Feminist Cause Research Articles

Can Religious Modest Dress be Included in the Feminist Project

In 2009, Nicolas Sarkozy, the former French president, claimed that the burqa was not a symbol of faith but rather a sign of enslavement, and was therefore unwelcome in French society (La Fornara, 2018). Feminism aims to free women from any such ‘enslavement’ that would act as a barrier to gender equality. Nevertheless, the intersectional injustices that impact religious women make this debate more complicated than what Sarkozy suggested. This essay will therefore explore the ethical significance of religious modest dress, and advocate for its compatibility with the feminist project. This will be achieved through focusing on Jewish and Muslim women, living as minoritised groups in Western countries. While religious patriarchal structures seem to contradict the strive for gender equality through dictating how women present themselves, this should not permit the Western world to act as ‘saviours’ and reduce these women to victims. Instead, they should be included in the feminist cause and an effort should be made to truly understand their perspectives in order to strive for a modern world that treats men and women from all backgrounds more equally than it does currently.

Transforming the Unsaid into Action in Kim Jiyoung, Born 1982

It is often the act of listening that can transform silence into speech. Nam Joo Cho’s 2016 novel Kim Jiyoung, Born 1982 sparked a feminist movement in South Korea. Instead of creating a character who is clearly articulating a feminist cause, Cho finds ways to speak of gendered injustices by using alternative modes of communications such as silence, howls, psychotic breaks, and footnotes. Jiyoung’s omission of speech externalizes what is thought and felt by many Korean women but left unsaid. The novel ultimately asks readers to hear the unsaid, react to Jiyoung’s experienced injustices, and turn what Jiyoung struggled to articulate into a collective act of solidarity, collective voice, and feminist action.

Shanghai Red House Incidence on Weibo: Praxis of New Feminist Cyberactivism in Mainland China

This study explores the dynamics of feminist cyberactivism in China, using the Shanghai Red House Incidence as a case study to analyze the impact and limitations of social media, specifically Weibo, in advocating for women’s rights and feminist causes. Despite the increasing surveillance and censorship by the Chinese government, which has constrained traditional forms of activism, the paper reveals how women in China have adapted their strategies. By employing symbolic imagery, multiple hashtags, and referencing popular culture, these activists circumvent censorship, fostering a new form of de-organized, grassroots digital activism. At this point, no academic articles have been published on the incident. Leveraging Vegh’s cyberactivism categorization framework and analyzing a rich dataset of over 2,000 Weibo posts, this paper employs qualitative content analysis and quantitative analysis to uncover the nuanced ways feminist activism morphs within authoritarian confines. This research contributes to the understanding of how social media platforms serve both as spaces for feminist expression and as battlegrounds against state surveillance in China, highlighting the evolving nature of feminist cyberactivism in authoritarian contexts.

Pas de statue pour Hubertine: Quand notre mémoire d’une pionnière du suffragisme fait des vagues

In 1914, the death of Hubertine Auclert, who had dedicated her life to the feminist cause, stirred great emotion. The idea of erecting a statue in her honour was considered, but never materialized. Auclert’s memory is thus preserved in more confidential sites of remembrance. We have identified three moments, each associated with a different place. Until 1930, the suffragist’s tomb was a place of feminist pilgrimage. The following years appear to have been a low point in the history of her memory, but it was then that activist Marie-Louise Bouglé collected Auclert’s archives for safekeeping in her library, preserving them from destruction. However, while Auclert gained a degree of recognition in the wake of the second wave of feminism, the Panthéon remains closed to her. In this respect, she is emblematic of women, and even more so of feminists, who occupy a place of secondary importance in France’s national memory.

Women’s emancipation movement in Old Kingdom Romania. Sequences of a paradigm shift

The present paper highlights some of the contrasts and inconsistencies accompanying women's emancipation process in the Old Kingdom of Romania. In the second half of the 19th-century, Romanian society witnessed a paradigm shift best translated into the increasingly active role of women in society. It wasn't a sudden change in women's status but a gradual adaptation of the collective mind to new cultural contexts (political, social, economic, and technological). Withal, the women's emancipation movement can be understood as part of the modernization puzzle, "the best of all worlds," requiring the full involvement of both sexes. Urban elite representatives, organized in feminist societies, campaigned for women's civil and political rights, overcoming the official discourse centered on the "natural" differences between men and women. Another battle was fought to dismiss the socially constructed gender differences that destined men to public spaces and power roles while women remained cloistered in their homes. In other words, the Romanian society was willing to cultivate the woman only in her capacity as a mother (metaphorically, mother of the nation), wife, and good Christian, and less as a full-fledged citizen. As Romanian society matures and culture increases, the "feminist cause" gains more consistency, advocating for legal and economic equality, followed by political rights. Also, by navigating the list of permissions and prohibitions, women found new ways to overcome the sexual division of roles.

Modern Confections: Jews, New Women, and the Business of Fashion in Imperial Berlin

This article analyzes a series of visually arresting albums by the Jewish-owned Berlin department store and clothing manufacturer Kaufhaus N. Israel, published between 1899 and 1914. The company wooed and shocked bourgeois audiences by photographically illustrating the gender norm-defying activities of early twentieth-century “new women”—over a decade before the equivalent German term became commonplace. The N. Israel albums relied on readers’ extrapolation from their pages to the Israel company brand and the fashionable inventory of its store. The article demonstrates how an innovative device to craft the image of a Jewish clothing company also incorporated tacit ideas about Jewishness. Along the way, these visions traveled through the prism of female figures, establishing connections between Jewishness, fashionability, and modernity—the “fashionable” Jewish feminist, a reformer of Imperial German society, and the “fashionable” “Oriental” Jew, a style icon and imitable “cross-dresser.” The article examines the albums’ visual and verbal components as part of a larger design, isolating the voice of the department store. The Israels used their albums, the article argues, to style their store as a “women’s paradise,” simultaneously, however, confecting their own public identities as liberal allies of the feminist cause and creators of modern German culture.

HISTORY OF FEMINIST THOUGHT: THE BIRTH AND CONSOLIDATION OF THE MOVEMENT

Any cause which challenges the established order faces an uphill battle and history has demonstrated that it is a long road to success, particularly if the goal is nothing less than equality among human beings. This paper offers an overview of the first steps of the modern feminist movement and its eventual successes, tracing the history of feminism from its initial unity to later atomisation due to the conflicting liberal, socialist and communist ideologies that swept Europe and America throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. The movement, in the modern sense of the term, began in 1789. By the 20th century, the feminist cause had achieved notable successes thanks to its ability to unite countless individuals, while overcoming ideological divisions, to achieve a single objective: women’s right to vote. Subsequently, within the new international order arising out of the Second World War, these latent divisions played out on the international stage. However, gender equality and the rights of women has now become a central issue in international debate.

Branded activism: Navigating the tension between culture and market in social media

How are brands navigating the tension of being cultural and market players in woke times? What are the futures of brand activism and how can brands and social media contribute to create conversational spaces for dialogue and social change? Brand activism resonates of the struggle that brands undertake to be perceived by consumers as committed cultural authority. This led several brands to fall into woke washing allegations and contestations in social media. Our study dives deep into a successful but highly contested Italian media brand that was launched as a cultural resource for the feminist cause but suffered from strong consumers' critique. Findings reveal how emerging contestation and polarization generated by brand activism in social media are the result of the unresolved tension of the brand being a cultural and a market player. This tension produces a spiral of mismatches between brand conduct and consumer perceptions when the commercial goals of the brand as market player prevail over the cultural value of material and immaterial resources provided by the brand as cultural player. Our study discusses how brands can navigate this tension and leverage on social media to realize wiser digital techno-futures in postnormal times.

Anneliese's House by Lou Andreas-Salomé

Reviewed by: Anneliese's House by Lou Andreas-Salomé Liz Ametsbichler Lou Andreas-Salomé, Anneliese's House. Translated by Frank Beck and Raleigh Whitinger. Camden House, 2021. 227 pp. Cloth, $99.00. Written mostly in 1904 and published in 1921, Das Haus: Eine Familiengeschichte vom Ende vorigen Jahrhunderts (The house: A family history from the end of the last century) was Lou Andreas-Salomé's final novel. The translators of this work, Frank Beck and Raleigh Whitinger, state that their goals were to provide "English speakers access to the novel" and also to offer "a broader view of the development of Andreas-Salomé's skill in recasting, in poetically adroit narrative form, her own struggle for social and intellectual independence" (x). They assert that her fiction presented contemporary audiences with a "range of perspectives on the potential of—and the problems with—women's moves towards autonomy" within and outside of marriage (x). This underscores their decision to expand the original title to Anneliese's House, first to avoid the book "being confused with a host of other novels bearing a similar title, but also to suggest the poetic tone that the main female protagonist, Anneliese Branhardt, imparts to her household, by thought and deed" (lvii). The novel's German subtitle indicates the temporal setting of the novel but not necessarily that this house—Anneliese's—embodies the dominant patriarchal norms, and questioning thereof, in late-nineteenth-century Germany. The translators take great care in providing the context for this novel, while also commenting on other works in their comprehensive three-part introduction and in the extensive chapter endnotes. First, in the "Biographical Sketch" they discuss many of the mutual influences of Andreas-Salomé's life. Most familiar are Friedrich Nietzsche, [End Page 108] Sigmund Freud, and Rainer Maria Rilke; their influence underscores her interest in philosophy, psychology, and literature. Her knowledge of and expertise in these fields is evident throughout the novel. Indeed, many of her friendships and personal relationships, female and male, find their way into Das Haus, as the translators note. They also emphasize just how independently and confidently Andreas-Salomé encountered each of her "illustrious friends and confidantes on her own terms" and explored diverse possibilities in her writing, both fiction and nonfiction (xxviii). Next, in "The Critical Fortunes of Andreas-Salomé and Das Haus," Beck and Whitinger discuss the mixed reception the author received, particularly within the scope of the women's movement. Some of her noted contemporaries (including Christine Touaillon and Gabriele Reuter) praised this work, while others (such as Hedwig Dohm) questioned, generally, her commitment to the feminist cause. The translators expand this debate by tracing critical reception through the decades. In "Grasping the Novel: Interpretive Trends and Points to Ponder," they locate the novel "as a familial mirror of the greater context of the Wilhelmine-era 'Frauenbewegung' [women's movement] and the ideals of emancipation that the author herself lived and [ … ] shared with her feminist colleagues and contemporaries" (xxxviii). They also examine more recent interpretive readings of Das Haus and suggest further interpretations to ponder. The introductory analysis of the author's biography, of the novel within the backdrop of the Wilhelmine era, and of the critical reception of Andreas-Salomé from her lifetime until today prepares the reader well for approaching the novel itself. Beck and Whitinger adhere closely to the original, making an effort to "preserve both the meaning and character of the author's" nuance in the thoughts and dialogue of the characters (lvii). In their notes they explicitly lay out their four guiding principles. These clearly alert the reader to their translation process and to the deviations from or expansions to the text for clarity, always explained in the chapter endnotes. In addition, the endnotes explicate events in the text by providing context or critical comment, as well as intertextual, biblical, artistic, and biographical references to enhance the reading experience. This translation makes Andreas-Salomé's last novel accessible to English speakers and offers an important addition to the growing body of critical work on the author. The translators point out that much has been written on the importance of Andreas-Salomé's nonfiction work and her role...

On Social Networks, Anonymous Testimonies, and Other Tools of Feminist Activism against Sexual Violence in Egypt

On Social Networks, Anonymous Testimonies, and Other Tools of Feminist Activism against Sexual Violence in Egypt

Bargaining with patriarchy or converting men into pro-feminists: social-mediated frame alignment in feminist connective activism

ABSTRACT This study applies the frame alignment theory in the social movement literature and a mixed-methods frame analysis to investigate how Chinese social media influencers employ various strategies to promote men’s pro-feminist engagement. Notably, presenting universal human values is identified as a frame extension strategy that goes beyond the narrow scope of egoism and altruism. In contrast, appealing to egoistic and altruistic values, as a frame amplification strategy, serves as stakes to bargain with patriarchy in exchange for male endorsement of feminist goals. It thus may bring unsustainable support to the feminist cause rather than a substantial social change. This study also exhibits frame transformation in chronological order to reveal the impact of symbolic socio-political events on frame-setting. Our research findings will shed light on social media’s promise and pitfalls in feminist mobilization and extend the frame alignment theory beyond its original focus on ungendered and offline social movements.

Shaw’s Fabianist and Feminist Aesthetics in Pygmalion

This research paper studies George Bernard Shaw’s famous play Pygmalion (1912). It examines capitalism and industrialization, and their negative influences on British society, and specifically, on the living condition of low-class people. In addition, it focuses on Shaw’s sharp satire of the capitalist system. The study focuses on Shaw’s Socialist/Fabianist ideas which are depicted in this play through the stereotyping of the British social classes. Furthermore, it presents Shaw’s ideas and support for the feminist cause of gender equality, empowering women, and rising their position in society through education and learning. The study also highlights Shaw’s aesthetic techniques and anti-conventionalist philosophy in writing this play. The most prominent aesthetic techniques used in the play are: superb style, witty dialogues, dramatic symbols, unconventional plot, mythological allusion, humor and burlesque as elements of joy and pleasure, and contrast between the rich and the poor lifestyles. Unlike traditional plays, this play does not end in a wedding and its conclusion is open-ended. Moreover, the study reveals Shaw’s support for didacticism and humor rather than a pure and meaningless “art for art’s sake” work. It clarifies that Shaw’s support of didacticism is for social, economic, educational, and political reform. The research focuses on the concept of language variation and its great role in determining the social position of the individual in a class-based capitalist society. The study takes a quick look at Shaw’s use of humor and burlesque to satirize the shortcomings of British society.

Equal Outsiders: Woolf and Coleridge Thinking Community, Romance, and Education in the Face of War

Equal Outsiders:Woolf and Coleridge Thinking Community, Romance, and Education in the Face of War Laura Cernat In a passage from Three Guineas (1938), which rhetorically foreshadows Churchill's famous June 1940 "we shall fight on the beaches" speech, Virginia Woolf prompts women to preserve and expand their ancestresses' habit of thinking critically even while lacking some comforts. Joining the newly-available public sphere, women who had thought "while they stirred the pot" (2001a: 160) are now called to become more articulate: Let us think in offices; in omnibuses; while we are standing in the crowd watching Coronations . . . let us think as we pass the Cenotaph; and in Whitehall; in the gallery of the House of Commons; in the Law Courts; let us think at baptisms and marriages and funerals. Let us never cease from thinking—what is this "civilization" in which we find ourselves? . . . Where . . . is it leading us, the procession of the sons of educated men? (161) These lines echo Blake's "I will not cease from mental fight," which Woolf explicitly cites later in "Thoughts on Peace in an Air Raid" (1942: 155). Woolf often interweaves Romantic tropes in her plea against war. Near the end of Three Guineas, for example, she alludes to Coleridge's line from "Kubla Khan," "ancestral voices prophesying war"1 (Coleridge 1954: 298), when she speaks of "some ancestral memory prophesying war" (Woolf 2001a: 218). Such resonances of Romantic affects in Modernism are both frequent and meaningful, as the work of Mary Favret (2010) and Alexandra Harris (2010) shows. While Favret emphasizes the skewed remoteness of war imagery, especially for the British imagination, and Harris sees the Modernists' return to the Romantics as a tradition-embracing homecoming, an "imaginative claiming of England" [End Page 121] (10), they both give less attention to the implications of the Romantic connection for a conception of community that truly goes beyond nationalism. Building on an understudied textual reference, this paper traces some threads that tie Woolf's attitudes towards war to her critical response to Romantic political thought, particularly Coleridge's, as she works to dissociate the representation of women from "romance" (a trivialized inheritance of Romanticism) and recover the societal ideals of Romanticism for the feminist cause. Significantly, Woolf refers to Romantic writers at a crucial point in her argument. After delving into historical and socio-economic issues, after invoking both "the white light of facts" and "the coloured light of biography" (2001a: 143), after imagining the Society of Outsiders, Woolf sounds weary, almost unsure at the end of Three Guineas. Having unveiled the connection between war, capitalist greed, and the oppression of women, having proposed indifference to honors and the refusal of excess as chief solutions, Woolf points to something not yet fully thought out: "we can best help you to prevent war not by repeating your words and following your methods but by finding new words and creating new methods" (241). To indicate the purpose of these new, outsider-specific methods, Woolf falls back on "the great principles of Justice and Equality and Liberty" (241) and, in her very last endnote, cites three sources that might reveal "the views and aims of the outsiders" (293): Romantic writers from different nations—S. T. Coleridge, Walt Whitman, and George Sand. Woolf's use of three examples from the 19th century suggests a renewed reliance on the Romantic paradigm. Although Favret, drawing on Woolf's notes in "The Leaning Tower" about the relatively limited effects of war on novelists such as Austen and Scott, thinks that Woolf underestimated her own remoteness from war and unfairly considered the 19th century "immune" to mass conflict in a way the 20th century was not (Favret 46), Woolf's return to the Romantics and their social models at the end of her pacifist essay suggests that her very conception of the nature of mass conflict has its roots in the 19th century. There is more at stake in Woolf's pointing towards Coleridge as a precursor of the Society of Outsiders than first meets the eye. This neglected reference reveals a deep-seated affinity between the two writers' worldviews, which functions in spite of (or perhaps...

The reputation of feminism and ‘celebrity feminists’

This paper will address the current reputation of feminism and explore whether the stereotypes and stigma associated with a feminist identity influences the number of public figures, or ‘celebrities,’ willing to take a stand and participate in the feminist movement. Further, the paper will aim to find out how public sentiment towards feminist celebrities is shaped and the public relations best practices that these celebrity feminists can implement to enhance their reputation and avoid alienating some audiences due to their activism. Upon reviewing existing literature on the topic, it is evident that although a large portion of the American population does not identify as a feminist in the absence of a clear definition, more and more celebrities are aligning themselves with the feminist cause. While some have faced public backlash, others have successfully gained public trust. Common themes that emerge are being authentic, being consistent and backing up statements with concrete action that benefits the feminist cause. Public figures risk their reputation if they come across as inauthentic, misinformed, unprepared or if a comment or action from their past contradicts their current stance. One-on-one interviews conducted with five prominent publicists in the entertainment industry reveal that identifying as feminists helps the reputation of public figures if they truly believe in the cause and actively participate in the movement. Despite the possibility of backlash, feminist celebrities gain respect in the long run if they are authentic and transparent in their activism. A ‘best practices guide’ will be developed by drawing insights from the interview responses of the publicists. A handbook of key public relations strategies that the feminist movement can use to improve its reputation will also be developed.

Gender Beneath the Skull: Agency, Trauma and Persisting Stereotypes in Neuroepigenetics.

Epigenetics stands in a complex relationship to issues of sex and gender. As a scientific field, it has been heavily criticized for disproportionately targeting the maternal body and reproducing deterministic views of biological sex (Kenney and Müller, 2017; Lappé, 2018; Richardson et al., 2014). And yet, it also represents the culmination of a long tradition of engaging with developmental biology as a feminist cause, because of the dispersal of the supposed ‘master code’ of DNA among wider cellular, organismic and ecological contexts (Keller, 1988). In this paper, we explore a number of tensions at the intersection of sex, gender and trauma that are playing out in the emerging area of neuroepigenetics - a relatively new subfield of epigenetics specifically interested in environment-brain relations through epigenetic modifications in neurons. Using qualitative interviews with leading scientists, we explore how trauma is conceptualized in neuroepigenetics, paying attention to its gendered dimensions. We address a number of concerns raised by feminist STS researchers in regard to epigenetics, and illustrate why we believe close engagement with neuroepigenetic claims, and neuroepigenetic researchers themselves, is a crucial step for social scientists interested in questions of embodiment and trauma. We argue this for three reasons: (1) Neuroepigenetic studies are recognizing the agential capacities of biological materials such as genes, neurotransmitters and methyl groups, and how they influence memory formation; (2) Neuroepigenetic conceptions of trauma are yet to be robustly coupled with social and anthropological theories of violence (Eliot, 2021; Nelson, 2021; Walby, 2013); (3) In spite of the gendered assumptions we find in neuroepigenetics, there are fruitful spaces – through collaboration – to be conceptualizing gender beyond culture-biology and nature-nurture binaries (Lock and Nguyen, 2010). To borrow Gravlee’s (2009: 51) phrase, we find reason for social scientists to consider how gender is not only constructed, but how it may “become biology” via epigenetic and other biological pathways. Ultimately, we argue that a robust epigenetic methodology is one which values the integrity of expertise outside its own field, and can have an open, not empty mind to cross-disciplinary dialogue.

Online Activism Against Gender-Based Violence: How African Feminism is Using Twitter for Progress

The chief goal of African feminism has been to better African women’s dire conditions in a mainly patriarchal society. Over the last five years however, the tide appears to be turning as feminists across the continent make greater use of online platforms to work change. This paper discusses the ways in which African women are using Twitter to protest against the abusive conditions women face including early and forced marriages, domestic abuse, abduction, sexual assault, slavery and other forms of genderbased violence. Through the lens of three hashtag campaigns (#BringBackOurGirls, #JusticeforNoura and #JusticeForOchanya), the paper examines the impact of twittering on African gender activism. Through Critical Discussion Analysis of selected tweets three key narratives emerged, constructed by the online activists who took part in the campaigns: Solidarity in Feminist Sisterhood; Gender Equality; and A Call for Justice. The tweets are analysed under these themes showing that the meanings constructed by the activists helped advance the African feminist cause. The paper concludes with the lessons to be drawn from the campaigns, which show social media’s scope for advancing the goals of African feminism.

The Power of Testimony: How narrative displaced invention

The Power of TestimonyHow narrative displaced invention Vivian Gornick (bio) Ionce wrote a book about the great nineteenth-century suffragist Elizabeth Cady Stanton. I did that because I'd become embroiled in an argument over whether the women's movement could produce literature as well as testimony, and I'd gone looking for the poetry in the movement. In Elizabeth Stanton I found it. When that remarkable person sat down to explain women and equality to her government, testimony achieved poetry. She was born in 1815 in upstate New York into a rich and distinguished family of conservatives who opposed slavery but dreaded [End Page 176] social disorder. Elizabeth, alone among the Cadys, was possessed of a radical temperament. When at the age of twenty-four she fell in love with Henry Stanton, an impassioned abolitionist, she married him against her father's will, and the two went blithely off to England to attend the first international anti-slavery congress ever held. To her amazement the congress refused to seat her, as women were to be seen, not heard. Afterward, Stanton would often say that it was here in London in 1840 that for the first time in her life, she realized that in the eyes of the world she was not as she was in her own eyes; she was "only a woman." As an abolitionist she'd been a fellow traveler; now as a budding feminist she discovered that it was this cause that aroused her strongest feelings. She further discovered that for her, feeling strongly was associated—as it had been for men from time immemorial—not with falling in love but with agency: agency come to life through devotion to some large unmet human need that might have gone unaddressed for decades at a time but would not be permanently stilled. In 1848 Stanton, along with Lucretia Mott and three other progressive-minded women, held a two-day convention in Seneca Falls (the town in upstate New York where Stanton lived) calling for social and political equality for women. The event was life-changing. Thereafter she was defined by the intellectual excitement that the cause of women's rights aroused in her. She'd always known she had a good mind, but now, as the years after Seneca Falls wore on and she found herself writing petition after petition on behalf of equality for women, she discovered that she was a visionary thinker, one who saw hidden in the discrimination against her sex something of humanity writ large: its unholy predilection to aggress against itself, to inflict hierarchies of privilege and deprivation on one's fellow beings, to countenance with ease ourselves living contentedly in the light while others flounder and go under, living as they did in the dark. It was as though the human condition itself stood revealed in feminism's reawakened call for social justice. [End Page 177] As the decades wore on—the 1840s giving way to the '50s and '60s—and the feminist cause, long defined by the struggle for suffrage, made no real progress, the movement itself grew increasingly conservative. Stanton, however, remained unrelentingly radical and experienced a growing split between herself and her movement; very soon she found herself isolated. The more alone in the world she felt, the more philosophical she became. In 1892 she stood up to deliver her final public address, a speech that to this day remains one of the great entries in the canon of American personal essays. Its title: "The Solitude of Self." The thing she wanted her audience to consider, she said, was the individuality of a human being: that which Protestant American culture held as a first value. In one sense, the idea of the individual is a declaration of proud independence; in another, it is the recognition that we are, in fact, a world of Robinson Crusoes, all of us alone on the island of life, but none more so than women: No matter how much women prefer to lean, to be protected and supported, nor how much men desire to have them do so, they must make the voyage of life alone, and for safety in an...

As RP em rede e o envolvimento dialógico em plataformas feministas (“A Coletiva” e “INMUNE”)

Feminist movements are currently asserting themselves by the capacity of involvement and aggregation of activists and the public identified with the feminist cause, who have in common both the struggle for women's rights and the spaces where they create existence and attribute dimension to that struggle: digital social networks. The purpose of this article is to understand the communication strategies, supported by dialogue, that underlie this aggregation and sharing of meaning when it comes to feminism and its close connection with the fight for gender equality, the end of gender violence or the eradication of racism. Based on the theoretical review on networked PR (Grunig, 2009; Kent, 2017), networked dialogue (Theunissen & Wan Noordin, 2011; Smith & Taylor, 2017; and networked feminism (Fullagar, Parry and Johnson, 2019; Keller, Mendes & Ringrose, 2018; Araüna, Willem & Tortajada, 2019; Yang, Uysal & Taylor, 2017), we applied content analysis (Bardin, 2006) to publications and digital interactions on two Portuguese feminist platforms. Thus, in an adaptation of the model proposed by Lane and Kent (2018) - Dialogic Engagement Interaction - this exploratory study analyzes the dialogical involvement of Coletiva and INMUNE - Instituto da Mulher Negra de Portugal. The analysis results, however, shows a low level of dialogical involvement between organizations and their audiences and, consequently, a reduced collective force to stop online hate clusters with increasing protagonism and with highly technological and effective modus operandi. Thus, the outcomes indicate that the two platforms analyzed do not apply communication strategies through dialogue, limiting exchanges between the organization and the public to the classic top-down communication option, summarizing the practice of dialogical involvement in social digital media to the publication unidirectional content and openness to comments and other reactions. As for the hypotheses raised, only one of them was validated, taking into account that 1) there was no significant dialogical involvement in the content analysis of the two feminist platforms, and 2) although we were unable to verify in the content analysis of the two feminist platforms, the theoretical review validated the idea that online anti-feminist and hate clusters can be fought by online anti-feminist and anti-hate clusters with the same effectiveness in spreading messages as the former. And here, the networked PR must take the strategic and tactical leadership of the action. This work also proposes a model for the analysis of dialogical involvement in digital social networks based on the broader initial proposal of Lane and Kent (2018). The model we propose comprises six categories: 1) existence of comment(s), sharing(s) and / or emoji(s); 2) existence of comment(s) and answer(s); 3) existence of dialogue (with the five dialogical principles: mutuality, propinquity, empathy, risk and commitment; see in Kent, 2017).; 4) existence of freedom to choose the theme and the dialogical flow (when both parts – public and organization – are given freedom to choose the topic and flow of dialogue); 5) without agenda or manipulation (when there is no intention to put issues on the agenda, essentially, those that indicate manipulation); and 6) rhetorical (when a persuasion strategy is applied by both parts participating in the dialogue).

As RP em rede e o envolvimento dialógico em plataformas feministas (“A Coletiva” e “INMUNE”) Networked PR and dialogical engagement on feminist platforms (“A Coletiva” and “INMUNE”)

Resumo Os movimentos feministas afirmam-se, na atualidade, pela capacidade de envolvimento e agregação de ativistas e de público identificado com a causa feminista, que têm em comum tanto a luta pelos direitos das mulheres como os espaços onde criam existência e atribuem dimensão a essa luta: as redes sociais digitais. O propósito do presente artigo é perceber as estratégias comunicacionais que estão na base desta agregação e partilha de sentido quando a matéria é o feminismo e a sua estreita ligação com a luta pela igualdade de género, o fim da violência de género ou a erradicação do racismo. Assim, partindo do modelo proposto por Lane e Kent (2018) – Dialogic Engagement Interaction – este estudo analisa o envolvimento dialógico nas plataformas feministas portuguesas A Coletiva e o INMUNE – Instituto da Mulher Negra de Portugal. Da análise resulta, contudo, a constatação de um baixo nível de envolvimento dialógico entre as organizações e os seus públicos e, consequentemente, uma reduzida força coletiva para travar os clusters de ódio online com protagonismo crescente e com modus operandi altamente tecnológicos e eficazes (Johnson et al., 2019).Palavras-chave: RP em rede, envolvimento dialógico, plataformas feministasAbstractFeminist movements are currently asserting themselves by the capacity of involvement and aggregation of activists and the public identified with the feminist cause, who have in common both the struggle for women's rights and the spaces where they create existence and attribute dimension to that struggle: digital social networks. The purpose of this article is to understand the communication strategies, supported by dialogue, that underlie this aggregation and sharing of meaning when it comes to feminism and its close connection with the fight for gender equality, the end of gender violence or the eradication of racism. Based on the theoretical review on networked PR (Grunig, 2009; Kent, 2017), networked dialogue (Theunissen & Wan Noordin, 2011; Smith & Taylor, 2017; and networked feminism (Fullagar, Parry and Johnson, 2019; Keller, Mendes & Ringrose, 2018; Araüna, Willem & Tortajada, 2019; Yang, Uysal & Taylor, 2017), we applied content analysis (Bardin, 2006) to publications and digital interactions on two Portuguese feminist platforms. Thus, in an adaptation of the model proposed by Lane and Kent (2018) - Dialogic Engagement Interaction - this exploratory study analyzes the dialogical involvement of Coletiva and INMUNE - Instituto da Mulher Negra de Portugal. The analysis results, however, shows a low level of dialogical involvement between organizations and their audiences and, consequently, a reduced collective force to stop online hate clusters with increasing protagonism and with highly technological and effective modus operandi. Thus, the outcomes indicate that the two platforms analyzed do not apply communication strategies through dialogue, limiting exchanges between the organization and the public to the classic top-down communication option, summarizing the practice of dialogical involvement in social digital media to the publication unidirectional content and openness to comments and other reactions. As for the hypotheses raised, only one of them was validated, taking into account that 1) there was no significant dialogical involvement in the content analysis of the two feminist platforms, and 2) although we were unable to verify in the content analysis of the two feminist platforms, the theoretical review validated the idea that online anti-feminist and hate clusters can be fought by online anti-feminist and anti-hate clusters with the same effectiveness in spreading messages as the former. And here, the networked PR must take the strategic and tactical leadership of the action.This work also proposes a model for the analysis of dialogical involvement in digital social networks based on the broader initial proposal of Lane and Kent (2018). The model we propose comprises six categories: 1) existence of comment(s), sharing(s) and / or emoji(s); 2) existence of comment(s) and answer(s); 3) existence of dialogue (with the five dialogical principles: mutuality, propinquity, empathy, risk and commitment; see in Kent, 2017).; 4) existence of freedom to choose the theme and the dialogical flow (when both parts – public and organization – are given freedom to choose the topic and flow of dialogue); 5) without agenda or manipulation (when there is no intention to put issues on the agenda, essentially, those that indicate manipulation); and 6) rhetorical (when a persuasion strategy is applied by both parts participating in the dialogue).Keywords: networked PR, dialogical involvement, feminist platforms

Chicana Militant Dignity Work

This article explores the 1960s welfare rights movement in Los Angeles as one example of social justice activism based on Black-Brown coalition building and solidarity across various social movements. Within the larger welfare rights movement, a fundamentally feminist cause, Escalante advocated for the specific cultural, linguistic, and legal needs of the Spanish-speaking community. Participating in Black-Brown solidarity for multiple social justice causes in Los Angeles and nationally, Alicia Escalante faced arrests and police violence, modeling and inspiring her children and others, then and now, to militant dignity work.