War On Terror Research Articles

Secure Data for the Future: A Risk Assessment

The guarantee of secure and authentic future access to any digital data is a big worry to those who work with data now and those who are responsible to keep it accessible for the future. There are a wide range of threats to digital data that these people should need to take into consideration. The project PreservIA had the goal to assess the risks of using analogue 35mm film to store and preserve digital information and define its strengths and weaknesses for long-term secure preservation of all kinds of digital data.
 The research project was examining the application of the Piql technology to ensure the security, integrity and authenticity of the information stored on a unique storage medium. PiqlFilm has been designed for a life span of 500 years or more and the research tries to assess how well this solution could maintain the authenticity and availability of the information, independently of internal and external changes in the surrounding environment over time.
 The research project has been designed using a scenario-based approach and the morphological method of scenario development is used to define a set of scenarios covering the risks to the service.
 The scenario classes used were accident, technical error, natural disaster, crime, sabotage, espionage, terrorism, armed conflict and nuclear war. A scenario template has been included for the purpose of describing current and future scenarios. The final scenario analysis identified potential vulnerabilities.
 The paper shows briefly how Piql Preservation Services holistic preservation approach perform the work, defines a methodology to select the scenarios for the assessment and then studies the vulnerabilities and security challenges of the solution on those scenarios. The project also includes a comparison of other existing storage media to evaluate their robustness to the addressed scenarios in relation to Piql technology.

The nuclear imperialism-necropolitics nexus: contextualizing Chinese-Uyghur oppression in our nuclear age

ABSTRACTThis paper provides a review of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) nuclear warfare and uranium mining programs in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Its scope spans from the PRC’s first nuclear weapon test in Lop Nor, to contemporary issues surrounding in-situ leach uranium mining in the Yili basin, which now provides a third of PRC’s uranium. By exploring these scenarios, a lens can be placed on the parameters and limitations to Uyghur life within a nuclear state. This paper draws on the work of Achille Mbembe’s necropolitics, whereby power is persistently exercised as violence, to consider the entangled aftermath of nuclear imperialism and its effects to Uyghur bodies, environment and culture. While racialized nuclear imperialism presented Uyghur lives as inconsequential to progress in Xinjiang, post-Cold War necropolitics presents Uyghur culture as a direct threat to the progress and values of the PRC sovereign state. This paper proposes that the ongoing exploitation of nuclear Xinjiang provides an additional motivation for state-imposed necropolitical sanctions upon Uyghur people. This paper also presents anew theoretical contribution, the “nuclear imperialism-necropolitics nexus”, which offers away to consider the entangled legacies of spaces of nuclear activity, from nuclear imperialism to the post-Cold War world.Abbreviations: People’s Republic of China (PRC); Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR); Global War on Terror (GWOT).

Evaluation of Three Postal Invitational Strategies to Increase Survey Response Rates in a Combat-Injured U.S. Military Population: Findings From the Wounded Warrior Recovery Project.

The survival rate of those injured in combat in overseas contingency operations is higher than in previous conflicts. There is a need to assess the long-term psychosocial and quality of life outcomes of those injured in combat, yet surveying this population presents inherent challenges. As part of a large-scale, longitudinal examination of patient-reported outcomes of service members injured on deployment, the present manuscript evaluated the effectiveness of three postal strategies on response rates: (1) mailing a study prenotification postcard, (2) mailing the survey invitation in a larger envelope, and (3) including a small cash preincentive ($2). Evaluation of these strategies yielded mixed results in this population. Neither the prenotification postcard nor inclusion of a $2 cash preincentive significantly increased response rates. However, use of a larger envelope to mail the survey invitation significantly increased the response rate by 53.1%. Researchers interested in collecting patient-reported outcomes among military populations, including those with combat-related injuries, may find that increasing the visibility of recruitment materials is more effective for improving response rates than attempting to cognitively prime or offer prospective participants preincentives.

“This New World is not for the Faint Hearted”: Confronting the Many Dimensions of Philippe-Joseph Salazar's <em>Words Are Weapons: Inside ISIS's Rhetoric of Terror</em>

ABSTRACT In Words Are Weapons, Philippe-Joseph Salazar confronts ISIS's discourse and its persuasive effects, arguing the group reset the world order such that “youth run to them,” “cultures are annihilated,” and “energetic propaganda … has taken over our mental horizon and parasitized our language and our discourse.” This essay confronts Salazar's work, prompting consideration of his treatment, and mistreatment, of historical, colonial, and geopolitical dynamics of the terror wars. It draws specific attention to his work on the term “caliphate,” his discussion of terrorism and language, and his inattention to colonial histories affecting people throughout the Middle East and North Africa. It concludes by advocating for understanding Salazar's work in context of omittances of analysis around ongoing coalition building, movements, and protest within majority-Muslim communities around the world. Specifically, it points to ways those movements are building sustainable progress toward the aims Salazar identifies, including peace and antiauthoritarian leadership, while also working toward anticolonial frameworks.

Optimal Human Resources Allocation in Counter-Terrorism (CT) Operation: A Mathematical Deterministic Model

The quest to find a long-term solution to the world’s insecurity problems and perhaps, terrorism in particular, has climaxed sincethe bombing of the World Trade Centre, the USA in September 11th, 2001 by the Al-Qaeda terrorist group. In the last decades, anumber of research scholars have developed methodologies from system sciences that attempt to describe and model the behavior of a terrorist group. But their findings tend to converged on a rather intimidating and mind-bugging conclusion. Hence the US Secretary of Defense - Donald Rumsfeld once declared “today we lack relevant metrics to know if we are winning or losing the global war on terror”. The present study seeks to construct an analytical model of terrorism to study the possible strategies for allocating given counter-terrorism (CT) resource toward a long-term solution of a given terrorist group. The construct is a simple deterministic model of a terrorist evolutional dynamics, represented by a set of coupled differential equations whose variables are parameters of the internal and external dynamics of the organization. Analytical and numerical simulation techniques are used to study the solution paths of the system of differential equations obtained. By examining the evolutional dynamics of the terrorist operatives under five interdiction strategies, the result shows that, since the evolutional dynamics of most terrorist organization is driven by recruitment process, then any strategy that is capable of maintaining a constant high rate of interdiction of the footsoldiers and the leaders simultaneously, would eventually guarantee a maximum decline in the overall strength of the organization, and as well as engenders a maximum decline in even in the recruiter’s pool. Such a strategy has the synergy to weaken the overall terrorists’ strength and drive the organization to extinction in the long runs; thus, yielding a comparatively more effective and efficient CT measure than otherwise. For our modeled organization, the interdiction strategy targeted simultaneously at the leaders and foot-soldiers classes, though comparatively cost effective than otherwise and evolved a highly vulnerable strength, yet the propensity to drive the organization to long term inactivity is comparatively low, given the positive exponential growth curves of its strength. The study agreed “that through terror war of attrition may be problematic and costintensive, however, increasing interdiction accuracy is the best-case scenario for ideal CT measures”. Thus, to guarantee interdiction accuracy, sufficient and credible intelligence for smart-targeting of insurgent locations is a panacea. Given theveracity of our model, it is possible to evaluate the efficacy of the various CT policies of the government and hence measure thedegree of success or failure of a given CT measure.

Kekerasan Objektif dalam Narasi Global War on Terror (GWOT) Analisis GWOT dengan Teori Kekerasan Slavoj Zizek

Global War on Terror (GWOT) is a movement to combat terrorism internationally. It involves comprehensive strategy to defeat terrorism in every aspect, from military to economics, from politics to culture. However, the universal imposition of GWOT package includes certain degree of violence. The hidden violences behind GWOT are to be analysed in this research by the light of Slavoj Zizek’s framework regarding types of violence. Zizek classifies violences into two main branchs: subjective and objective. Objective violence consists of two related violences: symbolic, which is a universal imposition of linguistic terms, and systemic, which is smooth functioning of any system.GWOT therefore includes objective violences. First, its universal imposition of binary opposition term in counter-terrorism propaganda, “with us or against us,” represents the very logic of objective violence. Second, GWOT propaganda brings about the production of certain laws that violates the principle of human rights. This systematic abuse is a matter of concern because the factual evidences show us that it does not solve terrorism but rather inspires its reemergence in the future.

“Vivas y desendeudadas nos queremos”. Notas sobre la economía de la deuda y la guerra contra las mujeres en el capitalismo neoliberal latinoamericano

Fil: Saidel, Matias Leandro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Tecnicas. Centro Cientifico Tecnologico Conicet - Santa Fe; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Entre Rios. Facultad de Trabajo Social; Argentina. Universidad Catolica de Santa Fe. Facultad de Filosofia. Instituto de Filosofia; Argentina

Contending Visions of Contemporary Islamic Reassertion

The understanding of contemporary Islamic activism has become one of the most important challenges for international academia since the 1980s. Late 1970s and early 1980s, witnessed a chain of unexpected but significant happenings in the heart of the Muslim world, - which brought Islamic activism at the centre of academia world over. Islamic revolution of Iran, the assassination of Egyptian President Sadat of Egypt, initiation of the the process of Islamization in Pakistan, Islamist resistance to USSR‟s invasion of Afghanistan, and occupation of the Holy Mosque of Mecca by Muslim extremists were among some of those unprecedented incidents. the end of Cold War, the appearance of Al-Qaeda at the world stage, the unfortunate occurrence 9/11 and the consequent initiation of of the war of terror to eliminate terrorism exacerbated this situation. The invasion of Afghanistan but no end in sight to wind up. This invasion despite tremendous efforts to explain and understand the causes, goals, effects and future direction of this rupture, furthure intensified the gravity of the situation .Many questions remain unanswered and much work is needed to develop theory which can be generalized to make satisfactory predictions about this particular scenario. The purpose of this paper is to look into the theoretical approaches adopted for the study of this phenomenon, the trajectories of these approaches, their current status and future prospects.

The US State-building in Afghanistan: An Offshore Balance?

The US policy in Afghanistan in the context of 9/11, under the broader rubric of the War on Terror (WoT), primarily was to topple the Taliban regime. Because the regime disagreed to comply with the US administration’s demand to extradite Osama bin Laden, the alleged mastermind of the terrorist attack in the USA in 2001. However, the WoT project did not end with the collapse of the Taliban regime, but rather, it was transformed to a state-building project in Afghanistan. Why was the WoT project shifted to state-building, a project which has been in continuation for last 17 years? This article investigates the post-9/11 US policy in Afghanistan from the perspective of offensive realism. Particularly, it examines the causes behind the US policy shift in Afghanistan from the WoT to a state-building project and its continuity. The article argues that US state-building in Afghanistan has been driven by two major motivations: the first is to maximize security by securitizing itself from further terrorist attacks, and the second policy priority is to prevent other regional hegemons to emerge in South Asia. It further contends that through the Afghanistan policy, the US administration maintains an onshore balance against China and offshore balance against India.

Operational Readiness: Redesigning Advanced Practice Registered Nurse (APRN) Curriculum for an Evolving Battlefield.

The Global War on Terror and the ensuing Overseas Contingency Operations has rapidly transformed the U.S. military's strategic philosophy for warfare. The paradigm shift to unconventional warfare has forced military medicine to adapt with the rapidly evolving battle space. To this end, large fixed facility hospitals are being replaced with highly mobile and austere medical platforms that serve farther forward. The transition in operational health care has challenged the role of all health care team members.Through the evolution of the modern battlefield, nursing roles have grown and expanded beyond the traditional roles and peacetime practice. Nurses are seeing greater autonomy and scope of practice in operational settings while caring for patient pathologies that are often different than at home. The expansion of practice extends beyond the registered nurse at the bedside to the Advanced Practice Registered Nurse (APRN) that serves in the provider role. Through anecdotal reports, and a growing body of literature, that APRN operational practice is different than in the traditional health care setting. Although a variety of organizations have codified knowledge, skills and attitudes (KSAs) relevant to operational practice, no formal APRN operational curriculum currently exists. Using an adaptation of Kern's Six-Step Model of curriculum design, we describe a curriculum development process used to improve and focus educational experiences to better prepare APRNs for evolving operational roles. Through deliberate approaches the GSN has reimagined its operational readiness curriculum for the preparation of the military APRN on the evolving battlefield. The GSN has operationalized APRN operational readiness through the integration of operationally relevant curriculum designed around interprofessional education experiences. Through this curricular design, GSN APRN students are provided with operationally relevant experiences in the context of authentic military scenarios. Through these encounters, we believe, allows our students to successfully develop the clinical, operational and teamwork skills to successfully perform care in austere and operational settings. This manuscript describes a novel approach to provide operational readiness education to military APRN students. Through an evaluation of the current literature, expert reports and information of the current operational requirements, the USU GSN has developed a model and curricula for APRN operational readiness that lie beyond the traditional skills in the peacetime setting. Through this plan of instruction, USU GSN APRN students will have the requisite skills to meet the evolving operational needs of the Department of Defense.

“Any press is good press?” Rebel political wings, media freedom, and terrorism in civil wars

ABSTRACTAs part of a recent effort to bridge the studies of terrorism and civil war, new research has begun to emerge on the use of terrorism by rebel groups as a strategy of war. Building on these findings, we examine the role of affiliated political wings in shaping the use of terrorism by rebel groups during civil wars. We contend that the presence of an affiliated political wing during the civil war should increase the use of terrorism by rebel groups only in countries where there are relatively few restrictions on the freedom of the press. As political wings are often designed to engage with the civilian population through the dissemination of information, these apparatuses are in a key position to frame the use of terrorism as part of the rebel’s broader war effort. To test this proposition, we examine the use of terrorism by all rebel groups from 1970 to 2011. The results from the analysis provide strong support for our argument that political wings increase the use of terrorism by rebel groups only when the press is allowed to independently cover terrorist attacks.

EU Security Governance and Financial Crimes

This special issue aims to investigate the regulatory challenges facing the EU with regard to security governance in the broad area of the fight against financial crimes and by adopting a wider outlook on how to map and understand these phenomena in their salient contexts. In recent years, security as a key word can be witnessed as increasingly penetrating policies on a national, international, and supranational level. This development is also visible in EU policies, inter alia in the EU's policy concerning the area of freedom, security, and justice (AFSJ). Coupling the word security to the concept of governance in the somewhat thought-provoking phrase “security governance” prominently cements its position in the entirety of processes and mechanisms that steer people as well as corporations or markets. Security in the EU internal context concerns to a great extent the fight against terrorism and its financing as well as the policing of EU borders. Security in this regard concerns the structure of EU law and how it can be justified at the macro-level.

Violent Subjects and Rhetorical Cartography in the Age of the Terror Wars

Violent Subjects and Rhetorical Cartography in the Age of the Terror Wars

Terörle Mücadelenin Uluslararası Finansmanı

One of the debates that have been updated in international and national academic studies is the definition of terror and terrorism. Each country has made legal regulations and definitions within its existing legal rules. The definition of terror and terrorism are defined and ways of legal fight against them are described. However, one of the concepts that must be clarified in the academic field is that the definition of "Fight against Terrorism" should be made as simple and generic as possible. Despite the fact that studies on "Financing of Terrorism" have been carried out, it is important to make an identification in this respect that there are no distinguishing studies on the international and national aspects of "Funding of Fight against Terrorism”. The aim of bringing this concept to the forefront is that it is necessary to make legal aid to the states which cannot find sufficient resources for this struggle with the terror which has become costly. It is evaluated that it will help to get the transparent fund allocations that will be formed by international organizations to be taken into consideration.

English

In this study, we learn how audiences make sense of a non-dominant text that is conveying a non-Western story about the Global War on Terror (GWOT). The audiences affective narratives affirm Deuze’s argument that media is not separate from our lived experience; we live in media rather than with media. This study was conducted on an urban campus in the Pacific North-West, with film audiences of over fifty Saudi Arabian, Baharanian, Iranian, Iraqi, Yemeni, and other Arab and non-Arab Muslims. Multiple screenings of Hindi language film, My Name is Khan, shows that it speaks to a global, transcultural, primarily Muslim audience that has lived in the pall of a world changed by 9/11. As audiences, they weave an oppositional narrative of security, multiculturalism and Muslim identity. While their visas define them as students, their experience as simply Arab or Muslim women and men situates them, in a wider articulation of their transnational identity. Key words: Media, audience, ethnography, qualitative research for media, Muslims, Islam, Indian cinema, transnational, Bollywood.

Building brand Kurdistan: Helly Luv, the gender of nationhood, and the War on Terror

In the early 2000s, the Kurdistan Regional Government hired a US-based firm to begin a public relations campaign called “The Other Iraq.” Since that time, it has worked with a number of PR and lobbying firms to build a cultural, political, and financial apparatus that I refer to as Brand Kurdistan. This apparatus aims to prove to Western audiencesthat the Kurds are a liberal exception in an illiberal Middle East, and to build prospects of KRG’s eventual national independence. This article explores the connections between Brand Kurdistan and the gendering of Kurdish nationalism, focusing particularly on Kurdish pop diva Helly Luv. In her music, Luv underscores the trope of the “badass” Kurdish woman in the service of Brand Kurdistan’s political and economic projects. Thus, Brand Kurdistan and Helly Luv mutually reproducethe binary world discourse of the war on terror, a discourse aligned with neoconservative American war making and exertions of US empire.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIÇêkirina Marka Kurdistanê: Helly Luv, cinsiyeta netewetiyê, û Şerê li Dijî Terorê Serê salên 2000an, Hikûmeta Herêmî ya Kurdistanê (HHK) şirketeke emerîkî girt da ku helmeteke danenasîna giştî bi navê “Iraqa Din” bi rê ve bibe. Ji hingê ve, hikûmetê ligel çendîn şirketên têkiliyên cemawerî û lobiyê kar kiriye ku mêkanîzmeke çandî, siyasî û darayî ava bike, ya ku ez wek "Marka Kurdistanê" bi nav dikim. Ev mêkanîzm armanc dike ku li cemawerên Rojavayî biçespîne ku Kurd istisnayeke lîberal in di Rojhilata Navîn a dûr ji lîberaliyê de, û wisa jî derfet û şansên serbixweyiya neteweyî ya HHKyê bilindtir bike. Ev meqale li têkiliyên di navbera Marka Kurdistanê û bi cinsiyetkirina netewegeriya kurdî dikole, û ji bo vê yekê li ser Helly Luva stranbêja kurd hûr dibe. Luv di muzîka xwe de balê dikêşe ser têmaya jinên Kurdistanê yên “neguhdar/asî” di xizmeta projeyên siyasî û aborî yên Marka Kurdistanê de. Wisa jî, Marka Kurdistanê û Helly Luv bi awayekî muteqabil dîskûra duserî ya şerê li dijî terorê vesaz dikin, dîskûrek ku hevterîb e ligel şerkeriya muhafizekariya nû ya emerîkî û hewlên împeretoriya Dewletên Yekbûyî yên Emerîkayê.ABSTRACT IN SORANIDirûstkirdinî Brand Kurdistan: Helly Luv, cênderî neteweyatî w Şerrî Dij Be Têror Le seretay salanî 2000, Hikûmetî Herêmî Kurdistan şerîkeyekî emrîkîy girt bo berêwebirdinî hellmetêkî pêwendiye cemaweriyekan be nawî "Êraqî Dîke". Lew katewe, hikûmet legell çendîn şerîkeyî pêwendiye cemaweriyekan û lobî karî kirdûwe bo dirûstkirdinî amrazêkî kultûrî, siyasî û darayî, ke min nawî denêm "Brand Kurdistan". Em amraze amanciyetî le cemawerekanî rojavayî biçespênê ke kurd nimûneyekî yektay komelgay lîbiral in le Rojhellatî Nawerastî dûr le lîbiralî, û bem şêweye beqay Hikûmetî Herêmî Kurdistan bo bedesthênanî serbexoyîy neteweyî ziyatir bikat. Em wutare sebaret pêwendiyekanî nêwan Brand Kurdistan û becênderkirdinî netewegerrîy kurdî ye, be taybetîş çaw le Helly Luvî dîvay popî kurd dekat. Le mosîqayekey da Luv têmay jinî kurdî "yaxî" le xizmet projekanî siyasî û aborîy Brand Kurdistan da dexate pêş. Bem şêweye, Brand Kurdistan û Helly Luv pêkewe ew dîskûrî cîhanî duberekîy le ser şerrî dij be terror serlenwê dirûst deken, dîskûrêk ke hawterîbe legell şerrkerîy muhafizekarekanî nwêy emrîka û hewllekanî împeretorîy Dewlete Yekgirtûyekanî Emrîka.

Review of Sunaina Marr's The 9/11 Generation: Youth, Rights, and Solidarity in the War on Terror

Review of Sunaina Marr's The 9/11 Generation: Youth, Rights, and Solidarity in the War on Terror

Indian counterterrorism policy and the influence of the Global War on Terror

ABSTRACTIndia has been a major victim of Islamist terrorism and has long fought against an array of Islamist terrorist groups. Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, India's previously lonely struggle against terrorism has taken place against the background of the US-led Global War on Terror (GWOT). After outlining India's Islamist terrorist challenge, this article examines India's evolving approach to counterterrorism and how the GWOT has influenced it. It concludes that India has adopted a localized, defensive, law-and-order approach to counterterrorism which has evolved in response to various attacks over the years but still remains seriously underdeveloped. The GWOT has influenced Indian counterterrorism in important ways, although its influence has been subtle and indirect rather than transformative. The GWOT has enhanced Indo-American counterterror cooperation, shaped India's terror environment by launching the war in Afghanistan and enriched Indian counterterrorism with American experience. Just as important, it has also had an impact on India's debate on counterterrorism, civil liberties and human rights.

Canadian Arab Youth at the Border: Cultural Dissociation, Fear Management, and Disciplining Practices in Securitized Spaces

In this paper, we explore what Canadian Arab youth do to navigate border and travel transit sites. Arab youth are the focus for this study because they are a neglected demographic of research in ethnic studies, compared to the more copious studies on Canadian Arabs. Our research empirically investigates the struggles that this youth demographic faces, and the efforts they undertake to manage their marginalization. Some of these efforts involve practices of cultural dissociation, fear management, and self-disciplining through behavioral self-surveillance. Drawing upon an existing body of research that recognizes the highly fraught and securitized nature of air travel and border transfer, particularly for Arab/Muslim populations, we use the findings from focus groups conducted in Kitchener-Waterloo to theoretically situate some of the real struggles of Canadian Arab youth. As prominent racialized and securitized identities in the War on Terror (WoT), Arab youth are often forced, or feel that they are forced to perform their Canadian-ness to substantiate their innocence, and in some cases, this requires minimalization, or even erasure of part of who they are.

Digital detritus: 'Error' and the logic of opacity in social media content moderation

The late 2016 case of the Facebook content moderation controversy over the infamous Vietnam-era photo, “The Terror of War,” is examined in this paper for both its specifics, as well as a mechanism to engage in a larger discussion of the politics and economics of the content moderation of user-generated content. In the context of mainstream commercial social media platforms, obfuscation and secrecy work together to form an operating logic of opacity, a term and concept introduced in this paper. The lack of clarity around platform policies, procedures and the values that inform them lead users to wildly different interpretations of the user experience on the same site, resulting in confusion in no small part by the platforms’ own design. Platforms operationalize their content moderation practices under a complex web of nebulous rules and procedural opacity, while governments and other actors clamor for tighter controls on some material, and other members of civil society demand greater freedoms for online expression. Few parties acknowledge the fact that mainstream social media platforms are already highly regulated, albeit rarely in such a way that can be satisfactory to all. The final turn in the paper connects the functions of the commercial content moderation process on social media platforms like Facebook to their output, being either the content that appears on a site, or content that is rescinded: digital detritus. While meaning and intent of user-generated content may often be imagined to be the most important factors by which content is evaluated for a site, this paper argues that its value to the platform as a potentially revenue-generating commodity is actually the key criterion and the one to which all moderation decisions are ultimately reduced. The result is commercialized online spaces that have far less to offer in terms of political and democratic challenge to the status quo and which, in fact, may serve to reify and consolidate power rather than confront it.