, and the narrative as a whole thus becomes a subtle, perceptive but scathing criticism of the Elizabethan court in the 1590's and the ‘contraction’ of royal favour that resulted in particular in the exclusion of capable, experienced but Catholic counsellors like Lewkenor himself. Articulating the frustration of this younger generation of alienated but fundamentally loyalist Catholics, Lewkenor paints a picture of a failed quest for favour, where the questing knight is finally forced to retire from the active life and withdraw to a rustic hermitage that is not only incompatible with his own ideal of the vita activa, but also dangerously smacks of unregenerate, and potentially seditious Catholicism.

중앙아시아 3국의 한국어 교육 －교육 현황과 특징을 중심으로－

The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the situation and special characteristics of Korean language education in three Central Asian countries. Among all Central Asian states, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have the most numerous population of ethnic Koreans as well closest ties with the Republic of Korean itself, which causes a tendency of very dynamic, active and strong development of Korean language education. In the end of 19th century ethnic Koreans immigrated to Far East Russia and then in 1937 they have experienced forced deportation by Soviet authorities to Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. Efforts of ethnic Koreans to preserve their language led to the fact that Korean language is taught to representatives of 3rd and 4th generation of ethnic Koreans. Moreover, right after those three Central Asian countries have engaged themselves into diplomatic relations with the Republic of Korea in 1992, bilateral cooperation in terms of trade, economy, culture and etc. became dynamic and gained new momentum. More and more Korean companies get their strong presence in Central Asian market, which influences students` choices in terms of their job preferences thus creating a desire to learn and improve their knowledge of Korean language to be able to work in Korean enterprises as interpreters. The second part of this research deals with factors, which had direct impact on the tendency that Korean language teaching gained active and very dynamic pace of development, i.e. historical factor, economic, cultural, factor of ethnic composition and language. Further, the third chapter analyzes current conditions and state of Korean language teaching. The research is based on data on the organizations and institutions involved in Korean language teaching, quantitative composition of students and teachers, curriculum and exchange programs. In conclusion, considering the analysis and data from the above mentioned chapters of this study, the fourth chapter describes differences and similarities in Korean language teaching practices between three Central Asian countries. We also give certain recommendations on improvement and development of Korean language teaching in this region. Due to active development of this sphere numerous researches and studies have been already made before. However, most of them are limited to the research on one country only. Our study has scientific significance because it deals with current situation on grounds of our research as of 2007~2009 and processed results of conducted survey and interviews with students and teachers of this region. (Yonsei University)

Media and the British Empire, edited by Chandrika Kaul

Reviewed by: Media and the British Empire Julie F. Codell (bio) Media and the British Empire, edited by Chandrika Kaul; pp. xv + 266. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006, £47.00, $75.00. Chandrika Kaul's edited anthology continues work she carried out in her book Reporting the Raj (2003) and adds to a growing field of studies of the collusion between empire and media, now aligned with studies of journalism, communication, and imperial identity politics. Media and the British Empire is thoroughly interdisciplinary. Its authors, largely specialists in history and journalism, examine relationships between media and imperial politics in India, New Zealand, Australia, Canada, New Guinea, the Straits Settlements (Penang, Malacca, Singapore), several African colonies (South Africa, Bechuanaland/Botswana), and Britain. They define media broadly, embracing rumor, mail, newsreels, wire service, and television, all focusing on the English-medium press during the long nineteenth century to expose Victorian imperialism's far-reaching legacy. Kaul applies an "integrative approach" to "the role of the media in shaping the political, economic, social and cultural dynamics" (1) through multiple colonial and metropole perspectives. Authors emphasize "cross-media culture of past societies" [End Page 157] in which communication is "complementary and cumulative" (3). Essays cover the early nineteenth century to the 1960s through several themes: communications, India's impact on British politics, imperial culture, and government media "management." Politics, technology, and institutions mutually inflected one another as colonial and British media contested national identities and the meanings of specific incidents that induced both imperial surveillance and colonials' resistance. Tim Pratt's outstanding study of how Chartist Ernest Jones, editor of the People's Paper, deployed the "Mutiny" exemplifies this dynamic. Pratt demonstrates "the fluidity of the nineteenth-century newspaper as a text, and indeed the concept of 'news' itself" (89). Jones contextualized the event within Chartist goals, but his positions changed as reports and events changed. Despite efforts to connect the Mutiny with domestic reform, Jones was undone by its failure, his own financial precariousness, and atrocity stories. While The Times insisted the rebellion demonstrated Indians' inherent irrationality and incapacity for self-government, Jones, writing India in "an increasing European image" (91), interpreted the revolt as evidence of Indians' desire for democracy, paralleling democratic movements in Britain. Jones used the revolt's failure to admonish British working classes about what not to do and to emphasize the importance of joining together despite differences, which he perceived as Indians' failure. He also stressed the importance of a strong leader—by which he meant himself. Like Jones, Winston Churchill was motivated by the desire for political leadership, even opposing his own Tory party. Ian St. John's essay analyzes Churchill's use of the press to convey his hostility to dyarchy (giving Indians more political participation) proposed by Stanley Baldwin's Conservatives in 1929 (104). St. John explores interdependencies between newsgathering as a system and personal relationships to understand why Churchill's public pronouncements found little press sympathy. Linked to Lord Rothermere's Daily Mail, which published his views, Churchill was marginalized not only for criticizing his own party and for his own credibility problems, but also for suggesting that Stanley Baldwin was attempting to wrench power from elected government. A compelling example of how the press was used to overcome and reverse government activities is the forced exile of King Seretse Khama of Bechuanaland after he married a white English woman, Ruth Williams. Bowing to behind-the-scenes pressure from South Africa but denying this influence, the government's position became increasingly untenable. Susan Williams lucidly traces how the Bangwato tribe and Seretse's use of media offered a counter-narrative to the official justification for removing Seretse and exposed the government's hypocritical promotion of racial equality in Africa. Seretse was eventually elected prime minister in 1966, as post-independence Bechuanaland became Botswana. Seretse's case can be compared to the Victorian press's debates over the Zulu Wars and the British removal of Zulu King Cetshwayo and of maharajas considered "unsympathetic" or "seditious" throughout the nineteenth century. Several essays examine the broader significance of specific events. Philip Woods explains how Viceroy Mountbatten controlled most press and newsreel depictions of India's...

Special Settlements in Soviet Russia in the 1930s-50s

Special Settlements in Soviet Russia in the 1930s–50s Reviewed by Oxana Klimkova Translated by Boris Gorshkov Viktor Arkad´evich Berdinskikh, Spetsposelentsy:Politicheskaia ssylka narodov Sovetskoi Rossii [Special Settlers: Political Exile of the Peoples of Soviet Russia]. 527 pp. Kirov: KOGUP, 2003. ISBN 5881864891. Reissued under the same title: 765 pp. Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2005. ISBN 5867933571. T. V. Starevskaia Diakina, ed., Spetspereselentsy v SSSR [Special Settlers in the USSR]. 824 pp. Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2004. ISBN 5824306085. Vol. 5 of Iu. N. Afanas´ev et al., eds., Istoriia stalinskogo Gulaga: Konets 1920kh–pervaia polovina 1950kh godov. Sobranie dokumentov, 7 vols. [History of the Stalinist Gulag: The End of the 1920s to the First Half of the 1950s. A Collection of Documents]. Moscow: Rosspen, 2004–5. ISBN 5824306044 (set). Viktor Nikolaevich Zemskov, Spetsposelentsy v SSSR, 1930–1960 [Special Settlers in the USSR, 1930–60]. 304 pp. Moscow: Nauka, 2003. ISBN 5020103152. Contemporary Russian and Western scholarship has shown steadily increasing interest in uncovering the history of special settlements for deported population groups in the Soviet Union, sometimes termed "Soviet internal exile." Soviet authorities began to transfer problematic segments of the population to "special settlements" in distant and inaccessible regions as a repressive measure at the beginning of the 1920s and continued to employ this technique through the early 1950s. Deportations and the system of special settlements were primarily precautionary measures aimed at preventing anti-state demonstrations by certain "risk groups" that might have significant consequences. In their appearance, these places of special exile (often called spetsposelki) usually did not differ [End Page 105] from ordinary rural settlements.1 Their inhabitants, however, had significant limitations on their civil rights: they were subject to severe restrictions on freedom of movement and found themselves under the constant control of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD). Local administrative organs or so-called "special commands" (spetskomendatura) fulfilled this oversight function. In some cases "elders," who were elected by the deported individuals, answered to district officials (upolnomochennye) who regularly visited the settlements to check on the number of special settlers and the state of affairs in the settlements. The principle of collective responsibility (krugovaiaporuka) ensured the reliability of data submitted in this manner, for under this system the elders answered for any problems in the settlements or any falsifications in the reports.2 This particular regime envisioned the residence of special settlers together with their families within the limits of a region determined by the NKVD (later Ministry of Internal Affairs [MVD]). This system also encompassed compulsory labor by the special settlers in branches of the economy determined by the security organs as well as the absence of any clearly defined term of exile for the inhabitants. The existing historical literature traditionally presents 1930 as the watershed year in the history of the special settlements system. This year witnessed mass deportations of the dekulakized peasants to the country's distant regions, a development that gave rise to a peculiar social category, so-called spetsposelentsy (special settlers).3 Throughout the period from the 1930s to [End Page 106] the 1950s, this category encompassed hundreds of thousands of families. Areas of special settlement were most often located in the northern and eastern regions of the USSR. The largest regions of exile were Kazakhstan, western Siberia, the Urals, the northern stretches of European Russia, and Central Asia. The initial waves of deportees were directed to the North, the Urals, and western Siberia, but with time the focus broadened to include Kazakhstan and Central Asia. Oftentimes, the state employed forced deportation to further its goals of colonizing the country's uninhabited and inaccessible regions. In October 1940, the Gulag system comprised 1,645 special settlements, overseen by 160 regional and 741 district administrations. A total of 258,448 families—959,472 individuals—lived in these settlements.4 By 1 January 1953, the number of special settlers had grown to 2,753,356 (Zemskov, 205). The various...

The penal colonies: from utopia to potential case dismissal

The penal colonies established in France’s colonies, where hard time was as much to distance criminals from Metropolitan France as it was to eliminate them, were intended for political prisoners, criminals condemned to hard labor, and, under the Third Republic, repeat offenders. These penal colonies were the product of two intersecting utopic visions: the idea of reforming individuals through work, and that of colonization via forced exile. These two dreams were developed under the Ancien Reg...

Fritz Haber: Chemist, Nobel Laureate, German, Jew (review)

Reviewed by: Fritz Haber: Chemist, Nobel Laureate, German, Jew Anthony Stranges (bio) Fritz Haber: Chemist, Nobel Laureate, German, Jew. By Dietrich Stoltzenberg, Philadelphia: Chemical Heritage Press, 2004. Pp. xxv+326. $40. The German physical chemist Fritz Haber (1868-1934) has been dead for seventy-one years, yet his story remains fascinating, controversial, and instructive. My interest in Haber began in graduate school, and since then his life and work, especially his ammonia synthesis and World War I poison-gas program, have become part of my survey courses in the history of science and U.S. history. Although these developments remain crucial to a complete understanding of World War I, Haber is absent from discussions of the war in every U.S. and most European history textbooks. Hence Dietrich Stoltzenberg's biography warrants a wide readership. There is more to Haber than his World War I involvement. His scientific work had long-term consequences in many fields of science—physics, physical chemistry (especially thermodynamics and electrochemistry), and biochemistry—as well as in the applied fields of chemical technology and agriculture. He excelled in fusing science and politics. The scientist and German patriot became one. Stoltzenberg contrasts Haber, patriotic scientist and statesman, with Haber, Jew and failed family man. An underlying question remains relevant today: When does blind patriotism become immorality and possibly criminal behavior? As Stoltzenberg notes, Haber's scientific reputation resulted largely from his successful high-pressure synthesis of ammonia, NH3, from its elements nitrogen and hydrogen. Ever since William Crookes, in an 1898 address before the British Association for the Advancement of Science, warned of an impending world food crisis, scientists had searched for ways to fix atmospheric nitrogen in chemical compounds and thereby produce the fertilizers essential for increased crop production. None of the fixation processes proved economically feasible until 1908, when Haber in Karlsruhe developed the ammonia synthesis. Even though Wilhelm Ostwald and Walther Nernst had experimented with ammonia's synthesis, it was Haber who succeeded in establishing the proper temperature and pressure conditions and finding catalysts that made it practical. He developed only a laboratory-scale synthesis, and its transformation into a successful industrial process required the genius of Carl Bosch and Alwin Mittasch at BASF in Ludwigshafen. The scale-up occurred in 1913, and the timing was fortuitous. BASF's success in industrializing the reaction of ammonia gas with oxygen to give the nitrates required for the production of fertilizers and explosives followed in May 1915. Germany's military had initially planned for a six-month war and had only limited supplies of each. The new synthesis enabled Germany to continue the war. [End Page 448] The war involved Haber in another, far less noble way. Haber, who had converted from Judaism to Protestantism in 1892-94 and regarded himself as a dedicated German patriot, directed Germany's poison gas program. While he had earned the respect of the international scientific community for his ammonia synthesis, his war work—in violation of international law—led to his classification as a war criminal and to strong protests when he was awarded the 1918 Nobel Prize in chemistry. Animosity faded, however, and by the time of his forced exile and death in 1934, Haber had become a sympathetic figure. Haber the statesman succeeded in promoting the growth of German and international scientific organizations, such as the Emergency Association of German Science, and in advancing the careers of those who worked with him or studied under him. But he failed as a husband and family man. As with his friend Einstein, science dominated his life, and he expected others to subordinate their lives to his. His first wife shot herself in 1915, his second divorced him in 1927. Stoltzenberg's biography is likely to be the final word on this troubled chemist who only in exile recognized that his ultrapatriotism—at the expense of everything else, including his Jewish roots and family—counted for nothing in Nazi Germany. Those whom Haber had earlier either neglected or fought against tried to provide a new home for him, possibly in England or Palestine, but he died in Basel not quite sure of his future. A postscript on the translation...

The odyssey of reappropriation

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE i A prolific writer, playwright, poet, linguist, and anthropologist of his native Kabylia and of the range of Berber-speaking populations, Mouloud Mammeri was born in 1917, the son of the mayor of his mountain village and a traditional poetic bard (anusnaw). He was schooled in Algiers, Rabat, and Paris, where he graduated in literature from the Sorbonne in 1938. After fighting in World War II, he taught French in the interior of Algeria, published his first essays on Kabyle culture and the colonial question, and earned a growing reputation as a novelist, especially due to his trilogy of 'ethnographic novels', La Colline oubliee (1952), Le Sommeil du juste (1955), and L'Opium et le bâton (1965). He spent the war of national liberation in forced exile in Morocco before coming back to Algiers in 1962, where he became president of the Union of Algerian Writers and a professor of Berber language and North-African ethnology at the University of Algiers. He directed its Center for Anthropological, Prehistorical, and Ethnographic Research from 1969 until 1982, fostering the 'Algerianization' of social research and the development of field studies covering the gamut of regions and ethnicities of Algeria, with a strong focus on Berber oral cultures and interdisciplinary cooperation, despite the growing hostility of the authorities towards anthropological research. In 1985 he founded the Center for the Study of Amazigh Culture (CERAM) and its journal Awal ('the word') in Paris, which Pierre Bourdieu helped baptize with a joint article entitled 'On the Proper Uses of Ethnology' (Bourdieu and Mammeri, 1985). Mammeri is the author of numerous books on Berber language and grammar, poetry, ethnography, and literature, and he was a leading exponent of Kabyle resistance to the forced 'arabization' of his people by

Dreams of Escape: Variations of the Italian Road Movie

This study explores the journey motif in Italian cinema, with a particular emphasis on Salvatores' quintessential road movies Marrakech Express and Puerto Escondido and two recent lesser known variations of the genre, Davide Ferrario's Figli di Annibale and Marco Risi's Tre mogli. Attention is paid to Edward Said's trope of exile which he associates both with the negative connotations of loss and exclusion and with the positive connotations of exile as critical perspective. In considering the clash between forced mass exile and willed homelessness, the suggestion is made that road movies, by centring on the contemporary figure of the voluntary exile in a period when Italy is being invaded at its margins (and thus challenged at its very core) by displaced persons in search of political asylum and economic opportunity, implicitly draw attention to this binary of inclusion and exclusion. It is argued that the figure of the solitary exile or expatriate, while cast as a post-modern nomad, remains tied to the discourses of modernity and the colonial project.

The impact of political violence: Adaptation and identity development in Bosnian adolescent refugees*

This qualitative study explored the impact of the war in the former Yugoslavia and the experiences of forced exile on the processes of adaptation and identity development for five Bosnian adolescent refugees who have lived the United States for at least two years. Sources of resilience were found in individual temperament, adaptive responses to trauma, and cultural and family pride and loyalty. Because current research on political violence tends to focus on psychopathological outcomes and PTSD sequelae, particular attention was given to examining cultural meanings of trauma and development, as well as the health‐promoting forces that can occur in response to extreme trauma. Findings suggest several implications for future research as well as implications for mental health professionals working with refugees.

Stirring up the Dust: The Healing History of a "Curandera" in "La insolita historia de la Santa de Cabora"

Porfirian activist whose life ended in exile in the United States. Domecq revives Urrea, rewriting her in light of contemporary historiography and feminist theory to forge a new kind of protagonist who diverges from her depiction in the primary sources. The prerevolutionary novel which first inspired Domecq, Tomochic (1893, revised 1906) by Heriberto Frias, depicts as an exploited hysteric, but insdlita historia draws a more complex portrait of a rebel, a flawed human being, and most importantly a healer of both mystical and political wounds. Just as is a curandera, or healer, insdlita historia serves as what activist historian Aurora Levins Morales calls history as curandera, a healing history. insdlita historia provides a fictitious rendering of Teresa's life; the novel begins by alternating between Teresa's experiences growing up and the adventures of a woman a century later who takes a trip to to research Teresa. Teresa's scruffy early childhood is transformed when she moves as a teenager to her biological father's ranch in Cabora, Sonora. Simultaneously, the researcher recalls fragments of data on from a research portfolio that she lost on the plane. A nameless figure, her identity gradually blends with Teresa's. This follows with La caida (The Fall) in which the researcher has fallen down the sacred hill in and has fallen off of her horse. The researcher then disappears from the story. The part of the novel tells of Teresa's three-month trance after the fall (her first death) and her subsequent transformation into a popular healer on the ranch. At this time, hundreds of pilgrims come to see the young woman they call Teresa and La Santa de Cabora and indigenous rebels battle in her name against the Porfirio Diaz dictatorship. The third section of the narrative tells of Teresa's life from her forced exile in Arizona and Texas until her second death. An epilogue concludes the novel with the apparent reappearance of the researcher, who has resuscitated from a coma and now claims to be Teresa.

The Japanese Latin American Wartime and Redress Experience

This is an account of 2,264 Japanese Latin Americans, what they suffered at the hands of the United States government during World War II, and their continuing struggle for redress for the civil and human rights vivolations perpetrated against them. Eighty percent of those taken from Latin America were from Peru. Because the greatest number of people were taken from Peru, there is more data available regarding the experiences of Japanese Peruvians. However, Japanese Latin Americans from twelve other countries-Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Panama-also suffered this forced deportation and other violations. Furthermore, over 4,000 German and Italian Latin Americans were also targeted by the U.S. to be part of this deportation and hostage exchange program.

Victimization, survival and the impunity of forced exile: A case study from the Rwandan genocide

A case study of a Rwandan genocide survivor and a review of the cultural and historical contexts of that crime are presented. The case study examines not only the events that occurred during the genocide, but also the post-victimization reflections of the respondent. It is argued that neither survival nor victimization in genocide are bounded events, but a set of processes. Survival during genocide is accomplished only by navigating through a series of lethal threats. Victimization is perceived to continue after the genocide through the impunity granted to perpetrators.

Return of the Group

The Hutterites call themselves the human version of a bee colony. Members of this Christian sect, who first settled in the United States in the 19th century, shun personal gain and pour their efforts into a well-oiled collective enterprise. Hutterite ideology stresses the shared fate of the group and warns against the sin of selfishness. Anyone who withholds help from others in need, turns lazy, or otherwise undermines community health draws stern reprimands from church elders. Failure to heed these warnings results in forced exile. Hutterite leaders are elected democratically and undergo a long probationary period before acquiring full power. When a colony grows too large-which is not uncommon, as the Hutterites have long experienced high birth rates-it sorts into two groups of equal size, skill, and compatibility. A lottery determines which group stays and which moves to a new location. Such practices sound downright strange to the average suburbanite or city dweller. Indeed, end-of-the-millennium Western societies seem to spawn far more self-absorption than sacrifice for any greater good. But the beelike tactics of Hutterite colonies highlight an evolved human capacity for thinking in groups and advancing group interests, even at the expense of personal strivings, asserts David Sloan Wilson, an evolutionary biologist at the State University of New York at Binghamton. Groups can be functional units in their own right, and individuals sometimes behave more like organs than like organisms, Wilson contends. As a result, altruism is a common feature of both human and biological nature.

Memory, Language, and Society in Salman Rushdie's "Haroun and the Sea of Stories"

ashid Khalifa, the storyteller in Salman Rushdie's novel Haroun and the Sea of Stories (1990), loses his wonderful ability to make up and tell stories when his wife Sorya leaves him for the snively Mr. Sengupta, a man who has always complained to Haroun and his mother about the uselessness of storytelling. Haroun, the only child of the Khalifas, blames himself for the breakup of his parents' marriage and his father's disability. In his efforts to restore Rashid's storytelling powers, Haroun manages to trap the water genie Iff, who has come to cancel Rashid's story water supply, and finally, with the help of the genie and his friends, restores his father's storytelling powers and reunites his parents. Rushdie, the real-life storyteller, is currently suffering from a similar kind of disability, imposed by real-life followers of KhattamShud, the archenemy of stories in the land of Kahani. The story of Haroun and Rashid Khalifa, written by Rushdie in his forced exile, deals with the theme of a writer's freedom to make up stories. Rushdie's current predicament is the latest replay of the age-old battle between the proponents of freedom of speech and its enemies. Plato, in his Dialogue, sought to banish poets from his ideal society because of his concern with the impression that false stories might create in the minds of readers and listeners (Jowett 163). It is a similar fear and concern on the part of certain self-proclaimed upholders of universal truth that has led to Rushdie's banishment. Thus the ultimate appeal of stories lies not in what they actually say but in what sentiments they evoke.

A "Neo-Babylonian" Seal from Tell Taanach

A seal found on the surface of Tell Taanach 40 years ago may provide additional evidence for occupation of the site in the late Assyrian/Neo-Babylonian period.

Animal analogues of ostracism: Biological mechanisms and social consequences

Utilizing a behavioral-biological perspective, this article examines the functions, causes, and costs of ostracism in nonhuman primates. Among nonhuman primates, ostracism may serve many functions other than promoting the cohesiveness of the group from which an individual is excluded. These functions include range extension, population regulation, outbreeding, and the diffusion of learned traditions. A variety of behavioral and biological processes contribute to the genesis and expression of ostracism. Behaviorally, female choice and the ability to form effective alliances seem to be critical for an adult male monkey to avoid being ostracized. Biologically, the integrity of the frontal lobes and adequate functioning of serotonergic neurotransmitter systems are essential to escape forced exile from the group. There is evidence that indicates that ostracism exacts a substancial physiological cost, including altered immune function, decrements in information processing, and changes in the metabolism of drugs. Moreover, recent studies suggest that several biological indices, including low concentrations of whole blood serotonin, may be markers that can be used to identify individual at risk for ostracism.

The Politics of Culture: Rudolf Bahro and Opposition in the GDR

The arrest last year of 41 year old party official Rudolf Bahro for the publication in the West of The Alternativel marks a turning point in the process of dissent in the German Democratic Republic. For the first time a major voice of opposition comes not from the artistic or scientific-academic communities, but directly out of the ranks of the party apparatus. Whereas the poet Wolf Biermann or the professor Robert Havemann speak for sectors of an intelligentsia which have traditionally found occasion to oppose the strictures of government policy, Rudolf Bahro is a product of that policy's own socialization. A comparison with the maverick Wolf Biermann is instructive. Born within the same year, both men began their formal political education as totally committed communists studying philosophy at the Humboldt University in the construction years between 1953 and 1960. Here, however, the similarities end almost as they begin. Biermann's rapidly growing reputation in the early 1960s as a poet enfant terrible openly critical of government political and cultural policy soon brought him public censure for his concerts, rejection from party candidacy and finally Berufsverbot from 1965 until his forced exile in the fall of 1976. More than any other figure, Wolf Biermann represents that segment of the younger generation which refused to allow their political commitments to conform to the version of socialism represented by the SED hierarchy. Rudolf Bahro is the reverse side of that coin of commitment. At 16 a

Politicization and Income Redistribution in Argentina: The Case of the Peronist Worker

On March 11, 1973, the Peronists scored an overwhelming electoral triumph throughout Argentina, sweeping the presidency, both houses of Congress, and 20 of the 22 governorships.1 Although not permitted to be a candidate (or even to be present in Argentina) for the elections, Juan Domingo Per6n had been the victor. The new president was his openly acknowledged stand-in; a majority of the members of the new Congress and most of the governors clearly owed their election to the fact that they were Peronists, espousing loyalty to their leader, Per6n. Despite better than 17 years of forced exile, Per6n has been able to maintain tremendous popular support. The question with which we will deal here is how to explain Per6n's lasting, in fact, growing popularity throughout the long period since his ouster by the military in the 1955 coup d'etat. The answer will be sought in an examination of economic and social policies adopted by Per6n during his time in political office (1943-55) and those of his civilian and military successors in the time since 1955. In particular, we will compare how those in the working and lower middle classes have fared in the Per6n and post-Peronist time periods. The discussion of socioeconomic conditions by itself is insufficient to explain the formation of particular political attitudes; the latter do not arise automatically from a given set of circumstances. To explain the attitudes held in respect to Per6n and the Peronist movement, we ought to bring into the analysis an organizational component, an examination of the key secondary group to which a majority of Argentine workers belong-the trade unions. I argue that the General Confederation of Labor, or CGT (Confederaci6n General de Trabajo), has played a major role in determining how Argentine workers have reacted to the social and economic