Feelings Of Political Efficacy Research Articles

Public Perceptions of Women’s Inclusion and Feelings of Political Efficacy

Theoretical work argues that citizens gain important symbolic benefits when they are represented by gender-inclusive institutions. Despite the centrality of this claim in the literature, empirical evidence is mixed. In this article, I argue that these mixed findings are—in part—because many Americans hold beliefs about women’s inclusion that are out of step with reality. Leveraging variation in survey respondents’ beliefs about women’s representation, I examine how these perceptions influence attitudes toward Congress and state legislatures. In both cases, I find that believing women are included is associated with higher levels of external efficacy among both men and women. Using panel data, I then show that when citizens’ underestimations (overestimations) are corrected, their levels of efficacy increase (decrease), shedding further light on this relationship. The findings presented in this research add new theoretical insights into when, and how, Americans consider descriptive representation when evaluating the institutions that represent them.

Satisfaction with Democracy in Perspective: Anchoring Today By Looking Back and Forward

Abstract The question of how satisfied people are with the workings of their national democracy has oft en been criticized but is still the international standard measurement of satisfaction with democracy (SWD). In this paper we explore the benefits of adding questions about remembered and expected satisfaction ‘ten years ago’ and ‘ten years from now’, as were asked in the ISSP citizenship surveys of 2004 and 2014. Based on the data from seventeen European countries, we find that national samples: ■ do not show universal ‘nostalgia’, ■ produce good guesses of past satisfaction but show no futurist insights, ■ give retrospective judgments that do not correlate well with changes in expert opinions, ■ give retrospective judgments that do not correlate well with changes in the share of the populist vote. At the individual level we find: ■ that in almost all countries expected satisfaction with democracy ten years from now is a better predictor of political trust and feelings of political efficacy than satisfaction with democracy today, ■ that in almost all countries expected satisfaction with democracy ten years from now is a better predictor of the preference for populist voting (in one national case study), we note that Poland is the only country in our sample where citizens were, in 2014, retrospectively more positive about the development of their democracy, probably due to the severe economic conditions Poland faced in 2004. Overall, we do not find evidence for the relevance of retrospective judgements, but some evidence for the relevance of prospective judgements. We recommend further research into individual changes in present satisfaction and perceptions of these changes to better understand the frames of reference of ‘satisfaction with democracy today’.

Tales of conflict: narrative immersion and political aggression in the United States

ABSTRACT Instances of political incivility and aggression are becoming increasingly common in the United States. This manuscript contributes to our understanding of why partisans increasingly condone verbal aggression and antagonism by examining how immersion into media narratives about political conflict can affect a citizen’s feelings of political efficacy. Three experimental studies were designed to test the expectations that when partisans are immersed in a news narrative about political battles, media depictions in which their party is likely to lose the battle should lead to lower levels of political efficacy, which then leads to increased acceptance of verbal aggression and support for political antagonism. Results in all three studies provided support for the moderated mediation model.

Feelings of Political Efficacy in the Fifty States

What makes people feel influential in politics? While prior studies describe political efficacy as a stable and socialized trait, I argue that feelings of effectiveness in politics follow from the actions of politicians and the design of government. When state governments afford citizens opportunities for voice and deliver desired policy outcomes, I expect that citizens feel more politically effective. Using a set of unique items from the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, I investigate how factors like policy congruence, descriptive representation, election administration, and ballot initiatives shape people’s feelings that politicians are responsive to their concerns. I find that people feel more efficacious in state politics when they have greater opportunities for political voice and when their concerns are reflected in the policy process.

Workers’ Control and Changes in Political Culture: Portugal's Alentejo 20 Years after the Revolution

This article empirically tests three well-known hypotheses about the political effects of workplace democracy on workers. Specifically, it asks whether membership in worker controlled agrarian collectives in southern Portugal has had any long-term effects on its participants’ political culture. The results, based upon a comparison of baseline data collected in 1980 and a sample survey of 240 residents from the same county collected in 1994, suggest that the relationship between workers’ control and political participation, radicalization, class awareness and feelings of political efficacy may be explicitly dependent upon local environmental conditions. More narrowly, our survey results indicate the presence of a substantially different rural political culture from the one described by other scholars of the Portuguese Revolution and its agrarian reform sector.

Activism against Armageddon: Some Predictors of Nuclear-Related Political Behavior

In this article, we utilize data from a representative sample of Massachusetts adults to assess the extent of citizen activism on nuclear issues and to identify some of the factors that predict this activism. Nuclear activists were generally those individuals who had high levels of political interest, strong feelings of political efficacy, the belief that activism against nuclear war would reduce its likelihood, and, most importantly, who had already been active on other

Effects of Identification with Governing Parties on Feelings of Political Efficacy and Trust

AbstractThe authors tested predictions concerning the effects of respondents' identification with governing versus opposition political parties on feelings of political efficacy and trust, using data from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. Dependent variables were political competence, perceived system responsiveness, and political trust, each measured federally and provincially. Respondents who supported the party in power scored significantly higher on perceived responsiveness and trust than those who supported opposition parties, although mainly at the provincial level. Whether respondents' preferred party was in power or not interacted with strength of party identification on the responsiveness and trust measures, both federally and provincially, as expected. Effects were much less pronounced for feelings of political competence. The authors suggest an interpretation to explain the weaker and inconsistent federal results. The article concludes with some observations concerning the relationship between partisanship, on the one hand, and efficacy and trust, on the other.

Voter Turnout and Political Efficacy Among Mexican-Americans in Michigan

A description and explanation of the research on levels of political interest and feelings of political efficacy among Mexican-Americans is presented. The primary concerns are comparing Mexican-Americans with other Americans, determining the effect of the Mexican-American subculture, and evaluating the usefulness of standard explanations of variations in political interest and feeling of political efficacy in explaining variations among Mexican-Americans. The research sample included 465 Mexican-Americans in Michigan. Contrary to past studies, which have described Mexican-Americans as politically inactive and fatalistic, we found that Mexican-Americans did not differ significantly from other similar Americans in voting turnout and political efficacy. The Mexican-American subculture did not discourage voting or encourage a sense of powerlessness. Generally, standard theories were useful in explaining variations in voting turnout and political efficacy among Mexican-Americans. An additional factor of importance was the perception of the status of Mexican-Americans in society.

Participation and Feelings of Political Efficacy: An Examination of the Transference Model

Previous articleNext article No AccessParticipation and Feelings of Political Efficacy: An Examination of the Transference ModelYoshimitsu Takei, and Michael KleimanYoshimitsu Takei Search for more articles by this author , and Michael Kleiman Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Comparative Education Review Volume 20, Number 3Oct., 1976 Sponsored by the Comparative and International Education Society Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/445908 Views: 3Total views on this site Citations: 6Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1976 The Comparative and International Education SocietyPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Brett L.M. Levy, Michaela T. Zint Toward fostering environmental political participation: framing an agenda for environmental education research, Environmental Education Research 19, no.55 (Sep 2012): 553–576.https://doi.org/10.1080/13504622.2012.717218Brett L.M. Levy An empirical exploration of factors related to adolescents’ political efficacy, Educational Psychology 33, no.33 (Apr 2013): 357–390.https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2013.772774Brett L. M. Levy Fostering Cautious Political Efficacy Through Civic Advocacy Projects: A Mixed Methods Case Study of an Innovative High School Class, Theory & Research in Social Education 39, no.22 (Apr 2011): 238–277.https://doi.org/10.1080/00933104.2011.10473454MARY ANN PAYNTER, JACQUELINE WATTS ALLEN POLTICAL EFFICACY AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF FAMILY-ORIENTED PROFESSIONALS, Journal of Consumer Studies and Home Economics 6, no.44 (Dec 1982): 329–336.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-6431.1982.tb00610.xRichard M. Merelman Democratic Politics and the Culture of American Education, American Political Science Review 74, no.22 (Aug 2014): 319–332.https://doi.org/10.2307/1960628Michael Eric Siegel Citizenship Education in Five Massachusetts High Schools, Theory & Research in Social Education 5, no.22 (Aug 1977): 31–55.https://doi.org/10.1080/00933104.1977.10506005

The Development of Feelings of Political Efficacy in a Sample of Young Mexican Children

The Development of Feelings of Political Efficacy in a Sample of Young Mexican Children

Community Participation as Pedagogy: Its Effects on Political Attitudes of Black Students

The traditional literature on participatory democracy and more recent studies of regime support and system maintenance suggest the need for citizens to perceive that they can have influence on the political system (efficacy), that the system is fair in its response to citizen input (cynicism), and that citizen input is possible and obligatory (citizen duty).1 The documentation of low efficacy, high cynicism, and low levels of citizen participation among Americans and the indications of the limited effects of social studies curricula2 (the official channel of political socialization) on increasing participation and efficacy and decreasing cynicism among adolescents has stimulated concern for and interest in improving formal political education as a means of bringing the participatory democratic ideal and the reality of political life closer together. Political socialization research has repeatedly documented the fact that black youth tend to have lower feelings of political efficacy and political trust than do white youth. Specific case studies have shown that black students are less efficacious than whites,

Political Socialization Research: The "Primacy" Principle

This paper discusses the trend in feelings of political efficacy among United States adults from 1964 to 1970 in the context of theories of political socialization. This literature has characteristically treated regime norms as established early in political socialization and largely independent of subsequent political events, a conception challenged herein. A second theoretical issue concerns the claim that stable democracies require large and constant reservoirs of diffuse which enable them to weather periodic crises of effectiveness. The implication (drawn by the theorists themselves) is that components of diffuse support (including but not limited to political efficacy) are largely independent of disappointments with day-to-day political outputs, and this too is rendered unlikely by our results.

Social Participation and Voting Turnout: A Multivariate Analysis

As an explanation of voting turnout, the theory argues that involvement by individuals in nonpolitical organizations such as voluntary associations community affairs, and churches will in turn mobilize them to become politically active. Survey data from Indianapolis show marked correlations between all the above forms of and voting turnout in three recent elections. The partial correlations for each of these measures, controlling the others, remain significant, indicating that each form of has independent effects on voting. This is not true with informal interaction among friends and neighbors, however. Evidence for inferring a causal linkage from to voting turnout is found in the fact that most respondents belonged to voluntary associations prior to these elections. Finally, the relationship between and voting remains moderately strong after the compounding variables of age, education, political contacts through the mass media and political parties, and political orientations such as political interest and party identification are all held constant. The mean multiple R with all predictor variables is .58. POLITICAL democracy assumes that citizens will exercise their franchise on election day. Yet millions in the United States regularly fail to vote. Presidential elections typically attract only about 60 percent of the voting-age population (the estimated figure for the 1968 Presidential election was 62 percent); off-year Congressional elections generally draw less than 50 percent (the estimated figure for 1966 was 46 percent); and separate state and local elections usually have even lower turnouts. Why so many people fail to vote is a critical problem for democratic political theory and for understanding political behavior. A host of empirical studies, beginning with Merriam and Gosnell's (1924) examination of the 1923 Chicago mayoral election, have investigated relationships between voting turnout and various and political variables, to discover what kinds of people fail to vote. This research has established that voting turnout in the United States is commonly related to such factors as sex, age, race, marital status, religious preference, education, occupational status, income, membership and in voluntary associations, exposure to the mass media, political involvement of one's parents, contacts by political parties, political discussions with friends, interest in politics, strength of party preference, and feelings of political efficacy.' In recent years such writers as Lane (1959), Lipset (1954, 1960), and IMiilbrath (1965) have offered numerous theoretical explanations of the relationships between these factors and voting turnout, but none of them have subsequently been adequately tested. This paper focuses on just one of these competing theoretical explanations, which I term the social participation theory, but subjects it to rigorous empirical analysis. This analysis proceeds in three stages: (a) determining relationships between voting turnout and various measures of participtaion, both separately and in combination; (b) exploring the theory's relevance as a causal argument; and (c)

Effects of a Legislative Simulation Game On the Political Attitudes of Junior High School Students

Two studies were conducted to investigate the effects of the peatocracx game on the political attitudes of junior high school students. The game produced marked increases in the students' acceptance of the practice of log-rolling by.00ngressmen. In one of the studies it also increased the students' feelings of political efficacy. ( The game did not increase the students' interest in politics and the legislative process.

Intelligence and Sense of Political Efficacy in Children

Previous articleNext article No AccessIntelligence and Sense of Political Efficacy in ChildrenElliott S. WhiteElliott S. White Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 30, Number 3Aug., 1968 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2128802 Views: 11Total views on this site Citations: 20Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1968 Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Ming-Lun Chung, Ken Ka-wo Fung, Eric MP Chiu, Chao-Lung Liu Toward a Rational Civil Society: Deliberative Thinking, Civic Participation, and Self-Efficacy among Taiwanese Young Adults, Political Studies Review 12 (Jul 2021): 147892992110244.https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299211024440Lene Aarøe, Vivek Appadurai, Kasper M. Hansen, Andrew J. Schork, Thomas Werge, Ole Mors, Anders D. Børglum, David M. Hougaard, Merete Nordentoft, Preben B. Mortensen, Wesley Kurt Thompson, Alfonso Buil, Esben Agerbo, Michael Bang Petersen Genetic predictors of educational attainment and intelligence test performance predict voter turnout, Nature Human Behaviour 5, no.22 (Nov 2020): 281–291.https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-020-00952-2JOHN B. HOLBEIN Childhood Skill Development and Adult Political Participation, American Political Science Review 111, no.0303 (Jun 2017): 572–583.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055417000119Daniel Laurison Social Class and Political Engagement in the United States, Sociology Compass 10, no.88 (Aug 2016): 684–697.https://doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12390Daniel Laurison The Willingness to State an Opinion: Inequality, Don't Know Responses, and Political Participation, Sociological Forum 30, no.44 (Sep 2015): 925–948.https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.12202Katharine E. Scott, James A. Graham Service-Learning, Journal of Experiential Education 38, no.44 (Dec 2015): 354–372.https://doi.org/10.1177/1053825915592889 Bibliographie, (Mar 2014): 213–231.https://doi.org/10.3917/dbu.djean.2014.01.0213Brett L.M. Levy, Michaela T. Zint Toward fostering environmental political participation: framing an agenda for environmental education research, Environmental Education Research 19, no.55 (Sep 2012): 553–576.https://doi.org/10.1080/13504622.2012.717218Lee H. Ehman The American School in the Political Socialization Process, Review of Educational Research 50, no.11 (Jun 2016): 99–119.https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543050001099Devon J. Metzger, Robert D. Barr The Impact of School Political Systems on Student Political Attitudes, Theory & Research in Social Education 6, no.22 (Jun 1978): 48–79.https://doi.org/10.1080/00933104.1978.10506029Jong Oh Ra, Robert M. Bourdeaux Intelligence, Creativity, and Political Socialization: A Theoretical Model, Youth & Society 9, no.11 (Aug 2016): 3–28.https://doi.org/10.1177/0044118X7700900105Michael C. Stentz, H. David Lambert An Empirical Reformulation of Political Efficacy, Theory & Research in Social Education 5, no.11 (Apr 1977): 61–85.https://doi.org/10.1080/00933104.1977.10505998Marsha Brauen, Kathryn Newcomer Harmon Political Socialization, Youth & Society 8, no.33 (Mar 1977): 299–320.https://doi.org/10.1177/0044118X7700800304David Nachmias A Temporal Sequence of Adolescent Political Participation: Some Israeli Data, British Journal of Political Science 7, no.11 (Jan 2009): 71–83.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400003975 Yoshimitsu Takei , and Michael Kleiman Participation and Feelings of Political Efficacy: An Examination of the Transference Model, Comparative Education Review 20, no.33 (Oct 2015): 381–399.https://doi.org/10.1086/445908Brij B. Khare Political Awareness and Learning Environments, Teaching Political Science 2, no.33 (Apr 1975): 321–337.https://doi.org/10.1080/00922013.1975.10740055Richard G. Remy, James A. Nathan The future of political systems, Futures 6, no.66 (Dec 1974): 463–476.https://doi.org/10.1016/0016-3287(74)90030-5 Elliott White Genetic Diversity and Political Life: Toward a Populational-Interaction Paradigm, The Journal of Politics 34, no.44 (Oct 2015): 1203–1242.https://doi.org/10.2307/2128933Richard M. Merelman The Development of Policy Thinking in Adolescence, American Political Science Review 65, no.44 (Aug 2014): 1033–1047.https://doi.org/10.2307/1953496John B. Simeone Catalogue of Documents, (Jan 1968): 1–233.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-5280-6_1

Political Cynicism: Measurement and Meaning

Political Cynicism: Measurement and Meaning