Federal Census Research Articles

Субэтнические группы алтайцев: противоречия и символы коллективной идентичности

В представленной статье рассматриваются современные этнические процессы, протекающие в среде алтайского этноса и его субэтнических групп. Дается краткий обзор содержания наиболее фундаментальных концепций классификации внутриэтнической структуры алтайцев в отечественной науке. Отмечается, что проблема этнической классификации коренного населения Алтая стала разрабатываться в этнографической науке с XIX в., но до настоящего времени остается дискуссионной.Актуализация проблемы внутриэтнической структуры алтайцев в постсоветский период связана с наделением его субэтнических групп статусом коренных малочисленных народов. Факт обретения правового статуса позволяет думать, что произошло конституирование новых этносов. Однако концепция распада алтайского этноса неплодотворна для целостного осмысления его современного развития, поскольку внутри этноса наблюдаются и объединительные этнические процессы.Путем анализа материалов двух всероссийских переписей населения (2002 и 2010 гг.) и этносоциологических исследований, проведенных в Республике Алтай с 2004 по 2016 гг. автор раскрывает современную этническую идентичность алтайских субэтносов и важнейшие символы коллективной идентичности алтайцев: историческая территория, язык, культура, общие корни, общая историческая судьба.Обосновывается мнение, что современные этнические процессы (как разделительные, так и объединительные) в среде алтайского этноса являются частью процесса самоопределения алтайских субэтносов. Указывается, что самоопределение алтайских субэтнических групп происходило в двух параллельных плоскостях: политической и этнической. В то же время политическое и этническое самоопределение алтайских субэтносов не были тождественны друг другу. Именно поэтому в настоящее время многие представители алтайских субэтнических групп, обладая политической идентичностью коренного малочисленного народа, продолжают считать себя частью как своей этнической группы, так и алтайского этноса в целом.

Psychological Distress and Acceptance of Violence Legitimizing Masculinity Norms among Adolescents

The proportion of adolescent migrants in Germany aged 15-20 years has risen to about 29.5% in 2014 according to Federal census statistics. The purpose of the current study was to describe and to compare the psychological strains of adolescent 1st and 2nd generation migrants with non-migrants in a representative school survey. Acceptance of violence legitimizing masculinity norms was explored and its correlation with psychological strain was analyzed. Self-reported data of psychological strain (internalizing and externalizing problems) and acceptance of violence legitimizing masculinity were gathered among 8 518 pupils aged 12-19 years across different school types. Among the surveyed adolescents, 27.6% reported a migration background (5.8% 1st generation migrants; 21.8% 2nd generation migrants). Particularly 1st generation migrants scored higher in internalizing and externalizing problems than 2nd generation migrants or non-migrants. The differences, however, were small. Adolescents with migration background suffered from educational disadvantage, especially 1st generation migrants. Male adolescents reported significantly higher acceptance of violence legitimizing masculinity norms than their female counterparts. Strong agreement with the measured concept of masculinity was found among pupils of lower secondary school and adolescents reported regularly tobacco and cannabis consumption. The acceptance of violence legitimizing masculinity norms was greater among migrants, particularly 1st generation migrants, than non-migrants. Overall, high acceptance of violence legitimizing masculinity norms was related to externalizing problems, which can be understood as dysfunctional coping mechanisms of social disadvantage and a lack of prospects.

Standing Firmly by the Flag: Nebraska Territory and the Civil War, 1861–1867 by James E. Potter

Reviewed by: Standing Firmly by the Flag: Nebraska Territory and the Civil War, 1861–1867 by James E. Potter Ronald C. Naugle and John J. Montag James E. Potter, Standing Firmly by the Flag: Nebraska Territory and the Civil War, 1861–1867. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2012. 375pp. $29.95. The adage that war is long periods of boredom punctuated by moments of sheer terror is borne out by the experience of the First Nebraska regiment of volunteers from 1861 to 1866 as related by James E. Potter in Standing Firmly by the Flag: Nebraska Territory and the Civil War, 1861–1867. In researching the story of the regiment and the 1,300 or so men who served in it, Potter realized the importance of the larger and more complex story of Nebraska Territory itself in the half dozen years before statehood in 1867 and that realization led to the structure of the book. Drawing primarily on the official records, newspaper accounts, letters, diaries, memoirs, and public papers he interweaves political and military events chronologically in an introduction, six chapters (each titled for individual years of the war), and an epilogue that chronicles the war and the events that followed. He seeks to overcome the limitations of earlier works–the uneven coverage of the military in general histories of the territory and the lack of broader context in specialized studies of military or economic activities such as freighting. In doing so Potters argues against “the notion that statehood in 1867 is really the genesis event from which Nebraska history has unfolded” (xvi–xvii). Kansas and Nebraska territories were created as part of the same congressional act in 1854, but the two territories were vastly different. Kansas remained close to its present size but Nebraska by comparison was initially geographically huge, being five times its present size. It incorporated everything between the Missouri River and the Rocky Mountains from Kansas to [End Page 101] the Canadian border and incorporated by what would become those parts of North and South Dakota lying west of the Missouri River, large sections of what would become Idaho, Montana and Wyoming and the northeastern portion of Colorado. Most of those areas had been carved away by 1861. The Kansas-Nebraska Act repealed the Missouri Compromise of 1820 which had disallowed slavery in those areas west of Missouri and north of Missouri’s southern border in the Louisiana Purchase and replaced it with “popular sovereignty” allowing the people to decide the fate of slavery at the time the territory became a state. It meant technically slavery could exist in both Kansas and Nebraska territories until statehood. The two territories had different experiences with slavery. Kansas was besieged by political turmoil over the issue of slavery and the division between pro-slavery Missourians and Free Soilers fighting for control of the territory briefly led to the creation of two capitals, one anti-slavery at Lawrence and the other pro-slavery at Lecompton. The story was very different in Nebraska, at least in the territorial days. Few expected Nebraska to embrace slavery but some new residents brought slaves with them into Nebraska. The federal census in 1860 listed only fifteen slaves in Nebraska. Instead Nebraska’s divisive issue was the location of the territorial capital which dominated the political scene all the way into statehood. Indians made up most of Nebraska’s population in 1860, with white settlement concentrated near the Missouri River and a scattering of “soldiers, miners, and trail side entrepreneurs” to the west. Three quarters of the territories 28,841 non-Indian population were native-born, about 80% coming from the free states. Most of the immigrants came from German provinces, England or Ireland. With so much diversity it comes as no surprise that whatever might be inferred initially from the title, Standing Firmly by the Flag, the reader soon learns that Nebraskans in the Civil War era differed widely in their political views, ranging from secessionists or “secesh” as they were commonly called, to Unionists and from pro- to anti-emancipation. In just one example Potter relates the story of Robert D. Thompson, twenty-three-year-old son of First Nebraska company commander J...

A Few Mesmeric Revelations

A Few Mesmeric Revelations

Housework Now TakesMuchLess Time: 85 Years of US Rural Women's Time Use

Based on her analysis of published tables from US homemakers’ 1924–32 week-long time use diaries collected by the US Department of Agriculture, Vanek (1974) concluded that housework time had not declined over the previous half-century―despite the diffusion of many “time-saving” home technologies. Although frequently challenged, this claim still survives in parts of the sociological literature; we use newly available evidence to refute it. Analysis of the original USDA diaries (many of which have now been recovered from the US National Archives), alongside more recent diary microdata from the American Heritage Time Use Study, reveals a pair of clear and contrary trends: a continuing decline in women’s core housework (cooking and cleaning), partially offset by an increase of time in childcare and shopping. Names and addresses attached to the original diaries allow the identification of more than 93 percent of the USDA diarists in one or both of the 1920 and 1930 US Federal Censuses. Analysis (Oaxaca decomposition) of the household- and individual-level information from this source shows that most of the historical time shifts result not from changes in family demography or women’s growing attachment to paid work over this period but from “behavioral” change, reflecting in part the spread of labor-saving domestic technology.

“Gone to work to America”: Irish step-migration through south Wales in the 1860s and 1870s

Why did the Irish-born population of Wales decline so sharply in the decade 1861–1870? This paper argues that during the 1850s and 1860s, large numbers of Irish men and women travelled to south Wales in order to finance emigration to the USA. Using the US Federal Census, this paper shows how Irish step-migration through Wales led principally to the Pennsylvania coalfields. This type of migration is termed the Knight’s-move: a sideways move from agriculture into heavy industry, in order to advance forward across the Atlantic. The Knight’s-move challenges previous assumptions about immigration into the south Wales coalfield during the nineteenth century.

Surveying Nepal's Third Gender

Abstract This article discusses research undertaken in the wake of Nepal's 2011 federal census, the world's first to include a gender category in addition to male and female. It presents the methodology and initial findings of a new survey of 1,178 sexual and gender minorities in Nepal conducted to determine inclusive and locally relevant methodologies for demographic information gathering. Nepal has legally recognized a third gender since 2007 and in 2011 added that category to the census. However, due to confusion and discrimination among census enumerators and a data entry system that only allowed for two genders, those who identified as third gender were not accurately measured. Beyond those limitations, the term third gender is contested, and by itself it may not fully represent the many sexual and gender minorities in Nepal, including people who are gender nonconforming. This article discusses the development of new survey data measuring the identity, behavioral, and attraction dimensions of gender and sexuality across different terms that are in use in Nepal. Initial findings show that seven distinct groups of respondents can be described, and this article discusses how to expand the concepts and considerations for inclusive data collection in Nepal.

New Legislature Article for the New York Constitution

A revised article III (Legislature) of the New York Constitution is offered. Present article III has 26 sections, and about 3,909 words. In revised article III, there would be 19 sections, and 1,864 words. Reduction: about 53%. Seven sections of present article III would be swept away. The remaining sections would be bettered. Two of the swept-away sections illustrate constitutional verbosity. Present section 4, the unofficial catchline of which is “Readjustments and reapportionments; when federal census to control,” has 860 words. Present section 5, the unofficial catchline of which is “Apportionment of assemblymen; creation of assembly districts,” has 859 words. There would be a unicameral legislature: the New York Assembly. Members of the New York Assembly would be elected from counties. The number of members (124) would be twice the number of counties (62). To give effect to the one man, one vote dekret of the United States Supreme Court, a member of the New York Assembly would have a weighted vote, based on the number of citizens who are domiciled in the county from which he was elected. With the counties as the geographic units of election, elaboration of assembly districts, and the related chicanery of tailoring assembly districts to partisan interests, would be obviated. New provisions of revised article III: Four-year, rather than two-year, terms of office. A limit on terms of office. Also, staggered terms, so that one-half of the seats in the New York Assembly would be subject to election every two years. Other essays about revision of the New York Constitution are: New Preamble and New Bill of Rights Article for the New York Constitution New Suffrage Article for the New York Constitution New Executive Article for the New York Constitution New Officers and Civil Departments Article for the New York Constitution New Judiciary Article for the New York Constitution New Local Governments Article for the New York Constitution Eight New Articles for the New York Constitution

Predictors of Autism Enrollment in Public School Systems

With a number of disparities present in the diagnosis and treatment of children with autism spectrum disorders, the education system plays a crucial role in the provision of both these service elements. Based on school and federal census data, this article examines one state’s public school autism enrollment and possible predictors of enrollment within each jurisdiction. The authors’ analyses found that actual prevalence is inconsistent with expectations across jurisdictions, with socioeconomic status indicators, race, geographic location, and racial diagnostic discrepancies in special education significantly predicting enrollment. This report exemplifies how secondary analysis of educational data can allow states to better allocate funding, begin to address issues pertaining to lags and unmet standards, and find model systems within their states.

La Nouvelle-Orléans: Croissance démographique, Intégrations urbaine et sociale (1803-1860), by Marjorie Bourdelais

La Nouvelle-Orleans: Croissance demographique, Integrations urbaine et sociale (1803-1860), by Maijorie Bourdelais. Bern, Peter Lang Publishing, 2012. xxvi, 472 pp. $112.95 US (paper). The dissertation that Marjorie Bourdelais defended in 2007 at the EHESS in Paris, now published by Peter Lang press as the sixteenth volume in its series Population, Family, and Society, challenges the prevailing wisdom regarding how long it took for English to replace French as the dominant language in New Orleans. Taking exception with the notion that arrival en masse of Irish and German immigrants marginalized the Gallic community after 1840, she argues: Acquise par les Etats-Unis en 1803, la Nouvelle-Orleans presente la particularite de demeurer majoritairement francophone pendant un demi-siecle (p. 128), or until 1860 in her conclusion (p. 366). In support of this thesis, the author presents numerous tables and graphs based on an echantillon exhaustif ' of 72,203 heads of households enumerated in the six decennial federal censuses from 1810 to 1860. Although the conclusion refers to identification of the linguistic origin of the totalite des chefs de menages neo-orleanais (quel que soit leur sexe, age. origine, couleur de peau) (p. 363), she claims elsewhere to have found evidence in other records of the linguistic of three-fourths of them. Their classification as francophone, anglophone, germanophone, hispano-italophone, or other is based on the primary language in the country of origin for immigrants or, for the first generation born in Louisiana, of their parents. For a second database of 1,063 marriages of persons whose names began with the letter B in three sets of years (1806-10, 1836-40, and 1848-50), she rightly remarks that covering all years from 1803 to 1860 would have been hors de portee d'un travail individual (p. 132), leading one to wonder how she created the census database of linguistic for all heads of households with 70 times as many records. Despite description of her sample as a recherche patronymique, suggesting inference of language from surnames, use of birthplace is a much more robust method of determining linguistic origins for which she is to be commended. It is nonetheless subject to bias resulting from richer genealogical sources for Catholics than for non-Catholics in antebellum New Orleans. No attempt is made to measure the odds of finding information on birthplace for different nationalities, or of the relative frequency of last names starting with B (in the 1860 census sample cited below, for example, 15% of francophones, 8% of anglophones, 10% of germanophones). Comparison of Bourdelais's statistics for the city as a whole with IPUMS census samples is one way to test their credibility, allowing for margins of error of 7% in the 1850 and 5% in the 1860 extracts for New Orleans. Since the census reported birthplace in these years, the percentage of cases where linguistic cannot be determined should be lower than in preceding years; yet it is slightly higher (p. 375), another reason for concern about methodology. The percentage of household heads in each linguistic group should be greater by however many native Louisianians had parents of that group. 1850 1850 1860 1860 IPUMS BOURDELAIS IPUMS BOURDELAIS Francophones 21% 49% 14% 39% Angophones 40% 38% 39% 41% Germanophones 23% 11% 21% 17% Hispano-Italophones 3% 2% 5% 2% Others 3% 0 2% 0 Louisianians 11% 20% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% In 1850, even if all Louisianians were francophones, the latter were still only 32% of household heads in the IPUMS sample. …

Good Neighbors and White Mexicans: Constructing Race and Nation on the Mexico-U.S. Border

ON OCTOBER 5, 1936, the city registrar of El Paso, Texas, Alex K. Powell, announced that from that date onward, government officials would register Mexican Americans as “colored” in birth and death records, a radical departure from the previous racial categorization of “white.” The proclamation sparked impassioned official and popular political debate and mobilization in the United States and Mexico around the racial and legal status of Mexican migrants and their descendants. Working in the context of a detente in foreign relations, Mexican and U.S. officials scrambled to minimize the damage done by the El Paso announcement. Existing within histories of racialization that emerged from similar imperial and liberal origins, but ultimately diverged in the process of each nation’s formation, Mexicans on both sides of the border took offense at the reclassification. Both groups of ethnic Mexicans deemed the use of the term “colored” anathema to their attempts to situate themselves in positions of power and legitimacy. Framed by the decennial federal censuses of 1930 and 1940, the confrontation was part of larger legal debates at local and national levels around whiteness and the citizenship status of ethnic Mexicans in the United States. The El Paso incident and the responses it engendered underscored how issues of migration and historical constructions of race were intimately linked to the definition of the two nations. Whereas at the time of the El Paso incident the predominant U.S. model of white supremacy excluded and separated perceived non-white races, in Mexico, for the most part, elites worked to incorporate, albeit in a limited and paternalistic fashion, the country’s indigenous and other “non-white” populations into a national narrative of mestizaje, or a mixture of Spanish and Indian blood. Despite the different racial categories and hierarchical orders developed in each country (and the varying abilities of individuals to transcend those categories), both nations prioritized white supremacy. It was in this historical context of bi-national racial claims that ethnic Mexicans in

Executing Daniel Bright: Race, Loyalty, and Guerrilla Violence in a Coastal Carolina Community, 1861–1865 by Barton A. Myers (review)

Reviewed by: Executing Daniel Bright: Race, Loyalty, and Guerrilla Violence in a Coastal Carolina Community, 1861–1865 by Barton A. Myers Robert Tracy McKenzie (bio) Executing Daniel Bright: Race, Loyalty, and Guerrilla Violence in a Coastal Carolina Community, 1861–1865. By Barton A. Myers. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2009. Pp. 193. Cloth, $32.50; paper, $18.95.) According to Barton Myers, the germ of this book can be traced to the moment when, as an undergraduate engaged in library research at the University of North Carolina, the author stumbled across a brief newspaper account of the execution by Union soldiers of a suspected Confederate guerrilla in northeastern North Carolina. A few years later, by then a master’s degree candidate in graduate school, Myers resolved to revisit the episode with the goal of understanding the community from which the alleged insurgent came. The result is a brief, well-crafted monograph that offers tantalizing insight into the nature and consequences of guerrilla violence in a divided southern community. [End Page 418] As is often the case with academic works, the focus of the book is captured in its subtitle, not its title. Indeed, the reference to the execution of Daniel Bright is essentially a literary device. In truth, Myers could learn little about the alleged insurgent beyond the statistical testimony left by the federal census. Bright was approximately thirty at the time of his execution in December 1863. On the eve of the war, he had owned an estimated $4,500 worth of real and personal property, including one slave. Because Bright left no personal papers behind, not even a military service record, Myers can only conjecture why Bright enrolled in the Confederate service in 1861, why he may have returned home when his original twelve-month term was up, and why he may have later reenlisted and then, possibly, deserted to become, perhaps, a Confederate guerilla in his home community. Nor is much known about Bright’s trial and execution during a counterguerrilla raid led by Union general Augustus Wild. The note that Wild pinned to Bright’s corpse labeled the deceased a guerrilla, and although Confederate authorities disputed the allegation, Myers ultimately concludes that it was “very likely” that Wild was correct (97). The verdict is plausible, yet the evidence for even this basic detail is mostly indirect and circumstantial. Myers has done the best that he can with what he has to work with, but that, unfortunately, is not very much. Myers is much more successful at explaining the context—physical and cultural—in which the trial and execution took place. Executing Daniel Bright is primarily a careful analysis of Pasquotank County, North Carolina, and the economic, social, political, and racial milieu within which local guerrillas operated. The author stresses three themes. The first involves the continuing importance of antebellum political patterns. Although moribund nationally, the two-party system was still alive and well in Pasquotank, and the free population divided during the early stages of the secession crisis along partisan lines, its large Whig majority opposing the prosecession, Democratic minority. After Fort Sumter, all but perhaps 5 percent of the white population became Confederates, but erstwhile Whigs were always primarily loyal to North Carolina—rather than to the Confederacy per se—and the county as a whole never developed a robust Confederate nationalism. In contrast, whites were definitely unified in their fear of racial upheaval, the second theme that Myers identifies. Their anxiety was heightened by the sheer size of the local black population (slaves and free blacks slightly outnumbered whites) and by their proximity to the Great Dismal Swamp, an ideal haven for fugitives. Finally, Myers stresses that much of the county was a “no-man’s land” after the spring of 1862, the area perpetually subject to Union raids but effectively [End Page 419] controlled by neither army. In this vacuum of power, guerrillas often operated with impunity. Perhaps the greatest strength of the work is the author’s careful treatment of the impact and significance of General Wild’s raid on the county. By leading a brigade of United States Colored Troops into Pasquotank, including some former local slaves, the raid embodied...

In the Shadow of the Gallows: Race, Crime, and American Civic Identity by Jeannine Marie DeLombard (review)

In the Shadow of the Gallows: Race, Crime, and American Civic Identity. By Jeannine Marie DeLombard. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Pp. 446. Cloth, $59. 95.)Reviewed by Leigh FoughtWith In the Shadow of the Gallows: Race, Crime, and American Civic Identity, literary scholar Jeannine Marie DeLombard returns to her earlier observation, made in Slavery on Trial: Law, Abolitionism, and Print Culture (Chapel Hill, NC, 2007), that northern antebellum print culture overwhelmingly depicted African Americans as criminals. Drawing on gallows narratives, documents surrounding trials, and fictional accounts, she argues that the popular image of violent and often mindless black criminals reinforced a belief among white Americans that African Americans must be controlled through enslavement or incarceration if not outright expulsion or execution. These representations dominated the rhetoric and symbolic language through which black activists maneuvered in order to engage a public and make demands for full American rights.DeLombard explores the interplay of image and agency in the depiction of condemned black convicts. Only when they were on trial did African Americans attain legal personhood, but they found themselves saddled with the responsibilities of citizenship without any of its rights. Popular accounts portrayed these men accepting that responsibility as they faced execution, gaining capacity for citizenship only on their way to the scaffold. Yet, while gallows confession came through white pens, and while DeLombard argues that violation of the law constituted an expression of black agency, black voices often crept through with explicit messages of resistance. Seizing the publicity of the scaffold, such men as Nat Turner condemned the racism that led them to become outlaws engaged in a war against the United States.The question of black agency in breaking the law created a thorny problem for reformers. DeLombard describes a white public that regarded the crimes of slaves as unthinking violence, placing responsibility on the master. For free blacks, environment replaced the master and charges of mental incompetence denied African Americans autonomy, as exemplified by William Seward's invocation of an insanity defense against the murder charges leveled at William Freeman. Seward's arguments that his client's environment had led to his incapacity, taken with the startlingly high number of African Americans classified as in the 1840 federal census, produced a double bind for blacks. By that line of reasoning, if a poor environment produced insanity and crime, and if the majority of African Americans lived in poor environments, then the majority of African Americans were likely to be insane or criminal. The only solutions were self-help or segregation in asylums and prisons. Ultimately, all free blacks found themselves under surveillance and suspicion, in danger of incarceration and stripped of intellect. In other words, in white eyes, African Americans were not only not entitled to, but incapable of, citizenship, and therefore a threat to the nation.Authors of slave narratives negotiated, appropriated, and rearranged elements of these representations of African American capacity. Transferring the public platform from the scaffold to the lectern and turning confessions to testimony, they transformed the image of a black man in public from a criminal on trial to a witness in the public prosecution of the nation (as DeLombard outlined in her previous work). They established their own entitlement to citizenship in contrast to their white masters, who committed atrocities under protection of the law. …

The First Pediatric Operation Performed under Anesthesia

A number of articles and chapters in the pediatric anesthesia credit the first use of ether anesthesia to Crawford Long in an operation performed on an 8-year-old male slave. However, Long never gave the ages of any of his patients in any of his letters, articles, or communications. The 1840 and 1850 federal censuses give ages but no names for male slaves, two of whom are candidate patients. One possible age for the first was 22 years. The second was younger than 15 years and was identified as a child by a student working with Long. Thus, the date of the first pediatric anesthetic where documentation is reasonably certain is January 8, 1845, given the limitations in the use of slave censuses. After the Ether Dome demonstration in 1846, ether anesthesia for children was rapidly adopted in Boston and London.

Contested Election Laws: Representation, Elections, and Party Building in Pennsylvania, 1788–1794

In preparation for the 2012 presidential election, members of the Pennsylvania GOP have been considering changing the way the state awards its electoral votes. Under the current system, the candidate who wins the greatest number of votes statewide receives all twenty of the state’s votes in the Electoral College. In recent years, heavy Democratic voting in urban areas such as Philadelphia and Pittsburgh has offset Republican victories in rural parts of the state. In order to build on their strength in the less-populated areas, Republicans are considering having Pennsylvania award electors based on a district method. While this approach is technically constitutional, political commentators have been quick to condemn the proposal as unethical and potentially dangerous. This is not, however, the first time a political party has attempted to change election laws to their advantage. The manipulation of election law dates back to the first elections under the Constitution.

A Descriptive Study of the Use of Restraint and Seclusion in a Special Education School

Background The literature regarding the use of restraint and seclusion in schools is scant, perhaps due to the controversial nature of the topic. With few exceptions, schools have not published policies or data regarding these procedures even when doing so would further the discussion about standards for staff training, student safety, and benchmarks for ongoing improvement. Objective The present descriptive study details how a special education school approached the problem of maintaining safety for its lower, middle, and high school students, the majority of whom have autistic spectrum disorders. Its purpose was to describe the monitoring of crisis intervention episodes in a large educational day facility and to report occurrence and duration data of restraint and seclusion. Methods Data comparing student gender and Federal Census Code classifications in the lower/middle school and high school across two time periods were tabulated. The number and duration of restraint and seclusion episodes from 2002 to 2007 in each school were summarized. Results Examination of 6 years of aggregate crisis management data revealed that lower/middle school students are restrained more frequently than high school students. Duration rates of both restraint and seclusion were variable regardless of setting, a finding consistent with available studies, mostly from inpatient and residential settings. Conclusions The authors concluded that most children and adolescents with aggressive and self-injurious behaviors can be safely managed in a day school setting. The present analysis of aggregate crisis intervention data may represent the first benchmarks for comparison with other special education programs.

Stand Up and Be Counted! Iowa and the 1940 Federal Census

Stand Up and Be Counted! Iowa and the 1940 Federal Census

Malaria and Economic Productivity: A Longitudinal Analysis of the American Case

Using longitudinal data linked to the 1850 and 1860 U.S. federal census manuscript schedules, this article examines the effect of migration to high-risk malaria counties on real estate wealth accumulation. Although the migrants recognized the risk of malaria, they still migrated to malarial regions. Those who migrated to areas with higher risk of malaria experienced smaller increases in real estate wealth than migrants to less malarial areas. The findings in this study provide historical evidence with which to estimate the potential modern-day economic benefit of malarial eradication.

Reconsidering the New Normal: Trauma, Vulnerability & Resilience in Post-Katrina New Orleans

AbstractTraumatic anthropogenic or natural disasters can redefine the ecological and social diversity of cities, with "new normal" conditions often emerging in post-trauma urban landscapes. The objective of our ULTRA project is to examine how the pace and trajectory of recovery in post-Katrina New Orleans reflect ecological and social diversity. Specifically, we are examining potential parallels and interactions between ecological and social diversity within and among neighborhoods, and across the New Orleans metropolitan area. We are doing so by (1) organizing and coordinating a network of scholars and practitioners to exchange experience and knowledge and thereby advance understanding of connections between diversity and recovery in post-trauma urban ecosystems; (2) assembling a central data archive on the structure and diversity of ecological communities of New Orleans, which involves conducting an inventory of the post-Katrina urban forest; (4) and conducting a GIS-based spatial analysis of pre- and post-trauma landscape and social metrics derived from satellite imagery and the 2000 and 2010 federal census, analyzed for diversification and compared to stabilization metrics. This citywide study is being supplemented with three fine-grained studies in the neighborhoods of the Lower Ninth Ward, Hollygrove, and Pontchartrain Park. Qualitative data collected in these neighborhoods provides insight into the relationships between trauma and ecological and social diversity, and identify variation in the timing, pace, and trajectory of neighborhood recovery. In the future, we will expand our efforts to consider how diversity reflects the availability and valuation of ecosystem services in post-trauma urban landscapes. Our intent is to develop New Orleans as a natural laboratory for the study of ecological and community resiliency.

Gender differences in social mortality differentials in Switzerland (1990-2005)

Using data from the 1990 and 2000 Swiss Federal Censuses linked to the death records of the years 1990-1995 and 2000-2005, this paper investigates gender differences in mortality differentials by level of educational achievement and by marital status.