Fear Of Violence Research Articles

Non-sedentarism, Violence and Politics of Assertive Egalitarianism among Calon Gypsies of Bahia, Brazil

ABSTRACTThe community life of Calon Romanies (Gypsies) in Bahia, northeast Brazil, is politically instituted through and by violence. Violence and fear of violence underlie Calon sociability and serve as a way to mark Calon as distinct from Jurons (non-Gypsies). Within communities, it undermines the tendency for personal power and efficacy to coalesce into rank, as well as the tendency for settlements to petrify into entities with fixed identities. Ultimately, the article argues, what makes violence practicable as a mode of fabricating social relations in the first place is Calon non-sedentarism, which posits one’s readiness to move as a mechanism through which belonging and relatedness are expressed, and which values flexibility in spatial arrangements rather than a fixed domicile.

Migration Disruption: Crisis and Continuity in the Cambodian Mass Returns1

In 2014, Thailand experienced the mass exodus of 220,000 Cambodian migrant workers, an event precipitated by a military coup and rumors of an impending migrant crackdown. This movement was reportedly the largest in South‐East Asia since the 1970s. Yet while the mass returns were outwardly articulated as a “crisis” moment, migrants largely understood the exodus as a more extreme version of the everyday. The most significant features of the exodus—financial loss, indebtedness, involuntary immobility, and fear of violence and deportation—have been and continue to be regular features of the Cambodian–Thai migration system. In light of these findings, I suggest that taking migration disruptions seriously requires (1) decentering the language and logic of “crisis” and (2) considering what migration disruptions reveal about ordinary times.

Child physical abuse: Perception and responsibility of dentists living in the United Arab Emirates

Abstract Aims: The aims of this study were to investigate dentists’ level of knowledge and experience regarding child physical abuse in the United Arab Emirates, to identify barriers that prevent the reporting of suspected cases by dental practitioners, and to assess the need for training dentists in child protection. Materials and Methods: A cross-sectional survey was conducted among 124 dentists working in private practice in the Emirate of Dubai; the data were collected by self-administered structured questionnaires. Data were analyzed using descriptive analyses for responses to each question. Results: Of all general dental practitioners invited to participate, only 70% have responded. Almost one-quarter of the dentists encountered a suspicious child abuse case at least once in their career, but only 30% of those reported their suspicion. The most common barriers that preclude the dentists from reporting child abuse cases were uncertainty about their diagnosis, lack of knowledge regarding referral procedures, followed by the fear of violence in the family toward the child. However, the majority of the participants were aware of their legal responsibilities toward protecting children from abuse and they expressed their need for further training in this area. Conclusions: Based on the results of this study, it appears that the level of knowledge among the respondents regarding the recognition and reporting of child physical abuse was lacking. Therefore, specialized training in this area is highly recommended.

Sustainability of the Media: Pre-requisite for Economic Growth in Nigeria for National Development

This paper focuses on the ability of media to play its vital role as the ‘fourth estate without compromising their integrity of their profession, and toprovide citizens with useful, timely and objective information, as well as to operate free and independent without political, legal, social or economic restrictions.It’ further emphasizes on how the media ownership and concentration allows transparency, so that consumers are able to judge the content and have access to different points of view, in order to ward off government controls and the impact, control has on the diversity of public broadcasting. The paper employed empirical secondary data, and Media Dependency Theory was adopted. It thereby recommended that Journalists are expected to operate without interference or fear of violence, and as well enjoy stable legal and business conditions that pay decent salaries, discourage media corruption, and promote sector-wide integrity. It also concluded that the media should be strong, free and independent to enable them avoid involving in corrupt practices that would jeopardy their integrities and their ethical profession.

Exposure to Violence, Coping Strategies, and Diagnosed Mental Health Problems Among Adults in a Migrant-Sending Community in Central Mexico

Deadly violence has spread throughout Mexico, affecting the well-being of citizens. What is the impact of this violence on the daily lives of Mexican adults? Building upon the stress process model, we used a mixed-methods approach to examine relationships between multiple indicators of exposure to and fear of violence and four diagnosed mental health outcomes, as well as self-rated mental health, in a Mexican community using the Survey of Health and Mexican Migration (456 surveys; 49 interviews). The multivariate models provide evidence that perceptions of insecurity are associated with diagnosed depressive episode, agoraphobia, alcohol abuse, a total count of mental health conditions, and poor self-rated mental health. Past victimization is associated with anxiety. Stress and coping behaviors did not formally mediate these violence–mental illness associations. The qualitative results confirm that residents fear violence and cope by adjusting their personal behaviors. These results foreshadow the emergence of mental health conditions as a critical public health concern for Mexicans living under the threat of violence.

Fear of violence during armed conflict: Social roles and responsibilities as determinants of fear

This article investigates the prevalence and determinants of fear as a consequence of living through armed conflict. We use survey data from Nepal during the armed conflict (1996–2006) to examine how trauma, sex and gender, age, marriage, and household size affect fear of violence. We also disaggregate types of worry, and find substantial variance on whether respondents were more concerned about livelihood consequences of conflict than physical danger. We supplement quantitative analyses with discussion of in-depth interviews from the study area on these same topics. Overall, our results highlight the enduring impact of gender roles in Nepal and that conflict might disproportionately affect those who are already vulnerable and have greater social responsibilities. This article provides a unique comparison between fear of violence during armed conflict in a low-income country to the fear of crime literature based in high-income countries.

Educational and managerial policy making to reduce workplace violence against nurses: An action research study

Background:The level of occupational violence against nurses increases from 68.8 to 98.6 percent, which is a considerable rate among healthcare settings. To create a safe environment for patient care in the emergency department (ED), a comprehensive program for the prevention of violence is necessary. The aim of this study was to plan a workplace violence prevention program (WVPP) to reduce the level of patients' and their families' violence against nurses.Materials and Methods:The present study is a quantitative part of a participatory action research project conducted in an 18-month period from October 2012 to May 2014 in an ED of Iran. In the diagnosing phase, we used quantitative and qualitative approaches. The second and third phases were assigned to design and implementation of WVPP involving a combination of educational and managerial interventions. In the evaluation phase, frequencies of patients' and their families' violence against nurses and nurses' fear of violence were measured.Results:Mc-Nemar test showed that 85.70% (n = 42) frequencies of verbal violence before implementing WVPP significantly decreased to 57.10% (n = 28) after implementing WVPP (p = 0.007). Statistical-dependent t-test (p < 0.001) indicated a significant difference in the mean (SD) scores of nurses' fear of violence before 46.10 (8.3) and after intervention 34.30 (4.6).Conclusions:Applying educational and managerial interventions was effective in reduction of workplace violence. Thus, it is recommended to include a combined approach in designing WVPP in cultures similar to Iran and pay attention to effective interactions with patients' family.

"We are not objects of pity": New York City Sailors and the Embargo of 1807

"We are not objects of pity":New York City Sailors and the Embargo of 1807 Philip G. Swan (bio) After President Thomas Jefferson signed the Embargo Act of 1807 on December 22, 1807, the maritime community was devastated, and a newly resurgent Federalist Party hoped to wrest unemployed sailors, traditional constituents of the Democratic-Republicans, to the Federalist ranks. While their efforts were successful in Philadelphia and throughout New England, Federalists had only limited success swaying the loyalties of mariners in New York City. In part, this was due to Republicans skillfully tying the Embargo to the rights of impressed sailors while portraying Federalists as Anglophiles more concerned with maintaining a profitable trade with Great Britain than championing the welfare of seamen, an accusation which seems to be partly borne out by private correspondence between key Federalist leaders. In the process of competing for sailor's votes, both parties revealed a tendency to underestimate the individual political agency of sailors, assuming their political support could be won through the use of alarmist political rhetoric and pandering nautical jargon. This essay uses newspapers and other sources to investigate the political rhetoric both the Federalists and the Republicans employed to appeal to sailors, especially through the use of perceived sailor language and sailor metaphors. While there is a body of scholarship discussing the political use of language in relation to sailors during the early national period, none has looked in depth at how this language was utilized during the Embargo of 1807.1 [End Page 294] In the 1960s, Jesse Lemisch conducted groundbreaking research into the history of "the inarticulate," examining the politicization of sailors. Using the impressment riots in North American ports before the Revolution as examples, he described a maritime populace unwilling to play the subordinate role on land that they were forced to assume at sea. In more recent interpretations marxist scholars like Lemisch, Marcus Rediker, and Peter Linebaugh, have portrayed seamen as internationalist proletarians purposefully resisting capitalist exploitation. Paul A. Gilje has published several works arguing that sailors fully embraced their American identities but utilized patriotism in a calculated way when it suited their needs, fully aware that they represented American independence in the public eye both during the Revolutionary period and later in the politically tumultuous years before the War of 1812. Daniel Vickers has written of sailor's identity, revealing how sailors in several Massachusetts ports were tied to their community. According to Vickers, these young men only took to the sea in their youth; as a result, they were not a marginalized proletariat segregated in "sailor towns" as they would have been in Europe nor did they end their lives as "Jack Tars." More recent scholarship explores the ways the United States government came to define citizenship in its effort to address the impressment of American sailors in need of documentation. To that effect Simon P. Newman has explored the important role nationalistic sailors played in elections of the Jeffersonian era, noting that "from the mid-1790s onward the Democratic-Republican leadership was under constant pressure to represent the concerns of seafarers."2 [End Page 295] Elaborating on current scholarly trends I argue that during the Embargo of 1807 such pressure stemmed from two primary fears: a fear of violence and disruption caused by idle sailors in American ports coupled with a fear that these same sailors might leave America for opportunities in foreign lands, specifically in Canada. While the latter fear was justified and ultimately realized, the former was not: sailors did protest the Embargo, but they did so in an orderly way, making it clear that they were fully engaged citizens holding the same democratic principles as their contemporaries and capable of expressing these principals without recourse to violence. Unfortunately, even when protesting the Embargo in a lawful way, both parties dismissed such group actions as political stunts staged by the opposing party. Such actions perpetuated the stereotype of the guileless "Tar" whose support and vote could be bought by political opponents who offered them free alcohol and free rent or enticed them with broadsides replete with sailor terms, rather than ideas that transcended immediate self-interest. That many of these sailors chose...

Bold Walks in the Inner North: Melbourne Women’s Memoir after Jill Meagher

Bold Walks in the Inner North: Melbourne Women’s Memoir after Jill Meagher

Analysis of the impact of job characteristics and organizational support for workplace violence

Objective: To analyze the effect of job characteristics and organizational support for workplace violence, explore the influence path and the theoretical model, and provide a theoretical basis for reducing workplace violence. Methods: Stratified random sampling was used to select 813 medical staff, conductors and bus drivers in Chongqing with a self-made questionnaire to investigate job characteristics, organization attitude toward workplace violence, workplace violence, fear of violence, workplace violence, etc from February to October, 2014. Amos 21.0 was used to analyze the path and to establish a theoretical model of workplace violence. Results: The odds ratio of work characteristics and organizational attitude to workplace violence were 6.033 and 0.669, respectively, and the path coefficients were 0.41 and-0.14, respectively (P<0.05). The Fitting indexes of the model: Chi-square (χ(2)) =67.835, The ratio of the chi-square to the degree of freedom (χ(2)/df) =5.112, Good-of-fit index (GFI) =0.970, Adjusted good-of-fit index (AGFI) =0.945, Normed fit index (NFI) =0.923, Root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) =0.071, Fit criterion (Fmin) =0.092, so the model fit well with the data. Conclusion: The job characteristic is a risk factor for workplace violence while organizational attitude is a protective factor for workplace violence, so changing the job characteristics and improving the enthusiasm of the organization to deal with workplace violence are conducive to reduce workplace violence and increase loyalty to the unit.

Domestic violence shapes Colombian women\u2019s partner choices

Potential protection from violence has been suggested as an explanation for women’s preferences for more masculine partners. Previous studies, however, have not considered that violence may be multi-modal, and hence come from different sources. Therefore, we tested the effect of different fears of violence (i.e. vulnerability to public crime, likelihood of within-partnership violence) on masculinity preferences of women from Colombia, a country known for its high rates of violence. Eighty-three adult heterosexual women (mean age ± SD = 26.7 ± 6.01) answered a survey that included questions about health (e.g. frequency of illnesses during the last year and during childhood), access to media (e.g. time spent watching television, frequency of internet use), education (i.e. highest level achieved) and violence perceptions. Participants’ masculinity preferences for Salvadoran, European and Colombian male faces were recorded. Factor analysis revealed two different factors for the answers to questions related to violence. One factor loaded mostly on questions related to public violence and the second factor related to domestic violence. We found that women with higher scores on the domestic violence factor preferred significantly less masculine Colombian male faces. Even after controlling for participant age, education, access to media (TV and internet) and health-related factors, the domestic violence factor contributed significantly to explaining masculinity preferences. The results presented here suggest that women’s preferences for masculinity may be a strategy to avoid aggressive partners and that the source of violence matters in mate choice.Significance statementWomen who perceive higher risks of domestic violence prefer less masculine looking partners. Using an experimental approach, we show that Colombian women who feel more in danger of violence within partnership prefer the faces of less masculine males. This was true even after controlling for women’s education level, health and access to media.

Violence and youth voter turnout in sub-saharan Africa

ABSTRACTDespite the growing literature on political violence in sub-Saharan Africa, there is, surprisingly, a limited number of studies exploring its relationship with voter turnout, and specifically youth turnout, in the region. Africa is a relatively young continent, and the majority of its population is youth, positioning them as an important voting group. However, recent studies have suggested a shift in youth interest from voting to other forms of political participation such as protest. This paper explores the relationship between violence and youth voter turnout in sub-Saharan Africa. Using cross-sectional nationally representative data from the Afrobarometer public attitude survey from 20 countries, a correlation analysis is carried out to explore the relationship between fear of violence and turnout (voted in the last elections) among youth. The analysis shows a negative relationship between violence and voting among youth. Analyses controlling for employment, education and party affiliation also show that none of these had an effect on the strength and direction of the relationship. This suggests that violence could be a factor in explaining youth voter turnout in sub-Saharan Africa.

Digital Inequality on the US-Mexico Border: A Multigenerational Case Study in Laredo, Texas

The purpose of the present study is to determine the cultural and social barriers that are preventing Laredoans from accessing the digital world. This multigenerational study examines how three generations within 16 families relate culturally and socially to technology. Three members from the same family were invited to voluntarily participate in the study, with a total of 48 in-depth, face-to-face interviews being conducted. The present study identified several barriers such as low educational level, low income, lack of English language proficiency, lack of relevant content available in other languages besides English, preference to communicate face-to-face, fear of violence, and endless working hours. Laredo is the least connected city in the nation with 40.2% non-connectivity rate. Research is needed to understand this digital inequity situation in this borderland city. The theoretical framework used is rooted on Straubhaar’s concepts of techno-field, techno-disposition, and techno-capital.

Diminishing Violence: Strategising Character in Industrial Fiction

In Mary Barton and Felix Holt, Gaskell and Eliot distract readers from the violence within their novels in a number of ways: the early definition of character, the use of time to distance events, and the interruption of the narrative with long passages of time concentrating on a parallel domestic story. Their strategy is to defuse the fear of violence even as they present it. Showing violence as a result of suffering undermines the notion of the working-class man as an animalistic brute, an ‘other’ who is not quite human. Shown to be vulnerable to the pain of others, he becomes capable of suffering himself and worthy of sympathy. Accordingly, the structures of the novels are designed to suggest that violence is avoidable but through domestic change rather than political upheaval, by improving the workers' lives rather than by restructuring society.

Gender violence, poverty and HIV infection risk among persons engaged in the sex industry: cross-national analysis of the political economy of sex markets in 30 European and Central Asian countries.

ObjectivesPersons engaged in the sex industry are at greater risk of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections than the general population. One major factor is exposure to higher levels of risky sexual activity. Expanding condom use is a critical prevention strategy, but this requires negotiation with those buying sex, which takes place in the context of cultural and economic constraints. Impoverished individuals who fear violence are more likely to forego condoms.MethodsHere we tested the hypotheses that poverty and fear of violence are two structural drivers of HIV infection risk in the sex industry. Using data from the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control and the World Bank for 30 countries, we evaluated poverty, measured using the average income per day per person in the bottom 40% of the income distribution, and gender violence, measured using homicide rates in women and the proportion of women exposed to violence in the last 12 months and/or since age 16 years.ResultsWe found that HIV prevalence among those in the sex industry was higher in countries where there were greater female homicide rates (β = 0.86; P = 0.018) and there was some evidence that self‐reported exposure to violence was also associated with higher HIV prevalence (β = 1.37; P = 0.043). Conversely, HIV prevalence was lower in countries where average incomes among the poorest were greater (β = −1.05; P = 0.046).ConclusionsOur results are consistent with the theory that reducing poverty and exposure to violence may help reduce HIV infection risk among persons engaged in the sex industry.

Gender issues regarding low income families in Multan: An analysis through Entity Relation diagram and its precedence representation by Hierarchy Chart.

The study is done to analyze the family gender issues in such families which are low income. Rigid cultural patterns have major effects on the lives of the women. Due to these cultural patterns women are considered inferior in families and society. So it is very clear that now due to such cultural patterns and customs women are stuck of in different type of gender issues. Women from low income family status have to face many restrictions and constraint during their life span. They are less empowered, not have decision making power in home. They are also to face the mobility issue due to security and due to her modesty even she has no right regarding her property, access in health facilities, fear of violence and not allowed to participate in the economic activities. All these issues and their relationship in this article is seen by using some common entities in these issues and there relevance along with this after understanding the relevance a hierarchy of these issues is developed by their dependence on each other

Using Environmental Perception and Local Knowledge to improve the effectiveness of an Urban Park in Northeast Brazil

The Xem-Xem Forest State Park (Parque Estadual da Mata do Xém-Xém) is a 182-ha Atlantic forest remnant located in the metropolitan region of João Pessoa, Paraíba, Northeast Brazil. Since its legal creation in 2000, it has been facing several management problems and social conflicts that jointly has reduced its effectiveness. In this study we examined the environmental perception of residents surrounding the Park and the staff of the Paraíba state environmental agency (SUDEMA) in order to clearly identify those problems and conflicts and provide possible solutions. Semi structured interviews with both residents (n = 29) and staff members (n = 4) revealed that the Park is clearly valuable as a repository of biodiversity and a place for leisure and recreation, highlighting its great socioecological function. These benefits, however, were impaired or hindered mainly by fear of violence, lack of infrastructure, extremely limited staff and virtual absence of administrative structure. Furthermore, the protective measures of the Park were considered incipient and did not match the expectations and needs of local communities. We urgently recommend (1) the creation of the Park's management council, (2) the development of its management plan, (3) the implementation of public policies surrounding the area to ameliorate conditions for public use and improve biodiversity protection and (4) the continuity of ethnographic researches focusing on the relationship between local communities and the Park.

Collective Security, Fear of Crime, and Support for Concealed Firearms on a University Campus in the Western United States

Recently, a number of state legislatures in the United States have sought to loosen restrictions on the carrying of concealed firearms on university campuses. Often these legislative initiatives are driven by the argument that concealed firearms on campuses will deter crime. Unfortunately, little attention has been paid to variation in employee support for the carrying of concealed firearms. Moreover, little is known about the intersection between fear of crime, trust in the police, and support for concealed firearms on campus. Given that, this study draws on a survey administered to a random sample of faculty and staff at one large rural university in the Western United States ( n = 1,170). More specifically, this study examines whether fear of workplace violence and/or trust in police and local government predict/predicts support for concealed firearms on campus, even after controlling for other potential factors such as prior victimization, political orientation, and demographic background. Results indicate that fear of violence and distrust in the police/government are strongly related to support for concealed carry, though a number of other factors matter, including political orientation, social capital, and respondent demographic characteristics.

Now or Never? How Imminent Must a Fear of Violence be for the Purposes of s. 4A of the Protection from Harassment Act 1997?

Now or Never? How Imminent Must a Fear of Violence be for the Purposes of s. 4A of the Protection from Harassment Act 1997?

Fear-Based Provocation

Psychological research has long found that anger may lead to aggression, sometimes even fatal one. The provocation doctrine corresponds to this finding by providing that murder charges may be mitigated to voluntary manslaughter if evidence establishes that the defendant acted under the influence of a “sudden heat of passion”, resulting from “adequate provocation”. The modern rationale underlying provocation doctrine rests on the idea that defendant’s intense emotion of anger had resulted in loss of self-control, therefore he or she ought to be partially excused. Case law demonstrates that defendants sometimes kill out of fear of serious physical violence threatened by the deceased. For example, victims of long-term physical abuse by the deceased may kill their abusers out of fear of future violence, even if at the moment of the killing the deceased was not posing an imminent threat to life. In circumstances where defendants are unable to satisfy the requirements of self-defense, provocation might be the only viable defense that would mitigate a murder conviction to voluntary manslaughter. Yet, existing provocation doctrine is unfit to capture the distinct features characterizing the reaction of fearful defendants. Commonly perceived as an anger-centric defense, the defense’s elements mostly accommodate typical the responses of defendants who acted quickly, immediately following a single and sudden triggering incident, before any lapse of time allowed them to regain control. The article offers three major contributions to challenge existing view of provocation: first, it considers psychological research that had found that fear, similarly to anger, may also significantly interfere with individuals’ decision-making processes by disturbing rational judgement, therefore sometimes leading to lethal aggression. Second, drawing on this research, the article’s key argument is that provocation doctrine should be reconstructed to also include a fear-based prong. Third, recognizing fear-based provocation calls for rejecting the “anger-loss of control” paradigm that currently dominates judges and jurors’ perception of the defense. In its place, the article advocates an alternative framework that would focus on the fearful defendant’s fear of violence threatened by the victim that caused a significant impairment in the defendant’s thought processes, resulting in obscured judgment and reasoning. The reconstructed defense would also include an objective component, under which, the defendant would have to prove that a person of ordinary disposition would also experience such emotion and respond rashly without exercising reason and judgment.