Field Of Political Education Research Articles

Media Sosial sebagai Sarana Pendidikan Politik oleh Pejabat Publik (Studi pada Akun Media Sosial Nur Hidayat Sardini)

Social media plays an important role as a means of education, including as a means of political education. The use of social media as a means of political education is not only carried out by educational institutions, the media and the government, but also personally by actors within the government, including public officials. The development of digital technology today is a means for effective channeling of opinions and ideas, even digitizing information, one of which is through social media, which can affect the development of democracy. In the socio-political context, massive communication in cyberspace is currently able to influence the understanding and political awareness of citizens to their political preferences, so it is not surprising that many public figures use social media from just providing political education to campaigning, including those who become public officials. such as Nur Hidayat Sardini who uses social media as a means of educating electoral politics. This paper aims to analyze the extent to which the role of Nur Hidayat Sardini's social media can be useful in providing electoral political education to his audience. This paper is the result of a short research using digital ethnography as a research method. Supporting data comes from online news research journal articles, and social media analysis. The results showed that Nur Hidayat Sardini as a public official in the circle of election organizers seemed to have consistently contributed in the field of political education, especially in discussions related to electoral politics, the content presented was also technically communicative and easily digested by the audience, as an assessment of his social media accounts. can also be used as a reference for general public education materials.

Умный город: приход новой демократии или цифрового тоталитаризма?

The main purpose of the article is to study technologies of a smart city to identify the prospects for digital democracy and risks of digital totalitarianism. The basic methodological optics is the discourse analysis, which involves the identification and comparative analysis of various concepts on the selected issues. The supporting methodology was the Case Study principles and the big data analysis capabilities of the Google Trends platform. The article makes a theoretical contribution to the understanding of the algorithmic nature of modern political power, which is the basis of urban technopolitics, as well as the complex configuration of Policy and Politics. Algorithms, as the fundamental basis of digital applications and smart city technologies, are beginning to permeate the entire life of a citizen, closely intertwining with the mechanisms of digital control, rating, political decision-making, extraction, filtering and sorting of information data. It is particularly emphasized that the traditional social reality is transformed into a sociotechnical reality (the phygital world), in which it is no longer possible to rigidly separate the social from the technical. The conclusions indicate that digital democracy is possible only on the principles of open source, while digital totalitarianism, on the contrary, excludes such a model. Without the inclusion of smart citizens, the process of discussion and political decision-making, digital democracy is simply emasculated into a good, but still narrow service on the part of the authorities. In addition, without comprehensive programs in the field of political education, there will be no digital democracy, no smart citizens, only a smart elite will remain.

VALUE ORIENTATIONS AND CIVIL-POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF YOUNG RUSSIAN PATRIOTS

Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the analysis of value orientations, forms of civic engagement and political participation of young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots. In accordance with the conceptual and methodological provisions developed within the framework of the political and psychological approach, the author examines how the cognitive and behavioral components of the personality structure, which determine the patriotic orientation of youth, relate to each other. Research results. Based on an analysis of the data of an all-Russian survey of young people aged 15 to 30, the author comes to the conclusion that young Russian patriots are interested in politics and identify with Russia. They demonstrate a fairly high level of social activity and have a wide repertoire of forms of civic participation and political behavior. They have attitudes towards conventional forms of political participation (primarily electoral). In the system of values of young patriots, the most significant are human rights, peace, order, legality, security, freedom and justice. Young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots differ in their political values and behavioral orientations from «non-patriots». The author comes to the conclusion that young patriots have a connection between values and behavioral practices of their implementation, which determines their focus on interaction with the state and society. But this is not typical for young people in general. It is noted that in the future, patriotism can become a factor in the serious intragenerational demarcation of young people. Therefore, significant efforts are required from various institutions of socialization in the field of political education and patriotic education of youth.

Argument, Counterargument, and Integration? Patterns of Argument Reappraisal in Controversial Classroom Discussions

Being challenged by opposing views in a controversial discussion can stimulate the production of more elaborate and sophisticated argumentations. According to the model of argument reappraisal (Leitao, 2000), such processes require transactivity, meaning that students do not only give reasons to support their own position (e.g., pro/contra argument) but also try to refute the opponent’s claims (e.g., counterargument) and respond to critique (e.g., integration). However, there is little research in the field of political education that systematically examines how processes of argument reappraisal unfold in student-centered classroom discussions when students were asked to defend (randomly) assigned positions (pro/contra). In this study, four civic education classes (8th/9th grade) in Germany received the same standardized political learning unit and conducted a controversial fishbowl discussion. A total of 452 argumentative moves were coded for argumentative transactivity. The characteristics of this type of discourse will be described regarding the use of argumentative moves and the complexity of argumentations. Explorative sequential analyses revealed five patterns of argument reappraisal that will be illustrated by transcript excerpts.

Oposisi Anwar Ibrahim Dan Politik Malaysia

Anwar Ibrahim's political future to lead Malaysia is more opened. Nevertheless, there is no guarantee that he wins the coming election. On behalf of the opposition alliance he leads, Anwar will launch his campaign for the Justice Party, and he would join hands with the pluralists and Chinese race-based parties in Malaysia. In one posting on Twitter on 9/1/2012, Anwar vowed to overthrow the Malaysian government, what the so-called a corrupt regime Under Anwar Ibrahim's opposition movement, there is a strong tendency that the livelihood of Malaysian society, especially in the field of political education, is experiencing a stage of "silent reform" (reform silently) that is structured and led by the educated middle class with the main objective to uphold democracy, clean and good governance.

Relevance of German Political Foundations for Comparative Educational Research

German political foundations, mainly Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) and Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS), have a long tradition of political activism in Germany as well as internationally. Founded after the Second World War, their mission was and is the promotion of democracy and civic education. Likewise, they pursue these educational goals abroad, where they have been active for over 50 years. But despite many years of experience in the field of political education across borders, the foundations have hardly been noticed in educational research. Therefore, an international audience shall be made aware of the unique characteristics of the German party related political foundations as actors in the world. This article will address the international dimensions of these organizations: how they operate across borders and what they offer in their educational dimensions. This will show their close entanglement with the official German foreign policy and with the political parties to which they are affiliated in Germany.

Civic Education around the World

Young people's distance from politics is seen as a central problem of democratic societies. Compared to the first IEA-study in the era of political mobilization during the early seventies the results for today's young Germans are worse. Regarding political knowledge, the results for young Germans are mediocre; conspicuous and alarming is the unwillingness of German youngsters to participate in school, politics and society. These results can be explained by using data and relations found by the international comparative project Civic Education about the specific meaning of conditions and results of political education in different school systems and societies. This paper discusses several results and questions and shows that one-dimensional explanations are hardly possible in the complex field of political education.