Finite Complement Research Articles

The emergence of clausal nominalizations in Laz

Abstract This paper presents a survey of complementation strategies that are employed in Pazar and Ardesheni dialects of Laz, an endangered South Caucasian language that has been in contact with Turkish for decades. Our survey reveals strong signatures of contact in that nominalization patterns not present in cognate systems but present in Turkish seem to have been transferred into Laz. An intriguing asymmetry concerning the two dialects is that the Turkish noninalization pattern seems to have been directly copied into Pazar Laz whereas Ardesheni Laz seems to have developed a novel complementation pattern that mixes finite complementation with nominalization. Furthermore, in both dialects, complement clauses that denote propositions remain untouched by the dominant nominalization strategy in Turkish, raising questions on grammatical asymmetries in susceptibility to contact effects.

Mind the Gap! Null Modals (and Other Functional Verbs) in Finite Complementation in Italo-Greek

Although Italo-Greek is characterized by a general retreat of infinitival complementation, it partly preserves the infinitive in restructuring contexts: a handful of functional auxiliaries—in an overt or covert form—allow for infinitival complements, with which they enter in a monoclausal union. Such a preservation also triggers consequences for finite complementation. Indeed, those predicates that still select for infinitival complements may lack finite complementation, resulting in only the lexical embedded verb surfacing instead of the complex sentence AUX + na + finite verb: δen du ékame típote ‘he could not do anything to him’ (lit. ‘he did not do anything to him’). I claim that such an absence—which gives rise to a semantic or even a syntactic gap—depends on the effects of the restructuring rule, which creates a high level of dependency and interlacing between the matrix and embedded verbs. When finite complements gradually replaced infinitival ones, though only sporadically, some predicates stopped selecting for finite complements, ultimately depriving the sentence of modal and other functional specifications.

A Conjecture for the Clique Number of Graphs Associated with Symmetric Numerical Semigroups of Arbitrary Multiplicity and Embedding Dimension

A subset S of non-negative integers No is called a numerical semigroup if it is a submonoid of No and has a finite complement in No. An undirected graph G(S) associated with S is a graph having V(G(S))={vi:i∈No∖S} and E(G(S))={vivj⇔i+j∈S}. In this article, we propose a conjecture for the clique number of graphs associated with a symmetric family of numerical semigroups of arbitrary multiplicity and embedding dimension. Furthermore, we prove this conjecture for the case of arbitrary multiplicity and embedding dimension 7.

On the metric dimension of graphs associated with irreducible and Arf numerical semigroups

A subset Δ of non-negative integers N 0 is called a numerical semigroup if it is a submonoid of N 0 and has a finite complement in N 0 . A graph G Δ is called a Δ ( α , β ) -graph if there exists a numerical semigroup Δ with multiplicity α and embedding dimension β such that V ( G Δ ) = { v i : i ∈ N 0 ∖ Δ } and E ( G Δ ) = { v i v j ⇔ i + j ∈ Δ } . In this article, we compute the Δ ( α , β ) -graphs for irreducible and Arf numerical semigroups having a metric dimension of 2. It is proved that if Δ be an irreducible and arf numerical semigroup then there are exactly 2 and 8 non-isomorphic Δ ( α , β ) -graphs respectively, whose metric dimension is 2.

Finite Complement Clauses in Disciplinary Research Articles Authored by Filipino Academic Writers

Finite complement clauses (FCCs) are an understudied syntactic structure of L2 advanced academic writing. The present study cross-investigated FCCs in qualitative (QUALI) and quantitative (QUANTI) research articles written by Filipino academic writers (FAWs) in Applied Linguistics (APPLING), Communication (COMM), and Measurement and Evaluation (MEEV). Specifically, it determined the FCCs with the most occurrences across five disciplinary research article sub-registers and identified whether these FCCs differ significantly in terms of frequencies of use. With Hernandez’s (2021) framework adapted from Biber and Gray’s (2016) study, this research analyzed five FCCs in 42 disciplinary research articles. Major results revealed that verb-controlled that-clauses (with 33.69 as normalized frequency count) outnumbered other FCCs in research article sub-registers across disciplines. They were more recurrent in QUALI and QUANTI APPLING research articles (7.91 and 7.54, respectively) and QUANTI and QUALI COMM research articles (7.34 and 6.96, respectively) than in QUANTI MEEV research articles (3.94). In addition, a significant difference exists between them and other FCCs at the p<.05 level in terms of frequencies of use. In view of these findings, it can be concluded that verb-controlled that-clauses are the most useful FCCs in APPLING, COMM, and MEEV research articles. Likewise, FAWs across the three disciplines write more informally as signposted by their repeated use of that complementizer with these FCCs controlled by verbs. The study draws its implications for academic writing instruction.

Is there hyper-raising in European Portuguese?

Abstract Several languages allow for hyper-raising, a structure in which a DP that is interpreted as the subject of a finite complement clause is spelled-out as the subject of the matrix clause. Hyper-raising challenges certain core concepts of syntactic theory related to movement and locality. Various proposals have been made for analysing these structures, the main difference being whether the final position of the DP results from movement or not. It has often been assumed that European Portuguese, in contrast to Brazilian Portuguese, does not allow hyper-raising, or only allows it in very limited contexts. In this paper, we present empirical data extracted from written corpora and experimental results attesting to the production and acceptance of hyper-raising structures by a number of native speakers of European Portuguese. We contribute to identifying the contexts that favour hyper-raising in this variety and outline a preliminary analysis to explain what leads these speakers to produce and accept hyper-raising, while many others systematically reject it. In our proposal, this difference results from the properties of the embedded functional heads T and C, and the way in which their formal features are checked. Specifically, we propose that those speakers dissociate Case features from person-number features.

Italian and Arbëresh (Albanian) causatives

Causative verbs in the Albanian variety of Arbëresh take a finite complement clause, with the causee realized as a nominative or as an oblique (like the dative/instrumental causee in Italian). We argue that causatives are biclausal and that their complement is non-phasal, of different sizes (e.g., vP in Italian and IP/CP in Arbëresh). Being non-phasal, it is transparent to φ-Agree with the matrix v*. The non-phasal vP-complement in Italian triggers an ergative alignment, with the causee realized as an oblique in transitives (or accusative with intransitives/unaccusatives). This option is also available in Arbëresh under contact with Italian, although with a finite complement. The option of a nominative causee in Arbëresh is directly accounted for as φ-Agree with the embedded I. Standard Albanian (and Greek) have an accusative causee, as in English. Given that the embedded I is finite in Albanian, φ-Agree with matrix v* is an instance of hyper-raising. We argue that this option is linked to the null-subject property of Albanian. Finite I is ‘strong enough’ to label by itself (Chomsky 2015), freeing the DP to enter Agree with a higher φ-probe.

Enumerating numerical sets associated to a numerical semigroup

A numerical set T is a subset of N0 that contains 0 and has finite complement. The atom monoid of T is the set of x∈N0 such that x+T⊆T. Marzuola and Miller introduced the anti-atom problem: how many numerical sets have a given atom monoid? This is equivalent to asking for the number of integer partitions with a given set of hook lengths. We introduce the void poset of a numerical semigroup S and show that numerical sets with atom monoid S are in bijection with certain order ideals of this poset. We use this characterization to answer the anti-atom problem when S has small type.

Sensitivity to finiteness in attitude verb interpretation

Children are sensitive to syntactic structure when learning new verbs (Gleitman 1990). This has been shown in tracking transitivity (Naigles 1990), as well as in hypothesizing meanings for attitude verbs (Harrigan et al 2019). In English, desire and belief subcategories of attitude verbs have different finiteness properties; desire verbs occur with finite complements and belief verbs occur with non-finite complements. The current study explores adults’ sensitivity to varying distributions of finiteness in the complements of a novel attitude verb, aiming to better understand the mechanism for hypothesizing verb meaning based on syntactic distribution. We find that adults’ hypotheses for class of attitude verb are tied to the syntactic distribution—they strongly connect finiteness to belief verbs and non-finiteness to desire verbs.

Completivas de para no Português de Moçambique

This paper a nalyses verb c omplements, finite a nd i nfinitival, i ntroduced by para 'for' in Mozambican Portuguese (MP). In the analysed data, on the one hand, there is a tendency already studied and referred to in the literature (Issak 1998, P. Gonçalves 2002, 2010, a.o.), which consists of introducing finite complements to directive verbs by the preposition para and, on the other hand, the tendency not yet studied, which consists of introducing corresponding infinitival complements by the same preposition. These results reveal a tendency to standardize the c-selection properties of finite and infinitival complements of directive verbs. Furthermore, they allow to infer that para is a true preposition, as an alternative to previous analyses which have shown that para is a complementizer (Duarte 2003, Barbosa & Raposo 2013, A. Gonçalves et al. 2018) or it is as part of the conjunctional phrase para que'for that' (see Barbosa 2013, for European Portuguese (EP)), and also as part of the complex c omplementizer para-que (see P . G onçalves 2 002, 2 005, 2 010, f or MP). I n MP, but not in EP, para complements selected by directive verbs can be taken up anaphorically by demonstratives like isso 'that'preceded by this preposition. Furthermore, the preposition para can also occur when directive verbs are constructed with nominal arguments. These facts favour the assumption that, in PM, the complements to directive verbs, finite and infinitival, introduced by para, are oblique complements and the preposition para is external to the complement clause/CP.

A Descriptive Analysis of Movement Patterns of Wh-Questions in Urdu and English Language

The present study highlights the differences and similarities between Urdu and English language based on Wh-movement. According to Manetta (2010), Hindi-Urdu exhibits a feature-driven overt Wh-movement to Spec vp, a point from which movement of Wh-word might gain clausal scope. The extent and nature of driven overt Wh-movement will be speculated in the present study by drawing a comparison between Urdu and English language. The use of scope marking to interrogate out of finite complements is contended to postulate a homogeneous idea of the following components involved in the construction of questions in two languages: the propensity of Wh-expressions to appear in preverbal position, the potential of overt long movement, and the employment of Wh-expressions in preverbal point. The study exclaims that Urdu is an in-situ language as it bears the presence of Wh-word at canonical position whereas English is not an in-situ language because it does not bear the presence of Wh-word at middle or end positions. Further, the movement of Wh-words in English is regulatory while the movement of K-words is totally non-regulatory in Urdu language. This study will further help researchers in exploring the movement of Wh-expression in Punjabi language and its similarities with Urdu Wh-movement.

A Corpus-Based Comparison of Syntactic Complexity in Spoken and Written Learner Language

Despite writing and speaking being related activities, their end-products are entirely different. However, previous studies have not shown consistency in terms of grammar use in these two modes. Accordingly, in the present study, I aim to define the syntactic characteristics in these two modes with large-scale data and organized research designs. This study examined 14 indices of syntactic complexity and specific grammar factors in 224 monologues and 139 writings of Korean EFL undergraduates. The results revealed that learners tended to use more finite complement clauses and relative clauses while writing but used because- fragments independently and ‘and’ sentence-initially more frequently while speaking. When compared with previous studies, the characteristics of syntactic complexity of Korean EFL learners, regardless of age, are defined by the use of coordination in speaking and the use of subordination in writing.

Clause linkage and degrees of grammaticalization

AbstractThis paper deals with different types of verbal complementation of theGermanverbverdienen. It focuses on constructions that have been undergoing a grammaticalization process and thus express deontic modality, as inSie verdient geliebt zu werden(ʽShe deserves to be lovedʼ) andSie verdient zu leben(ʽShe deserves to liveʼ) (Diewald, Dekalo & Czicza 2021). These constructions are connected to parallel complementation types with passive and active infinitives containing a correlatees, as inSie verdient es, geliebt zu werdenandSie verdient es, zu leben, as well as finite clauses with the subordinatordasswith and without correlativees, as inSie verdient, dass sie geliebt wirdandSie verdient es, dass sie geliebt wird. This paper attempts to show a close comparative investigation of these six types of constructions based on their relevant semantic and syntactic properties in terms of clause linkage (Lehmann 1988). We analyze the relevant data retrieved from the DWDS corpus of the 20th century and present an expanded grammaticalization path forverdienen-constructions. The finite complementation withdassis regarded as an example of a separate structural option called “elaboration”. Concerning the use of correlativees, it is shown that it does not have any substantial effect on the grammaticalization of modalverdienen-constructions.

Distribution of genus among numerical semigroups with fixed Frobenius number

A numerical semigroup is a sub-monoid of the natural numbers under addition that has a finite complement. The size of its complement is called the genus and the largest number in the complement is called its Frobenius number. We consider the set of numerical semigroups with a fixed Frobenius number f and analyse their genus. We find the asymptotic distribution of genus in this set of numerical semigroups and show that it is a product of a Gaussian and a power series. We show that almost all numerical semigroups with Frobenius number f have genus close to frac{3f}{4}. We denote the number of numerical semigroups of Frobenius number f by N(f). While N(f) is not monotonic we prove that N(f)<N(f+2) for every f.

Complement pseudo-coordination in old Serbian

The purpose of this paper is to examine the phenomenon of complement pseudocoordination in the Old Serbian language, i.e. the paratactic connection between a complement-taking verb and its finite complement, with a special focus on the shift from paratactic clause-chaining to hypotactic embedding. Despite the attention devoted to one complex sentence type, the research aims to sketch a typological context of decreasing complement pseudo-coordination and increasing complement subordination. The use of coordinating conjunction for expressing conceptual subordination relation between higher-ranking (complement-taking) unit and its lower-ranking complement suggests that the complement pseudo-coordination could be one of the properties of non-configurational syntax, i.e. syntax without an integrated sentence hierarchy.

Negation as a predictor of clausal complement choice in World Englishes

Research on complementizer selection has shown that the presence of a negative particle in a subordinate complement clause influences complement choice, leading to a relatively higher proportion of finite complementation patterns by increasing the complexity of the syntactic environment. Studies have also shown that different types of negation, namelynot- andno-negation, increase the tendency towards more explicit complementation options (Rohdenburg 2015). The current study focuses on the effect ofnot- andno-negation on the complementation profile of the verbregret, which allows variation between finitethat/zero-complement clauses and nonfinite (S) -ingclauses. The GloWbE corpus was used to create a data set of more than 4,000 examples from 16 varieties of English. The results of the analysis support previous findings that the presence of a negative marker in the complement clause increases the preference for finite patterns, especially in L2 varieties of English. However, contrary to the expectations of this study,no-negation was found to have a stronger effect on complement choice thannot-negation.

Characterizing categorically closed commutative semigroups

Let C be a class of T1 topological semigroups which contains all zero-dimensional Hausdorff topological semigroups. A semigroup X is called C-closed if X is closed in each topological semigroup Y∈C containing X as a discrete subsemigroup; X is projectivelyC-closed if for each congruence ≈ on X the quotient semigroup X/≈ is C-closed. A semigroup X is called chain-finite if for any infinite set I⊆X there are elements x,y∈I such that xy∉{x,y}. We prove that a semigroup X is C-closed if it admits a homomorphism h:X→E to a chain-finite semilattice E such that for every e∈E the semigroup h−1(e) is C-closed. Applying this theorem, we prove that a commutative semigroup X is C-closed if and only if X is periodic, chain-finite, all subgroups of X are bounded, and for any infinite set A⊆X the product AA is not a singleton. A commutative semigroup X is projectively C-closed if and only if X is chain-finite, all subgroups of X are bounded and the union H(X) of all subgroups in X has finite complement X∖H(X).

A morphosyntactic approach to language contact in African varieties of English

ABSTRACT This study aims to widen our knowledge of substrate influence and language transfer in World Englishes through the study of the verb complementation system of REGRET in four African postcolonial varieties. An examination of the most widely spoken substrates in each variety does not seem to explain the different tendencies in the distribution of finite and nonfinite complementation patterns across varieties, since English varieties with different complementation systems in their substrate languages, Kenyan English and Nigerian English, for example, show similar distributions in their use of English complementation. Such differences in the distribution seem to be the result of other factors playing an essential role in language contact situations, namely, the tendency towards transparency in second language varieties, the geographical proximity of the English varieties, and the evolution of the varieties measured in terms of the Dynamic Model (Schneider 2007).

Numerical semigroups of small and large type

A numerical semigroup is a sub-semigroup of the natural numbers that has a finite complement. Some of the key properties of a numerical semigroup are its Frobenius number [Formula: see text], genus [Formula: see text] and type [Formula: see text]. It is known that for any numerical semigroup [Formula: see text]. Numerical semigroups with [Formula: see text] are called almost symmetric, we introduce a new property that characterizes them. We give an explicit characterization of numerical semigroups with [Formula: see text]. We show that for a fixed [Formula: see text] the number of numerical semigroups with Frobenius number [Formula: see text] and type [Formula: see text] is eventually constant for large [Formula: see text]. The number of numerical semigroups with genus [Formula: see text] and type [Formula: see text] is also eventually constant for large [Formula: see text].

Square-free divisor complexes of certain numerical semigroup elements

A numerical semigroup $S$ is an additive subsemigroup of the non-negative integers with finite complement, and the squarefree divisor complex of an element $m \in S$ is a simplicial complex $\Delta_m$ that arises in the study of multigraded Betti numbers. We compute squarefree divisor complexes for certain classes numerical semigroups, and exhibit a new family of simplicial complexes that are occur as the squarefree divisor complex of some numerical semigroup element.