Far-right Politicians Research Articles

The Octobrists and the right-wing political parties in the elections to the II State Duma of the Russian Empire: the attempt of the electoral Union

A Majority system of elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire pushed the political parties participating in election campaigns to the conclusion of electoral blocs and agreements. The purpose of this article is to find out whether the generated block of Octobrists and reactionaries in the elections in the II State Duma? Compromised if the leadership of the “Soyuz 17 oktyabrya” the pre-election agreement with such odious political force? The methodological basis of this work was the principles of historicism, scientific credibility and objectivity, as well as traditional methods of historical research: problem-chronological, comparative. Based on the analysis of preserved in the archives of the party’s correspondence and also periodicals of the time the author comes to the conclusion that the election agreement of the “Soyuz 17 oktyabrya” with the right-wing political parties did not take place. The reason is the difference in the views of the moderate and far-right politicians to solve the “Jewish question” in Russia in the early twentieth century.

“We have to Talk about it”

When a society fails to confront the dark episodes of its history, it leaves its past vulnerable to distortion and exploitation, argues journalist Fernanda Canofre. Brazil has never properly investigated the crimes of its military dictatorship period (1964-1985), and far-right politicians have been manipulating the country's collective memory of this era for their own gain. For the survivors of the regime's torture apparatus, the new nostalgia for repression can be traumatizing.

Religions, Lifeways, Same Difference

A number of far-right politicians and conservatives in the United States continue to argue that the First Amendment’s freedom of beliefdoes not apply to Islam because it is not a religion in the western sense of the term, but a way of life that includes politics. By providingdefinitions from both western sociologists of religion and conservative political lobbyists and think tanks, I show that mostexperts on religion in the United States define religion as a way of life that governs behavior in the public sphere. I also argue that thesedefinitions match similar definitions, offered by Muslim scholars in the Middle East and South Asia for the last fifty years, of the Arabicword dīn, typically translated as “religion.” By tracing the origins of the idea that dīn signifies something other than religion because of its relation to regulating public behavior, I show that earlier mid-twentieth century Muslim critiques of equating dīn and religion had little to do with any intrinsic nature if Islam itself and far more to do with western scholarship of that period’s understanding of secularity, conceptualization of the state, and prediction of the inevitable demise of religious belief and practice.

Religions, Lifeways, Same Difference

A number of far-right politicians and conservatives in the United States continue to argue that the First Amendment’s freedom of beliefdoes not apply to Islam because it is not a religion in the western sense of the term, but a way of life that includes politics. By providingdefinitions from both western sociologists of religion and conservative political lobbyists and think tanks, I show that mostexperts on religion in the United States define religion as a way of life that governs behavior in the public sphere. I also argue that thesedefinitions match similar definitions, offered by Muslim scholars in the Middle East and South Asia for the last fifty years, of the Arabicword dīn, typically translated as “religion.” By tracing the origins of the idea that dīn signifies something other than religion because of its relation to regulating public behavior, I show that earlier mid-twentieth century Muslim critiques of equating dīn and religion had little to do with any intrinsic nature if Islam itself and far more to do with western scholarship of that period’s understanding of secularity, conceptualization of the state, and prediction of the inevitable demise of religious belief and practice.

Revolutionary Genealogies: Suzanne Césaire's and Christiane Taubira's Writings of Dissent

This essay positions Negritude thinker Suzanne Césaire (1915–66) as a cultural critic whose “writings of dissent” remain relevant both in the Caribbean of her birth and the Europe of her death. Although far-right politicians have argued for contemporary France's return to its white, Catholic (or secular humanist) roots, the historical reality is that French identity has never been uniform or stable. Wilks argues that, although Césaire's affirmation of specificity may seem contrary to French republican ideals, her writings suggest a means of addressing the cultural-political impasse in which early-twenty-first-century France finds itself. In tandem with the analysis of Césaire's essays, the essay examines French justice minister Christiane Taubira's published writings and legislative work as evidence of her related efforts to recast cultural specificity as a source of richness and vitality, the integration of which may very well determine the nation's future.

Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and Successful Drug Policies

On July 1, 2001, a nationwide law in Portugal took effect that decriminalized all drugs, including cocaine and heroin. Under the new legal framework, all drugs were decriminalized, not legalized. Thus, possession for personal use and usage itself are still legally prohibited, but violations of those prohibitions are deemed to be exclusively administrative violations and are removed completely from the criminal realm. Drug trafficking continues to be prosecuted as a criminal offense. While other states in the European Union have developed various forms of de facto decriminalization — whereby substances perceived to be less serious (such as cannabis) rarely lead to criminal prosecution — Portugal remains the only EU member state with a law explicitly declaring drugs to be decriminalized. Because more than seven years have now elapsed since enactment of Portugal's decriminalization system, there are ample data enabling its effects to be assessed. Notably, decriminalization has become increasingly popular in Portugal since 2001. Except for some far-right politicians, very few domestic political factions are agitating for a repeal of the 2001 law. And while there is a widespread perception that bureaucratic changes need to be made to Portugal's decriminalization framework to make it more efficient and effective, there is no real debate about whether drugs should once again be criminalized. More significantly, none of the nightmare scenarios touted by preenactment decriminalization opponents — from rampant increases in usage among the young to the transformation of Lisbon into a haven for drug tourists — has occurred. The political consensus in favor of decriminalization is unsurprising in light of the relevant empirical data. Those data indicate that decriminalization has had no adverse effect on usage rates in Portugal, which, in numerous categories, are now among the lowest in the EU, particularly when compared with states with stringent criminalization regimes. Although postdecriminalization usage rates have remained roughly the same or even decreased slightly when compared with other EU states, drug-related pathologies — such as sexually transmitted diseases and deaths due to usage — have decreased dramatically. Drug policy experts attribute those positive trends to the enhanced ability of the Portuguese government to offer treatment programs to its citizens — enhancements made possible, for numerous reasons, by decriminalization. This report will begin with an examination of the Portuguese decriminalization framework as set forth in law and in terms of how it functions in practice. Also examined is the political climate in Portugal both pre- and postdecriminalization with regard to policy, and the impetus that led that nation to adopt decriminalization. The report then assesses Portuguese policy in the context of the EU's approach to drugs. The varying legal frameworks, as well as the overall trend toward liberalization, are examined to enable a meaningful comparative assessment between Portuguese data and data from other EU states. The report also sets forth the data concerning drug-related trends in Portugal both pre- and postdecriminalization. The effects of decriminalization in Portugal are examined both in absolute terms and in comparisons with other states that continue to criminalize drugs, particularly within the EU. The data show that, judged by virtually every metric, the Portuguese decriminalization framework has been a resounding success. Within this success lie self-evident lessons that should guide policy debates around the world.