Political Forces Research Articles

Utopian anti-utopianism: rethinking Cold War liberalism through British anarchism

ABSTRACT Isaiah Berlin’s “Two Concepts of Liberty” lecture was the iconic statement of Cold War liberalism, an expression of all its insights and limitations. It divided critics then and now: was it a stimulating restatement of classical liberalism with revitalising potential for post-war democracy or a conservative retreat from politics that paralysed liberalism as both a social and political force? This article approaches the debate from a side angle. It looks at how the Freedom anarchist group addressed the problems raised by the lecture. Of all ideologies, anarchism most elevated liberty as the highest good. At the same time, it considered itself a social movement for the advance of liberty. As such, the tension highlighted by “Two Concepts”, between the intrinsic value of liberty and the pursuit of liberty, had long preoccupied generations of anarchist thinkers but never more so than after the War, where inherited assumptions about revolution and social change became implausible. Although Berlin identified anarchism with the fullest realisation of positive liberty, the movement was more philosophically diverse than he recognised. The Freedom group’s responses to his dilemma of liberty demonstrates this. At the same time, their efforts to think beyond the impasse and experiment with new forms of political practice – as exemplified by Anarchy, Freedom’s sister publication – outstripped those of the liberals casting fresh light on the limits and possibilities of freedom in a Cold War world.

Exploring, Overreaching, Giving Up: The UN and International Conflict Management in Kashmir, Congo, and East Pakistan

This essay examines the attempts of the United Nations (UN) to become an active force in Cold War politics. It explores three major moments of crisis that triggered UN involvement: Kashmir (1947–1949), Congo (1960–1965), and East Pakistan (1971). The essay demonstrates how in the Kashmir crisis, UN negotiators initially benefited from a malleable international environment and sincere support by both India and Pakistan to solve their territorial dispute. Yet as the UN explored its role as conflict “manager”, it soon faced the limits of both its power and its legitimacy in attempting to overcome national suspicion and the insistence on state sovereignty. In contrast to Kashmir, the Congo Crisis was a case of overreach. Under the lead of UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld, UN officials transformed an intervention to assist the Congolese government in ending Belgian interference to an overly ambitious exercise in state-building. The East Pakistan crisis reveals that the UN had by then given up on playing an active overt role in the political settlement of international crises. As millions of East Pakistanis, accused of separatism, fled a massive military crackdown by the West Pakistani government into neighbouring India, the UN confined its reaction to expressions of concern, offers of mediation, and provision of humanitarian aid. UN officials’ subsequent attempts to use humanitarian assistance and impartiality as a cover to achieve a covert solution deepened the crisis rather than contributing to solving it. The essay argues that by the early 1970s, the UN’s ambitious approach to international conflict management and foreign intervention had given way to a pragmatic focus on the “humanitarian” aspect. This adaptation by the UN to a difficult international environment in shying away from the overt pursuit of political solutions has had lasting consequences for the UN’s role in the international system.

Soviet Jews between conformism, dissent and emigration

ABSTRACT The article draws a socio-historic portrait of Soviet Jewry during the last 30 years of state socialism, the political and social forces that shaped Soviet Jewish identity, the drivers of the assimilation process, and strong ties between Russian-speaking Jews and high Russian culture. This background helps explain the formation of the two waves of mass Soviet-Jewish emigration in the 1970s and 1990s. The second part sheds light on the role of Soviet Jewry in the dissident movement, split between the universal human rights agenda and the ethno-national struggle for both Jewish revival in the USSR and the right to emigration.

일본의 전시 프로파간다 - 『사진주보』의 중일전쟁 관계 보도

At the time of the Sino-Japanese War, there were various political forces in mainland China, But they can be divided into three main groups: the Kuomintang Government of Chiang Kai-shek, the Nanjing Government, and the Manchukuo. In order to inspire the Japanese people to fight for the war and to carry out propaganda for war co-operation, the Shashinsyuhou used each political force in China differently to conduct the war. First, it completely ignored the other side of the Sino-Japanese War, the Kuomintang government, and did not publish any articles about Chiang Kai-shek himself, but emphasised his responsibility for starting the anti-Japanese war. It also reported only the victories of the Japanese army in the Sino-Japanese War and showed Chinese people living peacefully in Japanese occupied territories. Second, it emphasised the friendly relationship between Wang Jingwei's Nanjing government, which represented ‘official China’, and Japan, and reported in detail on the Nanjing government's cooperation in the conduct of the war. Thus, there were many articles about Wang Jingwei and the Nanjing government related to politics and diplomacy. Thirdly, the Manchukuo section of the Shashinsyuhou focused on the migration and settlement of Japanese people and the development of agriculture, resources, and heavy industry, which were necessary for Japan to wage war. It also emphasised the military aspect of Manchukuo, which bordered the Soviet Union. As such, the Sino-Japanese War period's Shashinsyuhou utilised the different regimes in mainland China from different angles to inspire the Japanese people to fight.

백제 무왕대 익산의 제석사 건립

This paper examines the establishment and reconstruction of Jeseoksa Temple in Iksan during the reign of King Mu of Baekje. Regarding the sequence of construction among the Wanggung-ri site, Jeseoksa Temple, and Mireuksa Temple, it is understood that Jeseoksa was built following the initiation of the Wanggung-ri site, and subsequently, Mireuksa was established. Notably, it is suggested that King Mu’s relocation of the capital to Iksan and the construction of Jeseoksa were closely intertwined. The political forces leading this relocation from Sabi to Iksan were King Mu and the political elites from Iksan, the region of his mother’s origin. As the construction of the royal palace in Iksan commenced, Jeseoksa Temple was built shortly afterward, around the early 620s. This effort reflects King Mu’s ambition to strengthen royal authority, as evidenced by the enshrinement of Buddha relics in Jeseoksa Temple. Jeseoksa Temple in Iksan was destroyed in November 639 and later rebuilt. The background to its destruction was significantly influenced by the creation of Mireuksa Temple, which was spearheaded by King Mu and the Iksan faction. As the Iksan group sought to expand their power through Mireuksa, the political forces based in Sabi resisted these changes. Additionally, King Mu’s shifting stance, distancing himself from the Iksan faction, played a crucial role. King Mu likely perceived the Iksan faction as an obstacle to consolidating his royal authority. Consequently, he sought to strengthen his power through the Sabi faction rather than relying on the Iksan group. This change is evident in his abandonment of plans to relocate the capital to Iksan and his renewed emphasis on Sabi as the central political base. In response, the Iksan faction strongly opposed King Mu and the Sabi faction, as symbolized by the destruction of Jeseoksa Temple. However, the Iksan group’s efforts failed to bring about significant political changes. This is further demonstrated by the swift reconstruction of Jeseoksa Temple, led by King Mu and the Sabi faction. This reconstruction underscored that the Iksan faction no longer held a dominant role in the political landscape of the time. Therefore, it can be concluded that the creation of the Wanggung-ri site, the establishment and reconstruction of Jeseoksa Temple, and the construction of Mireuksa Temple were all decisively influenced by the political dynamics surrounding King Mu.

INTEGRATING JUDICIAL PROTECTION FOR ENHANCED FEMALE WORKERS’ FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS IN THE NIGERIAN WORKPLACE ENVIRONMENT

The current discourse on the conception of equality by diverse global social and political forces have impacted the current world focus on the necessity to offer legal protection to those considered vulnerable in the workplace. Matching side by side – almost to a hitherto unmatched degree in labour law, are the models of judicial backing and transnational labour standards established in many foreign jurisdictions. All over the world - Nigeria inclusive - female workers are considered as part of the vulnerable person in the society requiring greater protection, especially in the workplace. In Nigeria, this category of workers, on account of their multiple natural and societal responsibilities as wives/mothers, are often exposed to various human rights breaches, which inevitably gives rise to the need for legislative and judicial guarantees against derogation of rights and diverse forms of abuses in the workplace. This paper, adopts desk-based method in examining various forms of female employees’ rights that are often violated at the workplace, the precipitants of the violation and as well as assess the adequacy or otherwise of statutory protection provided. The paper primarily focuses on the adequacy of judicial efforts directed at the reduction in the violation of female employees’ rights in workplaces in Nigeria this is achieved through an evaluation of selected decisions of Nigerian courts particularly, the National Industrial Court of Nigeria (NICN) and the Court of Appeal (CA) on the matter. The study discovered that, surprisingly, some of female employees’ workplace fundamental rights violations are provided statutory fillip as well as cultural nourishments. Further, that Nigerian courts, particularly the NICN and the CA have frowned at such violation and have provided judicial solatium in the form of award of damages to identified victims, even though, oftentimes the damages awarded do not have deterrent effects on account of their paltry nature. The paper makes some vital recommendations which are both immediate and futuristic. The immediate recommendation is the award of punitive damages by the court to achieve deterrence while for the future, a review of obsolete law for an egalitarian and comprehensive protection should be considered.

Legal Study of the Role of Political Parties in Making Regional Regulations in the Regional People's Representative Council of Purbalingga Regency

Countries that have democratic systems really need political parties as a forum for everyone to express their opinions, either as representatives of the people and also as a medium for peaceful political leadership. The role of political parties is a crucial element in determining the direction of a country's policies. In reality, there are often challenges such as the attraction of political interests, the fragmentation of party coalitions, and the influence of local political forces that play a role in influencing the final policy outcome. Therefore, it becomes interesting to understand how the role of political parties is related to the making of local regulations through their representatives in the DPRD. By using juridical normative research methods, it can be concluded that political parties play an important role in the concept of negotiations that occur during the process of making local regulations so that these regulations remain in accordance with the aspirations of the people and do not conflict with Pancasila.

Rural Employment Problems in Ethiopia During the 1990s: A Critical Assessment

This paper is derived from the author’s study on rural employment problems in Ethiopia. The research was conducted in 1998 in two rural districts of Ethiopia: Alemaya Woreda, eastern Hararghe and Shirka Woreda, Aresi zones. The study employed qualitative methods of data collection and qualitative techniques of analysis. This paper argues that unemployment and underemployment in Ethiopia, as elsewhere in Africa and least developed countries, are the major factors for the country’s underdevelopment. Yet unemployment or underemployment rarely, if any, receives attention from policy/decision makers. The paper examines the root causes of unemployment and the resulting poverty and underdevelopment of the country. A combination of historical, cultural, and political forces kept Ethiopia, speaking economically, a backward country, even though it chose to embrace Western values and ideals since the turn of the 20th century. The introduction of modern money, the establishment of banks, schools, hospitals, communication and service facilities brought the traditional society into direct and indirect contact, albeit with a considerable degree of selectivity and re-interpretation, to Europe and America at the height of their industrial development. One hundred years or so later, however, the Ethiopian society is still overwhelmingly rural, and to use the more value-loaded term, traditional. Therefore, it is underlined that the project of modernity could but marginalize the Ethiopian populace, and directly or indirectly contributed to the problem of rural employment in the country. The paper then outlines the underlying macro and micro-level causes and consequences of rural employment constraints since employment is massively rural in Ethiopia. The problem of unemployment impinges upon the welfare of the nation. The final section summarizes the paper and forwards some key recommendations that are believed to alleviate rural poverty and generate rural employment. Although the paper focuses on the realities of the 1990s, the lessons reflected, and the recommendations suggested are believed to be relevant to the present and the future.

Migration Processes in Germany: Features and Trends

The article deals with the current migration processes in Germany. The country continues to act as a point of attraction for both foreign labor resources and potential refugees from crisis regions. The increase in the scale of irregular migration faced by Germany stimulates the emergence of new security risks for the state and citizens. The current situation requires the ruling elites to promptly adapt the management mechanisms to changing realities. In addition to solutions related to improving national approaches to the migration track, Berlin's international and interregional cooperation with EU member states through law enforcement agencies and border services, which is aimed at curbing cross-border crime and related illegal migration, is in demand. The German experience in this area can be studied by similar structures of other states. Special attention is paid to the study of transformations of the political landscape under the influence of a complex of internal and external socio-economic factors, including migration processes. The results of the regional election campaigns in 2023 and especially in the autumn of 2024 indicate an expansion of electoral support for non-systemic political forces against the background of a continuing decline in the level of public confidence in the current leadership of the state and a deepening crisis of so called “traditional parties”. The main beneficiary is the “Alternative for Germany” party, whose successes are not local and random but indicate the demand for its program installations among the electorate. The author attempts to identify possible options for the development of the internal political situation in the state, considering the migration factor, including in the context of parliamentary elections in 2025.

Russian film censorship in 1898–1914

The article examines the origin and development of film censorship in Russia since the advent of cinema in the country and before the outbreak of the First World War. The first restrictions were imposed on the court chronicle. Since the mid-1900s, with the development of feature films and the rapid expansion of the cinema network, the issue of introducing film censorship was increasingly raised. Some steps in this direction have been taken, but mainly at the level of local authorities. As a result, by 1914 film censorship remained decentralized, and decisions on the rental of a particular film were usually made by police officers and local administration officials. A feature of film censorship in the period under study was the significant influence of "grassroots" initiatives: various committees, assemblies, political forces and moral zealots demanded that the state tighten control over the rental in order to protect children and the whole society from the "corrupting" influence of cinema. However, before the outbreak of the World War and the revolution, the government did not take practical steps to centralize film censorship.

Mussolini’s regime: the concept of consensus in contemporary historiography

One of the pivotal issues in the study of Italian fascism pertains to the question of public consensus under Mussolini’s regime. In the article, the author presents a comprehensive examination of the international historiographic discourse pertaining to this issue, tracing its evolution from the initial works published during the dictatorship to the impassioned debates that arose with the publication of Renzo De Felice’s multi-volume history of the Fascist regime in the 1960–1980s. At the core of De Felice’s research was the examination of the phenomenon of consensus within Italian society between 1920 and 1945. This paper acknowledges the value of De Felice’s contributions but challenges the methodological principles, research methods, and the conceptualisation of fascism as a long-term political strategy, particularly the notion of “Mussolinism” as a distinct form of “left-wing totalitarianism”. De Felice’s interpretation initially posited a consensus comprising new political forces and established elite structures. However, by the mid-1930s, this consensus had acquired a mass character, effectively eliminating the necessity for recourse to violence and endowing Mussolini’s regime with a distinctive quality: “incomplete totalitarianism”. De Felice’s analysis suggests that the collapse of the Fascist regime in Italy was primarily the result of a combination of miscalculations by the military and political leadership, coupled with inherent weaknesses in the system itself, rather than being driven by the erosion of mass consent. The historiographical debate surrounding the issue of consensus has been shaped by the works of Marxist historians and left-wing democrats who have opposed De Felice’s views. Additionally, the perspectives of liberals and regime apologists have contributed to this ongoing discussion. The 1990s saw the debate continue to evolve, encompassing both local and social historical analysis.

Tyras in Late Antiquity

The article presents materials related to the existence of Tyras in the late Roman period. Based on the available data, it is assumed that there were two phases in the existence of the city in Late Antiquity. In the first phase (second half of the 3rd to the third quarter of the 4th century AD), life in the city was restored after the barbarian raids. The Goths became the main military and political force in the steppe area of the Northwestern Black Sea region. Tyras was still receiving imported goods. However, its life was completely included in the orbit of barbarian interests. Cherniakhiv-tradition artefacts appeared in their material culture. Tyras was also receiving imported goods from Asia Minor, the Bosporus, Greece, and the Danube region. Amphoras of the Gaza type were imported in small quantities. In the second phase (last quarter of the 4th to the beginning of the 5th century AD), Tyras was still inhabited by the people who had not left the city during the Hun invasion. A few dishes of the Late Roman C / Phocaean Red Slip Ware group were delivered there, and glass dishes of Middle Eastern production and lamps with Christian symbols were used. Eastern imperial coins were in circulation. It is not known how the relations of the inhabitants of Tyras with the Huns developed. Obviously, the population was small and soon left the city forever.

The evolution of the idea of state independence and sobrality in the Ukrainian political and legal thought of the interwar period in Galicia and its influence on the unity of the Ukrainian liberation movement

The political situation that developed in connection with the change in the status of Western Ukraine after March 18, 1921, when an agreement was concluded in Riga between Soviet Russia and Ukraine, on the one hand, and Poland, on the other, that is, after the Ukrainians of Galicia lost their statehood and independence, is considered. At this stage, a regrouping of national-state forces in Ukrainian politics took place, which initiated a new stage in the development of Ukrainian political and legal thought in the region. It is shown that the idea of statehood and unity, which developed on the basis of the formed concept of a national state, taking into account both civilizational and national and international factors, was reflected in the program documents of Ukrainian parties that stood on state positions, as well as in the journalism of political leaders. All of them defended the Ukrainian national idea, but each of the political forces had its own vision of the solution of the national perspective, which affected the development of the party structure of Galician society. What was common to the legal Ukrainian parties (UNDO, USRP, USDP, FNE) was that they did not recognize the legitimacy of Polish rule in Western Ukrainian lands and used legal forms of struggle for the restoration of national statehood. The difference was that they had different state-building concepts, ways and methods of their implementation, foreign policy orientations, attitudes towards Poland, Soviet Ukraine, foreign representation headed by E. Petrushevych, etc. Illegal political organizations (UVO-OUN) on the path to the restoration of statehood recognized only revolutionary methods of struggle and occupied diametrically opposed positions in the Ukrainian liberation movement. It was found that depending on internal and external circumstances, the Ukrainian parties of Galicia changed their tactics, which influenced the evolution of Ukrainian political and legal thought of a particular ideological trend. This is evidenced by party decrees, resolutions and journalistic materials published on the pages of contemporary printed media.

Strategies of Taiwanese Political Parties during the 2023-2024 Election Campaign

Despite the fact that the presidential and parliamentary elections in Taiwan in 2024 took place in an unprecedentedly difficult international political environment, and the campaign itself was competitive, in general, the election results can be considered as consistent with preliminary polls. However, they highlighted a number of important trends in Taiwan's political life that will influence the island's future: notably, the DPP candidate won for the third time in a row. Although the expert community has recorded a softening of the position of DPP leader Lai Qingde regarding the issue of Taiwan's status compared to the previous period, the general rhetoric of party representatives creates the preconditions for maintaining tension in cross-strait relations. However, the fact that the KMT won the majority of seats in parliament will likely balance the situation. The current campaign is also specific considering that the struggle unfolded not only between representatives of two traditionally opposing camps — the DPP and the KMT but also a serious competition for the candidates came from representatives of the TPP, who also expanded their representation in parliament following the election results. Thus, Taiwan's political landscape is becoming more diverse and needs to be studied more seriously. Competition between the island's political powers inevitably has an impact on the political situation in the Taiwan Strait, which consequently affects relations with the mainland. The relations with Beijing remain a central issue for the political platforms of the main Taiwanese political parties. Within the two largest parties — the KMT and the DPP — relations with Beijing are the issue of serious internal debates. The balance of power in cross-strait relations has undergone major changes in recent years, as Taiwan's political forces have tried to adapt to the generational change and respond to major events such as the 2019 Hong Kong riots and the COVID-19 pandemic. The article examines the changes in the approaches of the Taiwanese parties to relations with the mainland in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary elections in January 2024 and their possible consequences for relations between the sides of the Taiwan Strait.

Yevgeny Yevtushenko's Latin American tour (1968). Chile. “In the volcano of the fiercest struggle”

At the end of 1967 Yevgeny Yevtushenko went on a big Latin American tour, visiting Chile, Uruguay, Colombia and Mexico with poetry performances. According to the internal rules of the Writers' Union, the poet had to write a brief official report on the trip for the Secretariat of the Union. However, Yevtushenko's report can be called neither brief nor official: it is written extensively, passionately and with the express purpose of impressing his superiors with his success and convince them of his reliability and usefulness. In the first part, devoted to Chile, the author of Babi Yar deals with the balance of political forces in the country, speaks of the insufficient — or inadequate — Soviet presence; pays considerable attention to the public response to the literary and political processes in the USSR (the Siniavsky and Daniel case, the Trial of the Four); and, finally, talks about his poetry recitals. The text of the report, preserved in the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art (RGALI), is published for the first time, and is accompanied by an introductory article and commentary.

The Position and Political Discourse of Russian Parties in Latvia and Estonia in the New Geopolitical Reality

The study analyses the position and political discourse of Russian parties in Latvia and Estonia in the context of the special military operation in Ukraine. The analysis is conducted along the lines of interaction of Russian parties with one another, as well as with the government, the Russian diaspora and Russia. The empirical basis of the study is the data of the central election commissions of Latvia and Estonia. The speeches of Russian party leaders about the special military operation are also analysed. The main differences in the representation of the ethnic component of the discourse in the preelection programmes were revealed. Based on this, conclusions are drawn about the different degree of ethnic identity of parties as a criterion reflecting the degree of positioning of a political force as a representative of the interests of a national minority. It was recorded that Russian parties are characterised by different rhetoric regarding the conflict in Ukraine. Some parties preferred silence or neutrality, while the largest Russian parties in the 2000s (“Harmony” and the Estonian Centre Party) chose a hostile stance towards the Russian government. This fact together with the low representation of the ethnic component in their programmes was an important factor that significantly reduced their electoral support in regions with Russian population and in the country. At the same time, the process of fragmentation of the Russian electorate is taking place in the countries under consideration due to the growing number of political actors articulating its interests.

South Africa – 2024: Political Parties’ Activities Ahead of Elections

The article briefly examines the performance of the main South African political parties such as the African National Congress, the Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters on the eve of the general elections in 2024. To assess the situation, the data from think-tanks and NGO is also used. This paper highlights some issues that convey the complexity of the internal environment in the run-up to the event, such as the emergence of the Multi-Party Charter and other political players. Despite the challenges, the African National Congress continues to be the only party with “moral baggage” for voters from all population groups. In the emerging electoral race, it is interesting to observe how the “new” and “old” political forces strategize to maximize their votes from different communities in South Africa, especially among the “Coloured” community. This piece describes the emergence of new political organizations that are aimed at mobilising voters from the “Coloured” community, first and foremost in the Western Cape Province.

Campaigning for the revolution: Freedom, social justice and citizenship imaginaries in the Egyptian Uprising

ABSTRACT The limited electoral success of pro-Revolution forces during the Arab uprisings is often attributed to their weak political and organizational resources. Yet, in the first round of Egypt’s historic 2012 presidential elections, pro-Revolution candidates Hamdin Sabahi and Abdel-Monim Abul-Futuh jointly outperformed both the ‘old regime’ and Muslim Brotherhood contenders, with Sabahi nearly reaching the runoff. Drawing on extensive fieldwork across Egypt between 2012 and 2013, this article examines how the campaigners of these two candidates translated the Revolution’s core ideals of freedom and social justice. It introduces the notion of citizenship imaginaries to capture how campaigners communicated these ideals across divergent experiences and narratives of relating to the state. It argues that the two campaigns—differently—compensated for their weaknesses by aligning their messaging with dominant imaginaries in three important ways: downplaying appeals to democracy and radical change except when engaging “cultured voters”; advancing a vague but credible pro-poor stance; and adapting appeals traditionally tied to the two more powerful political forces: stability, Islamism and patronage. By linking resources, imaginaries and the agency of social movement actors, the article offers new perspectives on electoral dynamics and the strategic communication of mobilization frames, especially in transitional and global South contexts.

Safety net of last resort: the evolution, determinants and adequacy of Dutch minimum income support

Dutch minimum income support provides a generous social safety net compared to most other European Union (EU) member states but has not been able to structurally reduce poverty. This inadequacy did not come about overnight but is the result of six decades of policy decisions. In this article, we aim to explain the current income shortfalls of people on minimum income support by studying the historical evolution and determinants of the Dutch minimum income scheme. We demonstrate that it has on average maintained a constant level of purchasing power over the period 1980–2023. This fits well with the notion that poverty is of an absolute nature, and that a social minimum should guarantee a stable level of purchasing power. It fits less well with relative or contextual approaches to poverty, and the view that a social minimum should adapt to changing norms when a society grows richer. To uncover the reasons for the growing gap between general prosperity and the minimum income benefit, we decompose it into smaller gaps by illustrating the evolution of prosperity, labour productivity, gross wages, collectively agreed wages, the minimum wage and the minimum income benefit. We show that each of these gaps matters and argue that this provides valuable insights into the structural, institutional and political forces that have shaped Dutch minimum income support since its introduction in 1965. Based on these results, we argue against the current ad hoc measures of the government and in favour of a more structural approach to supporting low-income households.

“We have to look deeper into why”: perspectives on problem identification and prioritization of women’s and girls’ health across United Nations agencies

Eliminating gender inequality and promoting population health are stand-alone goals in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It is crucial to understand goal setting and policy making processes aimed at promoting gender and health equality given the entrenched and structural natures of these inequalities. Our research examines the process of problem and solution representation, priority setting, and factors that shape the policymaking process concerning women and girls within the UN system in relation to the SDGs. Data for this study were collected from semi-structured one-on-one interviews with participants who have work experience within the United Nations (UN) (n = 9). The analysis was informed by a qualitative descriptive methodology. Our findings identify the role of political forces in influencing policy, the challenges of limited and tied financial resources, the role of scientific evidence and data, and the purpose of different mandates across agencies. Political forces were found to shape the work of UN agencies, often hindering advancement of the SDG agenda. At the same time participants noted how they navigated opposition or what they considered regressive approaches to women and girls’ health in order to pursue a more progressive agenda. Finite financial resources were also noted to play an important role in shaping SDG implementation pertaining to women and girls’ health. Identification of the types of knowledge, evidence, and data that drive and are given preference in policy creation and development can highlight shortcomings and strengths of current modes of policy development and implementation. Key stakeholders and future research in health and development policy spheres can draw from our findings to gain insight into problem representation and prioritization. This will help identify underlying assumptions that inform work on women’s and girls’ health and how they shape policy agendas.