FBI Surveillance Research Articles

Review: The Folk Singers and the Bureau: The FBI, the Folk Artists and the Suppression of the Communist Party, USA-1939-1956, by Aaron J. Leonard, and Woody Guthrie: An Intimate Life, by Gustavus Stadler

Review: <i>The Folk Singers and the Bureau: The FBI, the Folk Artists and the Suppression of the Communist Party, USA-1939-1956</i>, by Aaron J. Leonard, and <i>Woody Guthrie: An Intimate Life</i>, by Gustavus Stadler

FBI Surveillance of the War Resisters League during the Vietnam War, 1965–1973

During the Vietnam War, the FBI conducted counterintelligence operations on many groups and individuals seen as communist collaborators and national security threats. The War Resisters League, a pacifist group, was not just a target of FBI surveillance but was cast by the agency as a seditious organization. FBI records and corroborating sources show that Hoover’s aim was to consolidate his own power over the Justice Department and, in the later years of the war in Vietnam, the White House. Since the majority of existing scholarship on FBI surveillance of the WRL focuses on the interwar period between World War I and World War II, this study expands this history into the critical period between 1965 and 1973. Within this history is Hoover’s process of casting the WRL as a threat and violating members’ civil liberties to “thwart” it. This process not only had an impact on the WRL’s ability to organize but also created a dynamic between nonviolent antiwar activists and the Department of Justice that remains resonant in the twenty‐first century.

Never A Lovely So Real: The Life and Work of Nelson Algren

Never A Lovely So Real: The Life and Work of Nelson Algren

The FBI in Latin America: the Ecuador files

Students of inter-American relations during the 1940s have long been aware of the FBI's counter-intelligence role in Latin America, which was carried out for the most part under the auspices of the Special Intelligence Service programme. Indeed, journalist Drew Pearson pointed to the presence of US agents in the region as early as December 1947, shortly after the FBI withdrew its ‘legal attachés’ from US embassies to make way for the recently founded CIA. Subsequent scholars—notably Max Paul Friedman in Nazis and good neighbors (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)—have concentrated almost exclusively on the FBI's contribution to exposing Axis activities in the hemisphere. They have often been highly critical of the FBI's overall performance, with successes being attributed mostly to Axis agents' ineptitude. Marc Becker's book is the first to be dedicated to the whole of the FBI's tenure in Latin America, with a primary focus on Ecuador, a country about which he has already written extensively. Becker is also the first author to both comprehensively mine and critically analyse the FBI's surveillance reports in the US national archives, on which his study mainly depends.

"The Most Dangerous Communist in the United States": A Biography of Herbert Aptheker by Gary Murrell

Reviewed by: "The Most Dangerous Communist in the United States": A Biography of Herbert Aptheker by Gary Murrell Maryan Soliman "The Most Dangerous Communist in the United States": A Biography of Herbert Aptheker. By Gary Murrell. ( Amherst and Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2015. Pp. xx, 444. Paper, $29.95, ISBN 978-1-62534-154-9; cloth, $95.00, ISBN 978-1-62534-153-2.) Two clouds hang over the life and legacy of the late historian Herbert Aptheker. The first—his communist sympathies—cast a shadow on Aptheker throughout his lifetime. The second—his daughter's accusation of sexual molestation—follows him in death. Gary Murrell has the former matter serve as a pivot in his account of Aptheker's life, while treating the latter issue in heavy bookends: the preface and an afterword by Aptheker's daughter, Bettina Aptheker. Drawing on interviews he conducted with Herbert Aptheker and on Aptheker's unpublished autobiography, Murrell recounts the anticommunism Aptheker faced from the government and from academia. Born in 1915 in New York City to Ukrainian Jewish immigrants, Aptheker joined the Communist Party of the United States in 1939 and remained a loyal member for over fifty years. Aptheker's Ph.D. in history from Columbia University did not land him a professorship at a prestigious university. In fact, no institution of higher learning ever offered Aptheker a permanent position during his long career. As Murrell explains, the academic establishment in effect blacklisted Aptheker because he was a Communist. The biography chronicles episode after episode in which an institution refused to associate with Aptheker through denying him a job, declining to publish his work, or banning him from speaking on campus. Murrell devotes a chapter to a sordid battle at Yale University in the mid-1970s that saw eminent historian C. Vann Woodward, along with other faculty members, block Aptheker from teaching a seminar. The author also documents Aptheker's various encounters with the federal government, which included testifying before congressional hearings on communism, denial of his passport under the McCarran Act, and decades of FBI surveillance. Indeed, Murrell borrows the book's title from FBI director J. Edgar Hoover who, in referring to Aptheker, wrote "that the Bureau considers him the most dangerous Communist in the United States" (p. 167). Murrell reverses some of the lasting effects of the anti-Aptheker campaigns by helping rescue from obscurity the Marxist scholar's contributions. The history profession buried Aptheker's scholarship. Academic journals rarely reviewed his books, and those historians who did weigh in tended to be dismissive of his claims. Given this blackout, Murrell's intellectual history approach has added significance. In the biography, three of Aptheker's contributions to the study of U.S. history and to black studies stand out: his writings on Nat Turner and slave revolts; his documentary history collection of writings by African Americans; and his efforts to preserve and share the work of W. E. B. Du Bois. Murrell [End Page 479] examines the importance of Aptheker's American Negro Slave Revolts (New York, 1943), the work most closely associated with Aptheker. In pointing to a record of nearly 250 slave revolts in the history of American slavery, Aptheker's book challenged the dominant notion that enslaved people had been docile. Despite the profession's disregard for the thesis, the intervention had been made and would remain for later scholars to build on. Murrell's treatment of the most sensitive issue addressed in the biography—Bettina's accusation—mirrors Herbert's approach to his differences with the Communist Party. Aptheker registered his criticisms within the party while withholding them from the public, as one might do with a family matter. Although Murrell was deeply troubled by the molestation accusation, he did not make it a central part of the book. Both Aptheker and Murrell appear to have been guided, at least in part, by a concern about the misuses of information in the hands of others. Aptheker had dedicated his life to a communist vision and did not wish to see the party destroyed. Similarly, Murrell does not want Aptheker and his work to be dismissed. Maryan Soliman Scripps College Copyright © 2017 The Southern...

Too many compromises: survey research and the spectre of communism

Purpose – This paper aims to chart the influence of McCarthyism and of FBI surveillance practices on a number of prominent American social scientists, market researchers, opinion pollsters and survey research practitioners during the post-war years. Hitherto disparate sets of historical evidence on how Red Scare tactics influenced social researchers and marketing scientists are brought together and updated with evidence from original archival research. Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on the existing secondary literature on how social research practitioners and social scientists reacted to the unusually high pressures on academic freedom during the McCarthy era. It supplements this review with evidence obtained from archival research, including declassified FBI files. The focus of this paper is set on prominent individuals, mainly Bernard Berelson, Samuel Stouffer, Hadley Cantril, Robert S. Lynd, Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Herta Herzog, Ernest Dichter, but also the Frankfurt School in exile. Findings – Although some of the historiography presents American social scientists and practitioners in the marketing research sector as victims of McCarthyism and FBI surveillance, it can also be shown that virtually all individuals in focus here also developed strategies of accommodation, compromise and even opportunism to benefit from the climate of suspicion brought about by the prevailing anti-Communism. Social implications – Anyone interested in questions about the morality of marketing, market research and opinion polling as part of the social sciences practiced in vivo will need to pay attention to the way these social-scientific practices became tarnished by the way prominent researchers accommodated and at times even abetted McCarthyism. Originality/value – Against the view of social scientists as harassed academic minority, evidence is presented in this paper which shows American social scientists who researched market-related phenomena, like media, voters choices and consumer behaviour, in a different light. Most importantly, this paper for the first time presents archival evidence on the scale of Paul F. Lazarsfeld’s surveillance by the FBI.

The Countercultural Potential of Citizen Science

What is the countercultural potential of citizen science? As a participant in the wider citizen science movement, I can attest that contemporary citizen science initiatives rarely characterise themselves as countercultural. Rather, the goal of most citizen science projects is to be seen as producing orthodox scientific knowledge: the ethos is respectability rather than rebellion (NERC). I will suggest instead that there are resonances with the counterculture that emerged in the 1960s, most visibly through an emphasis on participatory experimentation and the principles of environmental sustainability and social justice. This will be illustrated by example, through two citizen science projects that have a commitment to combining social values with scientific practice. I will then describe the explicitly countercultural organisation, Science for the People, which arose from within the scientific community itself, out of opposition to the Vietnam War. Methodological and conceptual weaknesses in the authoritative model of science are explored, suggesting that there is an opportunity for citizen science to become anti-hegemonic by challenging the hegemony of science itself. This reformulation will be expressed through Deleuze and Guattari's notion of nomadic science, the means through which citizen science could become countercultural.

Mafia in Florida and Cuba: FBI Surveillance of Meyer Lansky and Santo Trafficante, Jr.

Mafia in Florida and Cuba: FBI Surveillance of Meyer Lansky and Santo Trafficante, Jr.

Crockett Johnson and Ruth Krauss: How an Unlikely Couple Found Love, Dodged the FBI, and Transformed Children’s Literature by Philip Nel (review)

Reviewed by: Crockett Johnson and Ruth Krauss: How an Unlikely Couple Found Love, Dodged the FBI, and Transformed Children’s Literature by Philip Nel Chris McGee (bio) Crockett Johnson and Ruth Krauss: How an Unlikely Couple Found Love, Dodged the FBI, and Transformed Children’s Literature. By Philip Nel. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2012. As Phil Nel talks about the legacies of Crockett Johnson and Ruth Krauss in this dynamite recent biography, there’s a word he often repeats: “classics.” Nel’s story of Johnson and Krauss is not merely about two very talented individuals who fell easily in love and were startlingly productive together, but also the backstory of some pretty well-known and beloved children’s books and comics of the past century. “Between them,” Nel says of Krauss and Johnson early in the introduction, “they created more than seventy-five books, many of which became classics” (4). Crockett Johnson, born David Johnson Leisk, is of course most known for the Barnaby comic strip and Harold and the Purple Crayon, while Ruth Krauss is noted for such books as A Hole Is to Dig and A Very Special House, books that get discussed in great detail throughout. Nel’s study is as much about how those books came to be as it is about the two creators who were never quite children’s authors to begin with. If anything, Nel’s enticing subtitle is a tad misleading in describing exactly his book’s focus. We certainly read about some intrigue regarding ongoing FBI surveillance of the couple due to their leftist politics in both their personal lives and their works, and the book opens with an ominous knock on the door and a visit from a couple of agents. And there is certainly a portrait here of a deep commitment between two people who found their complementary opposites and best working partners, though the actual finding of that love needs just a single paragraph: That fall, at a party in Greenwich Village or on Fire Island, the outgoing, energetic Ruth met the wry, laconic Dave. He was tall and taciturn. Seven inches shorter, she was slim, exuberant, and ready to speak her mind. Her exuberance drew him out of his natural reticence and into conversation. His calm, grounded personality balanced her turbulent energy. They were complete opposites who felt an immediate attraction toward one another. (54) This excerpt, in fact, comes from a chapter titled “We Met, and That Was It!” So as much as Nel’s biography concerns two of the most decent and intriguing people I think I have ever read about—and throughout the whole book you can tell he holds the deepest reverence for both of them— the real stars here are the books they created. [End Page 352] It is probably the third part of that subtitle that gets the most attention. While this is probably a sentiment you’ll come across in a lot of biographies, a running theme for Nel is that despite their influence, the breadth of their work, and the popularity of their creations, Johnson and Krauss have never really gotten the credit, or the biography, they deserve. Of Krauss, who spent a fair part of her career listening to real children and crafting lively books that captured their linguistic flair, Nel complains of how “[c]ontemporary readers take for granted that there have always been vital, spontaneous, loose-tongued children in children’s books” (6). When Krauss found a place for these types of children in her work, it seems as though everyone else started doing the same. Likewise, Johnson’s Barnaby set the standard for what smart, economical comic strips could do and became the expressed favorite of any number of future artists and writers, while later the Harold books seemed to particularly embody what Nel calls the “succinct expression of creative possibility” that has been a constant touchstone for young readers, of whom Nel is unreservedly one (5). As Nel suggests in his introduction, “If we measure lives through their influence and intersection with important figures and movements, then these two names deserve to be better remembered today” (7). Those important figures and their stories...

Power to the poor: black-brown coalition and the fight for economic justice, 1960-1974

The Poor People's Campaign of 1968 has long been overshadowed by the assassination of its architect, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and the political turmoil of that year. In a major reinterpretation of civil rights and Chicano movement history, Gordon K. Mantler demonstrates how King's unfinished crusade became the era's most high-profile attempt at multiracial collaboration and sheds light on the interdependent relationship between racial identity and political coalition among African Americans and Mexican Americans. Mantler argues that while the fight against poverty held great potential for black-brown cooperation, such efforts also exposed the complex dynamics between the nation's two largest minority groups. Drawing on oral histories, archives, periodicals, and FBI surveillance files, Mantler paints a rich portrait of the campaign and the larger antipoverty work from which it emerged, including the labor activism of Cesar Chavez, opposition of Black and Chicano Power to state violence in Chicago and Denver, and advocacy for Mexican American land-grant rights in New Mexico. Ultimately, Mantler challenges readers to rethink the multiracial history of the long civil rights movement and the difficulty of sustaining political coalitions.

American literature and culture in an age of Cold War: a critical reassessment

The time is right for a critical reassessment of Cold War culture both because its full cultural impact remains unprocessed and because some of the chief paradigms for understanding that culture confuse rather than clarify. A collection of the work of some of the best cultural critics writing about the period, American Literature and Culture in an Age of Cold War reveals a broad range of ways that American cultural production from the late 1940s to the present might be understood in relation to the Cold War. Critically engaging the reigning paradigms that equate postwar US culture with containment culture, the authors present suggestive revisionist claims. Their essays draw on a literary archive--including the works of John Updike, Joan Didion, Richard E. Kim, Allen Ginsberg, Edwin Denby, Alice Childress, Frank Herbert, and others--strikingly different from the one typically presented in accounts of the period. Likewise, the authors describe phenomena--such as the FBI's surveillance of writers (especially African Americans), biopolitics, development theory, struggles over the centralisation and decentralisation of government, and the cultural work of Reaganism--that open up new contexts for discussing postwar culture. Extending the timeline and expanding the geographic scope of Cold War culture, this book reveals both the literature and the culture of the time to be more dynamic and complex than has been generally supposed.

Audre Lorde, Presente!

At the Fourth Berkshire Conference on the History of Women held at Mount Holyoke College in August 1978 I heard Audre Lorde read her essay, Uses of the Erotic, the Erotic as Power. experience transformed my life. It wasn't the essay alone. It was Audre Lorde's presence, the quality of her voice, the clarity of sound, her thoughts propelled with such precision and confidence. It was also the story of how the panel got to happen and the audience response to it.There were three participants. They had titled their session Lesbians and Power. program committee at the Berks unilaterally changed the title to something innocuous, deleting the word lesbian, and scheduled it in a small room. Audre Lorde and her co-panelists were outraged. They printed a flyer (this is in the day before cell phones, computers, and email), reclaimed the word in their title, and secured the largest auditorium on the campus.Two thousand women came. We listened with rapt attention. At the end of each paper there was robust applause. Then the floor was opened for discussion. A woman rose and told the story of the panel's titled obscurity and near demise. She asked if all the lesbians in the room would please stand. Almost the entire audience rose.In August 1978 I had only recently separated from my husband, and while we had joint custody of our two young children, they lived with me. I had been struggling to come for years, trying to overcome the terror induced by near-constant FBI and police surveillance because I was a member of the U.S. Communist Party and because I was a prominent activist in movements for civil rights, peace, and social justice. I also had been physically brutalized. I remained seated in that moment, too frightened to stand. It occurred to me that the few other women still sitting may well have also been closeted lesbians!However, I understood the politics of solidarity. I knew that those two thousand women were not all lesbians; and I knew that Audre Lorde and her sister organizers had presented me with a miraculous moment. One year and two months later I met the love of my life, and gradually over the next several years I came to more and more people, until I was finally able to join my two other fully out colleagues at the University of California, Santa Cruz, in 1983. By then I had left the Communist Party. I am immensely grateful to my students and a broad spectrum of faculty and staff for their warm support and encouragement and as grateful for the unconditional love of my partner. Still, the pivotal moment of consciousness-raising, as we used to call it, was with Audre Lorde at that panel at the Berks.Later I wrote to Audre and asked her to send me a copy of the paper on the erotic. She did, along with a note of immense kindness. When I began teaching an introduction to feminism course at the UCSC in the winter of 1980 that essay was on my syllabus as required reading. After Lorde's book Sister/ Outsider was published in 1984 I used it as a text, adding Poetry Is Not A Luxury and The Transformation of Silence into Language and Action as essential course readings. I taught that class through the fall of 2008, also sometimes reading selections from Lorde's poetry aloud to my students. students loved her writing.I taught my introductory course from a multiracial, multicultural, and, later, transnational perspective. It was explicitly antiracist. It adopted an intersectional analysis of gender, race, class, and sexuality, using the Combahee River Collectives Statement as its bellwether text, and later incorporating the work of Kimberlee Crenshaw. course embraced lesbian and gay sensibilities, again expanding and incorporating queer and transgender perspectives as these issues emerged. It was interdisciplinary, with a range of perspectives from the humanities and social sciences and with occasional forays into the sciences, using the work of Donna Haraway, for example, or the story of the Nobel Prize-winning founder of molecular biology, Barbara McClintock. …

Chester Himes, Frantz Fanon and the Literary Decolonization of Harlem

The existing scholarship on African American novelist Chester Bomar Himes and Martinican postcolonial theorist Frantz Fanon offers concrete, but sporadic indications that each was acquainted with t...

Editors' Note

Editors' Note Jean Allman and Antoinette Burton Along the Axis of the Nation: Some Twentieth-Century Histories Each of the essays in this issue uses the history of women to pivot the nation on a different axis—revolutionary, geopolitical, anticolonial, associational, and philanthropic—in order to register both the enduring power of national identity and those moments when collective identities emerge to challenge if not to trump it. We begin with Choi Chatterjee’s essay on American women who covered the Russian Revolution: journalists and travelers who bore witness to one of the most cataclysmic events of the twentieth century. The dispatches they sent home offered different perspectives on the nationalizing effects of the revolutionary upheaval than their more famous male counterparts. Rather than taking a panoptical approach, they most often recorded the view from the margins, producing narrative accounts that emphasized the dispossessed, the hungry, the everyday disruptions—offering in the process an explicit critique of the nationalizing narratives produced by revolutionaries and the emergent Bolshevik state. Such totalizing impulses were, Chatterjee implies, not merely nationalist but highly gendered, as John Reed’s Ten Days that Shook the World amply illustrates. American women who witnessed 1917 and its aftermath offered counterpoints to his accounts as well, often addressing a middle-brow public in venues such as the Saturday Evening Post and impressing on men and women readers both the difference that women’s reportage meant to assessments of the successes and failures of the revolution. Helen Laville and Jacqueline Castledine propel us into the post-1945 period with essays that track American women’s role in the establishment of the UN Commission on the Status of Women and the convergence of African American and black South African women’s activism in the Cold War period, respectively. Laville anatomizes the halting process whereby the U.S. government and some U.S. women came to terms with the power of internationalism—which was at once an inheritance of the prewar landscape but was also subject to radically new pressures in the context of decolonization, and a very freighted public struggle over what exactly the role of U.S. women should be in a newly postcolonial world. Castledine, in turn, takes up one particular strand of this larger story by focusing on the short-lived linkages between Sojourners for Truth and Justice, an African American women’s group, and the African National Congress Women’s League in South Africa. The linchpins here were Eslanda Goode Robeson and Bertha Mkhize. Mkhize was by far the more militant. Rooted as she was in trade union organizing, she viewed labor law protest as the vehicle for anti-Apartheid politics. Robeson’s career was largely shaped by the celebrity [End Page 7] of her famous husband, though she was instrumental in the founding of the Council on African Affairs, which forwarded the anti-Apartheid cause and was one vehicle for feminist anticolonial solidarity. Both the Sojourners and the CAA were objects of FBI surveillance and McCarthyist attacks precisely because of the threat to national sovereignty that their collaborations represented. The last two essays in our issue extend into the 1960s and beyond, highlighting the struggle for political and social reform in two different postwar contexts. Wendy Pojmann analyzes the associational work of Italian women in the Unione del Donne Italiane and the Centro Italiano Femminile. Though they did not always agree, they exerted significant pressure on Italian party politics—a domain where national/ist concerns were paramount in the Cold War world. The UDI and the CIF endeavored to keep women’s issues—labor, education, pensions, prostitution—to the fore, a task made somewhat easier by the fact that established political parties needed women’s votes. Jennifer Mittelstadt follows a rather different story in the postwar U.S., where she demonstrates how the Field Foundation spent several decades supporting efforts of southern African American women to address civil and women’s rights issues through what she calls “Left-liberal” philanthropy. In many respects the history of Field in this period (1960s—1980s) is a microcosm of the national story of liberal reform in the years between Brown v. Board of Education and the rise of Reaganomics...

:Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's Surveillance of Activist Anthropologists by David H. Price. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004.

Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's Surveillance of Activist Anthropologists by David H. Price. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004.

The Kurt Lewin–Goodwin Watson FBI/CIA files

FBI files on Kurt Lewin, founder of this journal, and his close colleague Goodwin Watson, reveal inter alia the investigation of Lewin postmortem by the FBI/CIA, and FBI surveillance of Watson while he was a proponent of corporate T-groups, a precursor to present day team development. Sixty years on from Human Relations' launch, and Lewin's premature death, the files enrich understandings of Lewin's, and Watson's, lives and work. The socio-political structures-in-process they evidence also support the idea of the T-group as a knowing political tactic, apparently emancipatory, yet immunized from (proto-)Cold War inquisition by its very focus on the here-and-now.

Threatening anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's surveillance of activist anthropologists - David H. Price

Threatening anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's surveillance of activist anthropologists - David H. Price

Religion and Secrecy After September 11

Security concerns since September 11, 2001 have raised new issues concerning relations between religious communities and government. Many of these involve the perception that religions (especially, at the moment, Islam) may engage in secret, illicit activities beyond the view of others, including the state. The new security environment requires an examination of the related concepts of secrecy and privacy as they apply to religion, as well as the historical record of earlier periods when some American religions such as Catholicism and Mormonism were considered dangerous. Of particular significance has been the 2002 change in Department of Justice guidelines that permits FBI surveillance of religious organizations, which, while presently impacting the Muslim community, presents potentially broad new problems in church-state interaction.

Refuge and Reality: Feuchtwanger and the European Émigrés in California ed. by Pol Ó Dochartaigh, Alexander Stephan

898 Reviews body of work that has been treated so intelligently and with such perspicacity in White's book. UNIVERSITY COLLEGE DUBLIN DAVID BARNETT Refuge and Reality: Feuchtwanger and theEuropean Emigres inCalifornia. Ed. by P6L 0 DOCHARTAIGH and ALEXANDER STEPHAN. (German Monitor, 6 i) Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi. 2005. viii+ I40 pp. E40; $56. ISBN 90-420-I945-X. The attention Feuchtwanger has attracted is clear from Lion Feuchtwanger: A Biblio graphic Handbook, ed. by John M. Spalek and Sandra H. Hawrylchak, 4 vols (Munich: Saur, I998-2004; reviewed in MLR, IOO(2005), 562-64). Yet despite Feuchtwanger's international reputation, there was until recently no Feuchtwanger-Gesellschaft. In July 200I scholars from the USA and Europe gathered at the Villa Aurora in Pacific Palisades and at theUniversity of Southern California to found a Feuchtwanger Soci ety. This new society elected IanWallace (University of Bath) as its first chair and P61 0 Dochartaigh (University of Ulster) as secretary and resolved to promote research both on Lion and Marta Feuchtwanger and on wider issues such as anti-Semitism, exile, and historical novels. The nine conference papers in the present volume focus on emigres in California. Wolf Koepke reminds the reader of the incredible work ethic of Feuchtwanger inAmerica. Regrettably, the novel he concentrates on here, Die Bruider Lautensack, tends to be remembered less for its quality than because its pre-publication inCollier's Magazine in 1943 enabled Feuchtwanger to buy his house on the Paseo Miramar. Despite the title of this paper ('Hitler inHollywood'), the novel never made the transfer to the screen, just as Simone, based on Feuchtwanger's co-operation with Brecht, never became a film, though both Brecht and Feucht wanger benefited financially. Arnold Pistiak's paper on the historical novel Jefta und seine Tochter sees the core of the work in power; in his paper on Waffenffir Amerika P61 0 Dochartaigh sees this novel as an instrument of reason. Though Die Bruider Lautensack and Simone never made it to the screen, Feucht wanger and Brecht collaborated inwhat became one of the most successful of Holly wood anti-Nazi films, Hangmen Also Die. IanWallace sheds new light on this work, noting particularly the influence of the film music of Hanns Eisler. Hollywood appears again inDavid Midgley's paper on Doblin in exile in Los Angeles. He focuses on how Doblin in this period of isolation and privation converted to Catholicism, an issue which in the context of anti-Semitism and the fate of the Jews was amatter of great contemporary concern. As Daniel Azuelos points out in his paper, the suggestion that Franz Werfel had considered conversion before dying had to be forcefully countered. The volume concludes with Alexander Stephan's paper on the all-embracing FBI surveillance of Feuchtwanger and Jeffrey B. Berlin's examination of the extensive cor respondence between Feuchtwanger and Ben W Huebsch of the Viking Press. As the Spalek-Hawrylchak bibliography established, Feuchtwanger is not highly regarded by British academics. IanWallace and Pol 0 Dochartaigh are to be congratulated on trying to ensure that Feuchtwanger will at last be awarded the critical attention that his extensive exile work deserves. INSTITUTE OF GERMANIC AND ROMANCE STUDIES, LONDON J.M. RITCHIE ...

William J. Peace — Leslie A. White: Evolution and Revolution in Anthropology; David H. Price — Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's Surveillance of Activist Anthropologists

William J. Peace — Leslie A. White: Evolution and Revolution in Anthropology; David H. Price — Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's Surveillance of Activist Anthropologists