Federal Executive Branch Research Articles

The True Genius of America at Risk: Are We Losing Our Public Universities to de Facto Privatization? (review)

Reviewed by: The True Genius of America at Risk: Are We Losing Our Public Universities to de Facto Privatization? D. Bruce Johnstone The True Genius of America at Risk: Are We Losing Our Public Universities to de Facto Privatization?, by Katharine C. Lyall and Kathleen R. Sell. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2006. ISBN 0275989496. The True Genius of America at Risk is a richly documented portrayal of the declining tax support for America's public universities. Much of this portrayal is from firsthand experience in Wisconsin, where Katharine Lyall served as system chancellor from 1991 through 2004 and Kathleen Sell as the system's chief budget officer from 1987 through 2002. In these capacities, they struggled with what they describe as "jerk and fit" state budgeting, which, as in most states, was a debilitating combination of budget cuts frequently combined with a general ignorance of, and great impatience with, the complexity of managing a very complicated system with appropriately multiple and difficult-to-measure products. The resulting fiscal austerity was (and still is) often made worse by dysfunctional bureaucratic intrusion and a stew of political agendas dominated by conservative and neoliberal attacks on public institutions, public employees (especially faculty), and public taxation. The book's subtitle suggests that we are losing our public universities to de facto privatization. That term, however, connotes a variety of quite different policies, both de facto and deliberate, that may include heightened competition for costly scholarly prestige, a legislative or even constitutional shift from the total state control associated with a state agency to a model of state steering associated with a public corporation, a more aggressive quest for philanthropic support, a shift of more instructional costs to parents and students, and/or a contracting out of nonacademic functions such as dormitories, food services, bookstores, and sometimes operations like maintenance and printing. While there are some who may lament most or all of these trends, most higher educational leaders and thoughtful observers (Lyall and Sell certainly included) would acknowledge that these shifts in themselves are neither new nor wrong nor likely to be avoidable. The real problem, I would submit, lies less with these examples of what Lyall and Sell label a de facto privatization and more with the widespread and peculiarly American political fear of taxation, coupled with a conviction (as with the fear of taxation, found among Democrats and Republicans alike) that public universities are wasteful and badly managed because . . . well, everyone just knows they are. The strength of Lyall and Sell's book is the rich and quite up-to-date documentation of the financial austerity that has befallen most public universities. A minor flaw is that the authors sometimes are citing figures on the worsening [End Page 712] financial situation of, and diminishing public tax support for, the entire public higher educational sector and at other times are referring to the fiscal austerity peculiar to the elite or flagship public research extensive universities (especially relative to their private elite research university brethren). But their portrayal of the last 15 or 20 years as a "perfect storm" of fiscal uncertainty and austerity for public higher education, especially for the public elite research university, is well drawn. The authors point out the unfortunate consequences of higher educational and fiscal federalism, especially as this feature of the American political landscape affects the public research university, whose "products"—be they the discoveries of applied and basic research or the education and training of undergraduates, graduates, or advanced professionals—are clearly national and international. As such, a funding base of mainly state budgets—particularly when most states are constrained in their abilities to deficit finance—is clearly going to be inadequate. The squeeze is exacerbated by the ability of the federal government to impose so-called unfunded mandates not just upon states but also upon enterprises like public universities. Congress and the federal executive branch worsen the situation when politicians at the national level (with no constitutional authority over the nation's public colleges and universities) fan the flames of tuition anxiety as well as the public's belief that their universities cannot be well managed, regardless of the many steps these institutions have taken over many...

The Limits of Control: The Market State, Divided Power, and the Response to 9/11

ABSTRACT The 9/11 attacks demanded a response from the U.S. government, but designing and executing that response was not easily done. The United States is an advanced market society in which power is highly dispersed. Federal policymakers were confronted with challenges that we now regard as typical of the network form of governance. Their ability to act decisively was constrained by public law, by the political influence and superior knowledge of private industry, and by widespread skepticism about the legitimacy of federal authority. While many commentators worried about the excessive concentration of power in the federal executive branch after 9/11, it might be more accurate to say that the post-9/11 period was typified by a prolonged, and often unsuccessful, effort to induce cooperation and coordination by a range of public and private actors.

The rise and fall of the Institute for Government Public Information Research, 1978–1981

This historical case study recounts the short life of the Institute for Government Public Information Research at American University in Washington, DC. It was established in 1978 and was largely defunct by 1981. The significance of this brief event is that it helps illuminate the status of the subject of the Institute's attentions, namely the practice and study of government public relations. The somewhat shaky status of public information officers in the federal executive branch partly explains the fate of the Institute. It could not thrive in a field that itself was not thriving. The case study serves as an historical documentation of this (failed) effort to elevate the practice and study of public relations in the American national government in face of the second class status that Congress has relegated the profession to.

As You Like It: Senior Federal Judges and the Political Economy of Judicial Tenure

One interesting feature of the federal judiciary is that Article III judges enjoy lifetime tenure, a unique privilege not shared by members of the federal executive or legislative branches. In addition, judges who serve the requisite years can retire at full salary, guaranteed for life. Yet, the overwhelming majority of judges elect to remain on the bench for, effectively, their entire lives, first as active judges, then as senior judges. Despite the steady increase of both active and senior judges over the past century, little is known about the factors that motivate individuals to become and remain federal judges, even in the absence of financial incentives. Drawing from statistical data provided by the Federal Judicial Center and responses from a fall 2003 survey sent to all senior circuit and district federal court judges, this article describes how institutional and political developments, as well as the onset of aging, influence the capacity in which judges preside on, but not their commitment to, the federal bench. These findings provide insight into the political economy of the federal judiciary, as well as how individuals generally contribute to their respective professions as they grow older.

In the Critical Zone: Geography at the U.S. Geological Survey

Geography is again becoming an integral part of the premier natural-science agency of the federal government. Geographic research emphasizes the surface of the earth, a portion of the earth system that the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) defines as the “critical zone.” Although geography was part of the USGS from the creation of the agency, in recent years geography in the agency has largely been limited to topographic mapping. Recently, the USGS and an advisory committee of the National Research Council (NRC) reviewed the role of geography at the Survey. The committee's report, along with ongoing decision-making in the federal government, is likely to reshape geography in the USGS. The newly defined USGS has a regional structure and four disciplines: geology, hydrology, biology, and geography. The NRC report emphasizes the need for the creation of a spatial database called the National Map to replace the existing series of paper topographic maps. The report also outlines the need for geographic research in geographic information science (GIScience), nature-society connections, and bridging of science to decision-making. The NRC report has been briefed throughout the USGS, in the federal executive branch, and in Congress. The changing role for geography in the USGS requires change in the agency culture, revised budgetary decisions, and the establishment of a long-term core agenda for research. Academic geographers will need to prepare a new generation of geographers for participation in the USGS and similar agencies.

HHS/CDC legal response to SARS outbreak.

Before the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) legal authority to apprehend, detain, or conditionally release persons was limited to seven listed diseases, not including SARS, and could only be changed using a two-step process: 1) executive order of the President of the United States on recommendation by the Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), and 2) amendment to CDC quarantine regulations (42 CFR Parts 70 and 71). In April 2003, in response to the SARS outbreak, the federal executive branch acted rapidly to add SARS to the list of quarantinable communicable diseases. At the same time, HHS amended the regulations to streamline the process of adding future emerging infectious diseases. Since the emergence of SARS, CDC has increased legal preparedness for future public health emergencies by establishing a multistate teleconference program for public health lawyers and a Web-based clearinghouse of legal documents.

Scandal proof: do ethics laws make government ethical?

This book explores the process that led to the current state of ethics regulation in the federal executive branch. It assesses whether efforts to scandal proof the federal government have been successful, what they have cost, and whether reforms should be considered. Informed by research of unprecedented scope and depth, Scandal Proof provides a balanced assessment of the character and impact of federal ethics regulatory efforts—in the process raising an important question: Is there a better way to ensure honest government in Washington?

Federalismo e relações intergovernamentais no Brasil: a reforma de programas sociais

The article analyses the process of reform in four areas of social policies that affect directly the interests of sub-national governments: basic education, social housing programs, basic sanitation and health. As the study reveals, despite the varying degree of success achieved in the various policy initiatives and contrary to the expectations of the prevailing interpretations of the nature of Brazilian the federal government faced no insurmountable hurdles in implementing their reform agenda. The study aims at demonstrating that (i) in the absence of any constitutional mandatory requirement, the political autonomy of local governments - typical of federative States - actually enhances the veto power of local governments over policy initiatives proposed by the federal Executive branch. However, (ii) power resources available to the federal Executive branch - such as agenda definition and vetoing powers - in addition to control over resources that are essential to the political survival of the representatives increase the chances of success of the federal government. Furthermore, (1999), (iii) the constitutional authority of Brazilian states is far more limited than that of the North-American states; (iv) the category federalism, however, is not sufficient to define the potential stability of specific policies, which depends upon how inter-governmental relations are structured in each particular policy. Specifically, (v) constitutional rules, legacies from previous policies and the political cycle frame the decision arenas in various ways, thus conditioning both the strategies and chances of success of the federative players.

FEDERAL LAND EXCHANGES: 1960–1999

This research estimates the influence of various economic, legal, and political factors on the occurrence of federal land exchanges over time. Economic growth is found to significantly increase the number of land exchanges. The passage of laws related to exchanges and the political affiliation of the president also influence the number of exchanges. Finally, appropriations for land acquisition are inversely related to the number of federal land exchanges.

Comparing the Roles of Political Appointees and Career Executives in the U.S. Federal Executive Branch

This study uses Anthony Downs’s well-known typology of bureaucratic roles (climbers, conservers, advocates, zealots, and statesmen) as a theoretical template to examine the roles of political appointees and career executives serving in Washington, D.C. during the Reagan administration. Officials were asked to rank various personal goals in a 1987 survey. Political appointees were more likely to endorse climber (career advancement) and zealot (policy promotion) goals. Career executives were more likely to endorse advocate (support for the organization) responses. Notably, both political and career officials ranked zealot and statesman goals highly, suggesting that each group gains significant psychic income from supporting policies they believe in and from serving their country. Furthermore, each group was relatively unlikely to endorse conserver options, suggesting that those who reach the highest rungs of the civil service, whether political or career, are not motivated by job security or a limited workload.

A Historical guide to the U.S. government

Beginning with George Washington's 1816 presidential staff of three, the executive branch of the U.S. federal government has undergone a tremendous transformation. Today it is the largest institution in the world, employing over 3.1 million people, with an annual budget of over $1.5 trillion. A Historical Guide to the U.S. Government chronicles its growth from its modest beginnings to its present state. Focusing on the federal executive branch and its constituent departments, agencies, commissions, and committees, the guide offers 180 historical accounts for each of these organizational entities. It addresses Congress and the Judiciary where they interact with the executive branch-for example, reviewing congressional oversight functions, examining the control wielded by the Supreme Court on government structure, and profiling the agencies under the administrative control of Congress. It examines the social, cultural, and intellectual movements that have influenced the way America is governed, and looks closely at American bureaucracy-what it is, how it is controlled, and how new technologies have influenced it. The guide is accessibly written for a broad audience and arranged in convenient A to Z format.

India Defies the Odds: Why Democracy Survives

India Defies the OddsWhy Democracy Survives Ashutosh Varshney (bio) India has long baffled theorists of democracy. Democratic theory holds that poverty, widespread illiteracy, and a deeply hierarchical social structure are inhospitable conditions for the functioning of democracy. 1 Yet except for 18 months in 1975–77, India has maintained its democratic institutions ever since it became independent of Britain in 1947. Over those five decades, there have been 12 parliamentary elections and many more state assembly elections. Peaceful transfers of power between rival political parties have occurred seven times at the central (i.e., federal) level. Since 1967, the party that ruled in New Delhi has not ruled in nearly half of the states. Since 1977, moreover, incumbent governments have been repeatedly defeated in elections. The press has remained vigorous, free, and unafraid to challenge the government, as even a cursory sampling of morning newspapers will show. The judiciary, despite periodic pressure from the federal executive branch, maintains institutional autonomy. Election turnout keeps rising, exceeding the levels typical in several advanced Western democracies. Having started at 45.7 percent in the first general elections (held in 1952), turnout now often rises above 60 percent. Predictions of an imminent collapse of India’s democracy have continued since the 1960s. When Prime Minister Indira Gandhi suspended democracy in June 1975 and declared a state of emergency, it seemed that India was finally starting down the path that most of the world’s poorer democracies had already traveled. Yet democracy returned 18 months later, and emergency rule proved to be a conjunctural aberration rather than an emerging structural trend. To be sure, danger signs remain. When unpopular ruling parties are thrown out, hope that the new incumbents will govern wisely and well [End Page 36] too often gives way quickly to anguish, marked by troubling questions. How long can democracy survive if public trust in India’s political leaders continues to decline? How long will short-term benefits—rather than long-term insight—determine the behavior of politicians? Scholars speak of India’s democracy as ungovernable, and clearly its health is not what it was in the 1950s and 1960s. 2 But one should not expect a textbook model to work if there has been a serious rise in political participation and a near-breakdown of the caste hierarchy that long acted as the glue of the social order. Indeed, rising participation by once-marginal groups such as the “lower” castes is, if anything, a sign of how much the democratic process has succeeded. Rising political participation, its desirability on grounds of political inclusion notwithstanding, nearly always comes at the cost of disorder. 3 Therefore, the yardsticks for judging India’s democratic health today should not be derived from the glory days of the 1950s. “Lower” castes, tribes, minorities, women, and citizens’ groups are all exercising their democratic rights to a degree that was unheard of in the 1950s and 1960s. That India still practices democracy is in and of itself unique, and theoretically counterintuitive. The closest parallel cases among developing countries in terms of democratic longevity seem to be those of Venezuela since 1958 and of Costa Rica since 1948. Both, however, are many times richer than India, and therefore less anomalous in the view of democratic theory. Given all this, it is hardly surprising that no less an authority than Robert A. Dahl cites as a leading contemporary exception to democratic theory “India, where polyarchy was established when the population was overwhelmingly agricultural, illiterate, occupationally much less specialized than in a [developed] country, and highly traditional and rule-bound in behavior and beliefs.” 4 Larry Diamond, Juan Linz, and Seymour Martin Lipset come to the same conclusion in their multivolume survey of Third World democracies. 5 Finally, the historical novelty of Indian democracy was noted by Barrington Moore: Economically [India] remains in the pre-industrial age. . . . But as a political species, it does belong to the modern world. At the time of Nehru’s death in 1964, political democracy had existed for seventeen years. If imperfect, the democracy was no mere sham. . . . Political democracy may seem strange both in an Asian setting and one without an industrial revolution. 6 Why...

Presidential Use of Executive Orders, 1953-1994

The frequency with which presidents issue executive orders is an important area of inquiry for students of executive politics, because this instrument can shape policy in a quick, direct manner that is outside the purview of the legislative arena. We construct a probabilistic-based empirical model that is used to explain variation in the number of presidential executive orders issued during the 1953-1994 annual period. Using event count regression techniques, these results indicate that the use of executive orders by presidents is significantly related to the legislative success they enjoy, the partisan composition of Congress, macroeconomic conditions, and the rate of growth in federal executive branch employment. The main implication of the study is that a president's willingness to issue executive orders is significantly related to a combination of legislative, public prestige, and managerial/institutional considerations. Thus, presidential use of executive orders is conditioned on different types of causal factors, and not solely attributable to the "institutionalized presidency" or legislative relations with Congress, as suggested in previous research on the topic.

Symposium: the national performance review and public administration

The Symposium on the National Performance Review (NPR) and Public Administration, contained in this issue of the International Journal of Public Administration, offers some insights from prominent scholars in the field. They have presented their research and assessments of a subject with enduring importance: government reform. They have critically appraised the progress of the latest effort toward such change, but they are generally pessimistic about the prospects for improving the effectiveness and economy of the federal government. However, they have not sought to evaluate the work of the NPR as a matter of what they think ought to have been examined. Instead, they explore whether it is accomplishing what it set out to do. They do not contend, as did management luminary Peter F. Drucker recently, that this commission should have explored a far different topic—namely, possible normative purposes of government at federal, state, and local levels and potential relationships with non-government sectors (non...

Financial and political resources of nine major public sector unions in the 1980s

Current research offers two potentially competing perspectives on union strength: membership and financial/political resources. We update and broaden the research on the financial and political resources of nine major public sector unions in the U.S. by reporting these unions’ financial assets, net worth, revenues, and political action committee (PAC) receipts during the 1980s and the early 1990s. We find that unions may expand their financial and political resources even though membership levels stagnate or decline. Overall, the unions have amassed larger asset bases, even though some have actually lost members. On a per member basis, federal executive branch unions do not appear as financially weak as the level of their financial resources suggests. Postal unions as a group are clearly the strongest in terms of per member financial and political resources. Federal executive branch unions have experienced a striking reduction in their PAC activity, while the postal and the state and local union PACs have grown substantially. Our analysis indicates that union membership may not adequately measure union strength.

Hawaii: A Leader, Not A Model

Hawaii: A Leader, Not A Model

Election results directory: a complete listing of state and federal legislative and executive branch officials

Election results directory: a complete listing of state and federal legislative and executive branch officials

La réforme administrative graduelle en Russie

The Gradual Reform of Russian Administration. Since december 12th 1993, Russia has a new Constitution, making of the Russian Federation ‘a democratic State applying the rule of Law, with a republican form of government’. The Constitution maintains a dual federal executive branch, which consists of the President — elected by universal suffrage — and a Government both responsible to the President and to the State Duma — the House of federal Parliament representing the nation as a whole. The President has undertaken a gradual administrative reform which deals with central government departments, the representative organs of local government, and the civil service.

Rural America. Unique opportunities for health care delivery and health services research.

A general deterioration is occurring in the quality of life of rural Americans, and it is affecting the quality of health and mental health service delivery. About 24% of the U.S. population lives in nonmetropolitan areas where the citizens are older, less well educated, have lower incomes, and are more homogeneous in terms of race and ethnicity. Medicare and private insurance discriminate against rural services in their reimbursement policies, and there is a shortage of health personnel in rural areas. However, there has been renewed congressional action to meet rural needs. Both the House and Senate have established rural caucuses, and an Office of Rural Health Policy has been established in the federal executive branch. Legislative successes were achieved between 1985 and 1988. Rural initiatives will provide psychology with unique opportunities in the next several years.

Problems in Regulating Federal Executive Branch Publicity and Advertising Programs

This article deals with the problems of regulating executive branch advertising and publicity programs. Over the years, these programs have been the object of several laws intended to restrict their growth. However, the volume of these activities, along with specific examples of agency circumvention of limitations, shows that the general legal restrictions have not been effective. The Reagan Administration has developed a model control system to deal with executive branch publicity activities. It, too, is found wanting by the authors. They suggest that a number of persistent unresolved problems will have to be addressed in developing laws and regulations in this area.