According to conservative estimates, there are at least 150,000 female domestic servants in Chile, about half of them in Santiago. The research effort described in this note, supported by the Nuffield Foundation, aims at shedding light on this largely forgotten segment of the labour force. Field work was conducted for ten weeks during the summer of 1986, between late July and early October. This is the most convenient period in terms of the British academic year, but in Chile September is usually a difficult month, with several holidays (which go together with military parades, victory marches, and violent protests and other forms of political unrest). In 1986 this problem was compounded by unusual levels of serious political disruption, including an assassination attempt on General Pinochet, and the imposition of the state of siege. Perhaps not surprisingly, completion of the field work took longer than the original estimate; nonetheless sufficient material, both quantitative and qualitative, was collected to answer the principal questions that motivated the research. These questions were related to the impact on the market for female domestic service in Santiago, of changes in the land tenure structure in the countryside (agrarian reform in the late 1960s and early 1970s, counter reform and capitalist development after that), and of macro economic fluctuations (recession in the mid 1970s, boom in the late 1970s and up to 1981, recession again in 1982-1983). The key conclusions in this connection will only be reached after detailed analysis of the completed questionnaires and recorded interviews, but it is perhaps pertinent to present here some methodological aspects and pre? liminary findings. The Spanish version of the questionnaire consisted mostly of semi-open questions. After some tests and discussions, it was decided that the original English questionnaire (which was based on encouraging the interviewee to describe her life story in her own way) required slight modifications in order to make it more suitable to Chilean conditions. In the version finally used the questions required direct answers, but they also allowed for the interviewee to add to or to qualify her reply. Several possibilities for checking and double-checking accuracy in the replies were built into the questionnaire. Different sections dealt with personal characteristics, the decision to migrate to Santiago and conditions under which migration occurred, previous jobs both in domestic service and other activities, family of origin and present family, and present job circumstances.