Fair Copy Research Articles

Northrop Frye: Religious Visionary and Architect of the Spiritual World (review)

Reviewed by: Northrop Frye: Religious Visionary and Architect of the Spiritual World Linda Munk (bio) Robert D. Denham . Northrop Frye: Religious Visionary and Architect of the Spiritual WorldUniversity of Virginia Press. 320. US $45.00 Frye writes in one of the notebooks for The Great Code: 'I'm a Xn [Christian] partly faute de mieux: I see no better faith, & certainly couldn't invent one of my own except out of Xn assumptions.' Robert Denham comments: 'If Frye's "Christian position" is partly faute de mieux, it is partly not, and it would be possible to give an account of Frye's theology, which is often quite explicit.' Subtitled 'Religious Visionary and Architect of the Spiritual World,' Denham's new book on Frye does not attempt to give an account of his theology. 'Frye wrote a great deal about the Christian religion ... and a part of the Christian religion is Christian theology. He would doubtless not have much interest in having his "theology" discussed.' (Why would Frye 'not have much interest in having his "theology" discussed'? And why is the word 'theology' in inverted commas?) Denham 'seeks to make clear the religious ideas found in Frye' (ideas Frye gleaned from books on occultism, theosophy, alchemy, mysticism, kabbalism, cosmic consciousness, Tarot, Hinduism, shamanism, synchronicity, and so on). Denham also sets out to explore Frye's 'visionary religious views.' In the event someone understands those 'religious views' in terms of 'a theological statement ... it represents a theology founded not on history or argument but on the language of myth and metaphor.' 'My Christian position is that of Blake reinforced by Emily Dickinson,' Frye writes in one of the notebooks. According to Denham, Frye 'means that he, like she, has managed to escape from the clutches of priestly authority. Such an escape meant that she was free to make her business circumference ... and able at least to hope that the Nobodaddy-Jehovah of the Old Testament, whom she strongly distrusted, might "refund us finally / Our confiscated gods," as she says in one of her poems.' Ignoring the business of Dickinson's 'escape from the clutches of priestly authority,' we should focus on the phrase Denham quotes (inaccurately) from Poem 1260 [End Page 385] (Johnson's numbering), 'Our confiscated gods.' The last line of Dickinson's poem reads, 'Our confiscated Gods.' Frye uses the phrase 'confiscated gods' (lower case) at least seven times. In his notebooks, 'the four confiscated gods' are the gods of pagan antiquity, Hermes, Eros, Adonis, and Prometheus. 'Nowadays,' he writes in another notebook, 'we have a stronger feeling about the reality of polytheism, or what Emily Dickinson calls refunding our confiscated gods.' Language, we read, 'seems to be refunding our confiscated gods.' And: 'Sooner or later God must refund us our confiscated gods.' And: 'The doctrine that if we have one God we can't possibly have many gods is a construct of the finite human mind, and God probably regards it as horseshit. Sooner or later God must refund us our confiscated gods.' As a close reading of Poem 1260 will confirm, Dickinson is not writing about the death of the pagan gods; she's writing about the death of people she adores. She wants them back. I have looked carefully at Johnson's and at Franklin's three-volume editions of Dickinson's poems, and they agree: the two fair copies of Poem 1260 (numbered 1314 by Franklin) read, 'He will refund us finally / Our confiscated Gods.' Dickinson tended to lean on etymology and on her 'lexicon': as she certainly knew, the Latin word confiscare means 'to lay up in a chest'; 'to seize upon for the public treasury, to confiscate' (Lewis and Short). God has appropriated the poet's friends and family (her 'Gods,' whom she worshipped) to his treasury; the poet wants her treasures returned, refunded. Frye, convinced that Dickinson's poem alludes to the 'reality' of polytheism, has turned her upper-case 'Gods' into gods. According to Denham, Dickinson 'strongly distrusted' 'the Nobodaddy-Jehovah of the Old Testament.' Used in that context, the verb 'distrusted' echoes (by way of Frye, I suspect) a letter of condolence Dickinson wrote about 1884: 'When Jesus tells us...

1607 POSTER Cancer patients' informational needs about sexuality related issues

Following the manuscript's discovery in 1864, scholars have widely assumed that De Jure Praedae (Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty) was written by the Dutch lawyer Hugo Grotius (1583–1645) in the period 1604–1606. Yet the conventional dating fails to consider the materiality of Ms. BPL 917 in Leiden University Library. By analyzing paper supplies, this article throws new light on the date and manner of the manuscript's composition. The watermarks in the paper, the quire divisions and foliation are considered in combination with relevant textual evidence, such as manuscript references to historical events and any allusions to Ms. BPL 917 in Grotius’ letters and other archival sources. This approach has yielded unforeseen results. Yes, Grotius wrote out the original text in 1604/05, as a fair copy of a previously existing work. Yet he did not stop there. Entire folio-pages were crossed out in Ms. BPL 917 and new ones inserted in the following sequence:-in, or shortly before, January 1607, Grotius deleted f. 63v and 67r and inserted f. 64–66-between January 1607 and Nov–Dec. 1608, he deleted f. 7v, 19r, 38v, and 43r-v and inserted f. 8–9, 18, and 39–42-in November–December 1608, he deleted f. 119r–122r and inserted f. 117–118.These revisions were a direct response to the challenges faced by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in this period. Its growing empire in Southeast Asia was under threat from the peace and truce negotiations between the States General and Philip III of Spain and Portugal. Grotius’ revisions of Ms. BPL 917, along with chapter twelve's appearance as Mare Liberum in April 1609, justified the continuation of Dutch empire-building in the East Indies, the Twelve Years’ Truce (1609–1621) notwithstanding. Grotius’ rights and contract theories made it perfectly acceptable to conclude a peace or truce in (Western) Europe, yet persist in colonial warfare beyond the Line (i.e. the Tropic of Cancer). In this respect – the (implicit) differentiation between ‘the West and the rest’ in international relations – Grotius’ legacy is still with us today.

Un poeta alla corte degli zar. Karion Istomin e il panegirico imperiale by Paola Cotta Ramusino (review)

REVIEWS 5 I I [Nes'cjarovic] (I983) on the idioms in the Lithuanian Tatar texts of the seventeenthto nineteenth centuries.There is, however, but one publicationof Suter (1993). It is surprising that the author omits his Russian-language article, published in 1995 in Minsk in the Proceedings ofthe2ndConference onthe IslamicCulture of Tatarsin Belarus',Lithuania andPoland.Also lacking in the bibliographyare classicalarticlesof I921,1922 and I925 by EvfimijKarskij, who was among the firststudents of Tatar texts, in particularof the story of the Mi'raj. On p. 2I5 (fn. I95), Suter cites DABM, a commonly used abbreviationof the Dialectal AtlasofBelarusian, yet thissourceis not included in the bibliography. Despite the above shortcomings, this voluminous book is rewarding as a new insight into the cultural and linguistic legacy of Muslim Tatars. Suter's well-writtenstudywillfinditsdeservingplace among the seriouscontributions in the field. PaceUniversity, NY ANDRII DANYLENKO Ramusino, Paola Cotta. Unpoetaallacorte deglizar.Karion Istomin e ilpanegirico imperiale. Slavica, 5. Edizioni dell'Orso, Alessandria, 2002. Vi+ 204 PP. Notes. Bibliography.EI .50 (paperback). ITis customaryto referto Karion Istomin, the monk from Kurskwho rose to become the director of the Pechatnyi dvor in Moscow, as one of the 'minor' figuresof late seventeenth-centuryRussia (p. v). He was born around i 640, but almost nothing else is known of him until March I676 when he accompanied his abbot Sofronii on a business trip to Moscow. In I679 he returned to the capital, where his literary talents, energy and personal skills brought him to prominence. He joined the staff of the Pechatnyi dvor and learnt Greek,an accomplishmentwhich ensuredhis rapidpromotion. Forthe next twenty-twoyears he taught, wrote, edited and intriguedat the highest level in Russian society. Appointed to head the Pechatnyi dvor in I698, in I70I he was dismissedby Peterand replacedby the futureembezzler Fedor Polikarpov.Peter's motives in removing Karion were partly political and partly cultural. Ironically, the Greek expertise and consequent Greek orientationwhich had speeded Karion'sinitialcareerprobablybroughtabout his downfall. He left Moscow and passed into an obscurity so total that it is not even certain where and when he died, although some evidence points to Moscow in the early I720S. Karion'swritingshave faredlittlebetterthan theirauthor.Apartfrom S. N. Brailovskii'slife and works published under the title Odiniz pest?ykh XVII stoletiia (StPetersburg,I902) and L. I. Sazonova'sfacsimileedition of his Kniga liubve vznakchesten brak (Moscow, I989), much has remained unpublished.Dr Ramusino's work seeks to remedy this situation by making available all the materials needed to assess one complete, previously unpublished large-scale work, Knigavrazumlenie umnogo zreniiai telesnogo delaniiav bozhieimudrosti, the panegyric poem with which Karion congratulated the ten-year-old Peter on his name-day in I682. 5I2 SEER, 83, 3, 2005 As with much else associated with Karion, the panegyric's manuscript tradition is complicated and confusing. The actual copy presented to Peter has not survived:what has come down to us are two rough copies, illustrating successivestagesof the poem, and a posthumousfaircopy probablyof the late 172os. A furtherdifficultyis that, likeotherbaroquepoets, Karion waswilling to re-use passages from earlier compositions in later ones with minimal adaptation. Hence blocksof verse from the panegyric to Peterare also found mutatismutandisin Kniga zhelatelno privetstvo mudrosti, a panegyricpoem also of I682, dedicated to Tsarevna Sophia. The text of this later panegyric was printedin fullby Brailovskiiin Odinizpestykh. Dr Ramusino'sworkconsistsof fourchaptersand a conclusion,followedby two appendices.The firstchaptersummarizesthe scantydataon Karion'slife (pp. 4-20). The second unfoldsthe circumstancessurroundingthe writing of the two panegyrics,the one to Peter,which is the subjectof thiswork,and the other to Sophia (pp. 2I-36). The thirdchapterexamines Knaga vrazumlenie ... and identifiesitsprincipalsources(pp. 37-53). In her transcriptionof the MSS, the authorrecordsthe correctionsinserted in the first and second rough copies. In her fourth chapter (pp. 54-77), she compares these changes with the final wording given in the posthumous fair copy. This enables her to draw conclusions about Karion's compositional technique, both as regardsthe verbalsubstanceof his lines and theirprosody, which she discussesunder the headingsof metre, rhythm and rhyme. Among other featuresshe drawsattention to Karion's skillin enhancing the syntactic and semanticcohesion of hisversesby the use of deicticpronouns(pp. 7I-73). The two appendices contain the full texts of the firstrough copy and the posthumous faircopy (pp. 83...

Various Bartok Editions

VARIOUS BARTOK EDITIONS Bela Bartok. I. Konzert fur Klavier und Orchester. Revidierte Ausgabe (1998). Vienna: Universal Edition, [1998], c1954. [Pref. (Peter Bartok) and commentary (M. Koren) in Ger., Eng., Fr., p. i-xxx; notes on percussion, p. xxxiii-xxxv; instrumentation, 1 p.; score 189 p. ISMN M-00805797-7; Philharmonia no. 541. Duration, ca. 23 min. euro28.95.] Bela Bartok. 14 Bagatellen fur Klavier, Op. 6. Neue, revidierte Ausgabe herausgegeben von Peter Bartok. Budapest: Editio Musica Budapest, c1998. [Score, p. 3-39; editor's notes in Eng., Ger., Hung., p. 40-47. ISMN M-080-00934-5; Z. 934. $13.95.] Bela Bartok. Allegro Barbaro for Piano Solo. Edited by Peter Bartok. Homosassa, FL: Bartok Records, 2002. [Pref. 2 p.; score, 7 p. ISMN M9012001-1-1; BR 703. Duration, 2 min., 35 sec. $7.] Bela Bartok. Fifteen Hungarian Peasant Songs for Piano (1914-17). Corrected and edited [by Peter Bartok]. Homosassa, FL: Bartok Records, 2002. [Score, 17 p.; index of the melodies, 2 p.; notes, 2 p. ISMN M9012001-4-2; BR 702. $13.] Bela Bartok. Ten Hungarian Songs for Voice and Piano (1906). Homosassa, FL: Bartok Records, 2002. [Pref. and notes (Peter Bartok), 3 p.; score, 19 p.; texts, p. i-v; MS facsim (bw BR 705. $19.] Bela Bartok. liebeslieder for Voice and Piano (1900). Facsimile of the manuscript, with an essay by Ferenc Bonis. Homosassa, FL: Bartok Records, 2002. [Note (Peter Bartok), 1 p.; pref. (F. Bonis), p. i-v; facsim. (bw BR801. $23.] Bela Bartok. The Husband's Grief for Voice and Piano = A ferj keserve. Homosassa, FL: Bartok Records, 2002. [Pref. in Eng., Hung. (Peter Bartok), 2 p.; score, p. 2-5; notes, 1 p.; MS facsim. (bw BR 701. $11.] Bela Bartok. W. A. Mozart, Concerto for Two Pianos and Orchestra in E\> major, K. 365, Cadenzas by Bela Bartok. Fair copy and facsimile of the manuscript. Homosassa, FL: Bartok Records, 2000. [Introd. (Ferenc Bonis), 2 p.; score, 8 p.; notes to MS facsim. (Peter Bartok), 1 p.; facsim. reprod. (bw Romanian Folk Dances; Romanian Christmas Carols; Fifteen Hungarian Peasant Songs; Suite, op. 14; Etudes, op. 18; Improvisations on Hungarian Peasant Songs, op. 20. In the absence of a critical edition of Bela Bartok's opera omnia (a project for which Hungarian musicologists have done a great deal of preparatory work but which, for various reasons, has yet to materialize), we must welcome the publication of individual works based on a careful revision of all available sources. In the last few years, several such editions have been published by Editio Musica Budapest, Universal (Vienna), and particularly Bartok Records -the company founded by Peter Bartok, the composer's younger son, in Homosassa, Florida. Actually, Peter Bartok is behind all but one of the editions under review here, which include one for Editio Musica Budapest (the Fourteen Bagatelles) and one for Universal (the First Piano Concerto). Making use of his extensive archive of his father's manuscripts, Peter Bartok, assisted by Nelson Dellamaggiore, has begun to revise and correct the editions currently in use; he has also published a number of shorter works that have never before been available in print. Intensely active especially in the last ten years, he has most notably produced the facsimile edition of the Viola Concerto's manuscript (Bartok's last, unfinished work) in 1995 (reviewed by Vera Lampert Deak in Notes 53, no. 3. [March 1997]: 988-90), and a fascinating book of memoirs, My Father, in 2002 (reviewed by Lynn Hooker in Notes 59, no. 3 [March 2003]:635-37). Four of Peter Bartok's new editions are critical revisions of well-known compositions. …

Carl Nielsen and Nancy Dalberg. Nancy Dalberg as Carl Nielsen’s Pupil, Assistant and Patron

This article throws light on the connection between Nielsen and Nancy Dalberg, one of his less well-known composition pupils. She studied with Nielsen from c . 1912, and in the following years she composed several orchestral pieces and a symphony, which he conducted at her first composer’s concert. She was gradually drawn into Nielsen’s private circle of acquaintances, and she helped him with the fair copy of Aladdin and the orchestration of Springtime on Funen , following his indications in the draft score. This says something about his working methods when he was under time-pressure, but also about her expertise with regard orchestration. Nancy Dalberg’s own musical output is not extensive, and she did not make a great impact as a composer, but rather than explaining this by her being over-shadowed by Nielsen, the present article points to the fact that he was among those who supported her.

Shakespeare's Deletions and False Starts

Shakespeare's editors have long been aware that his ‘false starts’ were sometimes printed accidentally in his early texts. The author argues that there are so many ‘false starts’ in so many texts that they point to one conclusion—that Shakespeare did not delete them clearly, or perhaps did not delete them at all. If Shakespeare intended to tidy these passages in his fair copy, his habit of not deleting intended cancellations has important implications for other passages where the evidence is more uncertain.

Claire Clairmont's Fair Copy of Shelley's 'Ode to Naples': A Rediscovered Manuscript

Claire Clairmont's Fair Copy of Shelley's 'Ode to Naples': A Rediscovered Manuscript

Scribleriana Transferred: Manuscripts and Books at Auction and in Dealer’s Catalogues, 2002–2003

172 Mr. Bennett’s learning can be garnered from the discussion of the enterprise of the Noble brothers, whose circulating libraries of novels and other popular literature were a primary provincial outlet for such works in the period between 1740 and 1780. There are also discussions of Scottish, Irish, and continental bindings, and a concluding chapter on ‘‘deluxe bindings,’’ once again tending toward the primary argument: not even these expensive bindings were uniformly ‘‘bespoke’’; many were bound prior to sale, and offered as gift books—books designed, one can assume, to ornament many a tea table. One would perhaps have liked some discussion of books printed with subscription lists, whether bindings for subscribers were given any special consideration by printers or book-sellers, separately designed or simply cast with the general sale. That is, however, the only question that came to mind as still unanswered; when a modern work of scholarship can satisfy all but one question , it is a book worthy of purchase. Melvyn New University of Florida SCRIBLERIANA TRANSFERRED: MANUSCRIPTS AND BOOKS AT AUCTION AND IN DEALER’S CATALOGUES, 2002–2003 by James E. May • Sotheby’s on 10 July 2003 offered ‘‘a complete set of the ‘Great Books’ of Lady Anne Clifford,’’ containing family histories with transcripts of wills and other documents from the 1200s onward as well as her autobiography; three large folios of c. 890 pp. (well illustrated by Sotheby’s). ThebooksweresoldprivatelytotheCumbriaRecord Office, Kendal. Most noteworthy are c. 70 pp. with ‘‘autograph corrections or annotations by Lady Anne Clifford herself,’’ especially to her autobiography—thus Sotheby ’s calls this ‘‘an authoritative text of the earliest known female autobiography in English,’’ dating the fair copy 1649–1652, ‘‘with additions up to 1675 in Lady Anne’s lifetime and subsequent additions up to 1734.’’ • Still available from Edwards’s 25 is an autograph receipt signed by Sir Godfrey Kneller: ‘‘ye 20 of June 1689. Receved for Madam Allintons picture and Gild fraem 14 pds in full by me G Kneller,’’ 20 June 1689, in pencil on an oblong sheet. Edwards thinks the sitter was Diana, Lady Allington (d. 1701), daughter of the first Duke of Bedford and wife of Lord Allington of Killard. • Christie’s sale of the 17th Earl of Perth’s library on 20 November 2003, important for Scottish and Jacobean tracts and MSS, included many books bound for royalty. Among the last was Rider’s British Merlin for the Year . . . 1762 in red morocco gilt, with royal ciphers, including ‘‘G. R.’’ bosses on the cover. In the copy is the endearing inscription from King George III to Jane Moore, housekeeper at St. JamesPalace:‘‘This almanac was given you on Wednesday the 17th of Feb. as a small token of the sincere love & friendship I bear you. Yours till death, G. R.’’ • On 17 May 2002 Sotheby’s sold to a private buyer for £5975 a MS of Handel’s Chandos anthem (‘‘I will magnifie thee O God’’), c. 1760, 80 pp. 4to, in the hand of an early English scribe, witheditorialannotationsandremarkstotheprinterbyFriedrich Chrysander for his German Handel Society edition. 173 • On 6 Dec. 2002, Sotheby’s also sold Handel’s full scores of four Coronation Anthems for George II in 1727 (‘‘Let thy Hand be Strengthened,’’ ‘‘Zadock the Priest,’’ ‘‘The King shall rejoyce,’’and ‘‘My heart is inditing,’’HWV 258–61), in a scribalhand, 150 pp., folio (£21,000). The catalogue calls this ‘‘one of the earliest surviving manuscripts . . . probably transcribed from Handel’s conducting score.’’ It is not recorded in the Handel-Handbuch. • From Quaritch’s Spring 2002 English list,MagdaleneCollege,Cambridge,acquired Henry Purcell’s Orpheus Britannicus, Books I (1698), Wing P4218, and II (1702), a posthumous collection of vocal music, bound together with Dryden’s An Ode, on the Death of Mr. Henry Purcell . . . the Words by Mr. Dryden, and sett to Musick by Dr. Blow (1696), Wing D2321, folios, with W. A. Foyle’s booklabel. Dryden’s ode is found in Vol. I of Purcell with a note referring to the third item here, which might ‘‘be bound up with this Collection.’’ • Vassar was given a two-volume 4to nonce collection of Dryden, with Of Dramatick Poesie(1669), 1st ed., andalltwentyplaysthatDrydenpublished1668...

The first hydrogeological and geological maps of Jersey, Channel Islands: work by Walther Klüpfel in 1942 and Richard Nelson c. 1828

Groundwater maps for Jersey were prepared by the military geologist Walther Klupfel in 1942, during the Second World War German occupation of the Channel Islands. Previously deemed untraceable, these maps are currently preserved in Germany at the Bundesarchiv-Militararchiv , Freiburg-im-Breisgau, and include arguably the earliest hydrogeological map prepared at a scale of 1: 25 000 for any part of the British Isles. This antedates publication of a British hydrogeological map of the island by some 50 years, but follows a long tradition of geological mapping, the earliest geological map of Jersey having been made by a Royal Engineer officer. R. J. Nelson, about 1828. Also hitherto reported as untraceable, Nelson's field map and a fair copy intended for publication are preserved in the archives of the Geological Society, London.

Robert Louis Stevenson's "The Clockmaker" and "The Scientific Ape": Two Unpublished Fables

Robert Louis Stevenson's "The Clockmaker" and "The Scientific Ape": Two Unpublished Fables Ralph Parfect King's College, London ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON'S (1850-1894) hitherto unpublished stories "The Clockmaker" and "The Scientific Ape" have been unaccountably neglected by the author's admirers. Whereas several of his unfinished novels, as well as one early tale that he explicitly disowned, "The Plague Cellar,"1 have at one time or another been deemed worthy of publication, these two entertaining and provocative narratives, both complete but for a planned "Moral" at the end of each, not only have attracted little comment, but appear to have been deliberately omitted from their intended context, Stevenson's Fables (1895).2 This essay presents, contextualizes and suggests datings for the two stories, and considers the possible reasons for their neglect. Unfortunately, little is known about the composition of the Fables, a heterogeneous collection of twenty-two tales.3 All are undated, although external and internal evidence has suggested the outlines of a chronology.4 Some were clearly written as early as 1874, for Stevenson wrote to his friend and mentor Sidney Colvin (1845-1927) in September of that year that "I have done no more to my Fables. I find I must let things take their time. I am constant to my schemes; but I must work at them fitfully as the humour moves."5 Colvin, who later became editor of much of Stevenson's work, including the Fables, guesses that the earliest of them were "The House of Eld," "Yellow Paint," "The Touchstone," "The Poor Thing," and "The Song of To-morrow."6 Further work on the collection must indeed have been fitful, for it was not until 31 May 1888 that Stevenson met with an agent of Longmans, Green, and Company in New York to sign an agreement for the stories' publication. Stevenson's ensuing Pacific travels and eventual settlement in Samoa inspired a 387 ELT 48 : 4 2005 range of new projects that pushed completion of the Fables aside, but he almost certainly added at least two stories during this period, namely "The Cart-Horse and the Saddle-Horse" and "Something In It," which both include the use of Samoan proper names. The last surviving reference by Stevenson to the collection comes in March 1889, when he wrote to Charles Longman from Honolulu to enthuse about his new novel The Wrong Box (written jointly with his stepson Lloyd Osbourne), but added regretfully: "No word of the Fables yet: I have to do some more and the tide has not yet flowed."7 The manuscripts of "The Clockmaker" and "The Scientific Ape," now in the Beinecke Library Collection at Yale University , appear to have originally belonged to a complete fair copy of the Fables that Stevenson made at some unknown point before his death in November 1894.8 No other Fables manuscripts than these two have been discovered.9 In 1895, under a new contract arranged by Stevenson's literary agent Charles Baxter, Longman's Magazine published the Fables posthumously in two installments in the August and September issues ofthat year.10 As Roger Swearingen notes, both installments were signed with Stevenson's name.11 "The Clockmaker" and "The Scientific Ape," however , were missing. These stories were again excluded from the first collection that appeared in book form, bound together with Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde on 16 March 1896.12 No subsequent editions of the Fables, of which there have been several, have restored the two tales, in spite of the fact that the pages of the two manuscripts are numbered, respectively , "15-19" and "22-25," strongly suggesting that the author wished them to be part of a series.13 Who, then, removed the two stories, and why? The decision was almost certainly made by Sidney Colvin in preparing the text of the Fables for Longman's Magazine.14 As his selective editorship of Stevenson's Letters would later reveal, Colvin was often willing (though at times apologetically so) to suppress portions of his late friend's work.15 As for why the two stories were excluded, the closest that Colvin comes to giving an explicit reason is his remark, in an introductory...

Richard Hakluyt the Younger's Notes for the East India Company in 1601: A Transcription of Huntington Library Manuscript EL 2360

Richard Hakluyt the Younger was the most important promoter of the English colonization of North America in the Elizabethan era, but his interests went far beyond the Western Hemisphere. Heidi Brayman Hackel and Peter C. Mancall provide an introduction and notes to their transcription of Huntington Library Manuscript EL 2360, a fair copy of “notes of information”from a meeting Hakluyt held with the East India Company in 1601. This manuscript, perhaps the earliest version of the surviving notes from that meeting, demonstrates his knowledge of—and interest in—European contacts in the East Indies. 436 heidi brayman hackel and peter c. mancall This content downloaded from 157.55.39.123 on Mon, 18 Jul 2016 05:46:41 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Speculative truth: Henry Cavendish, natural philosophy, and the rise of modern theoretical science

List of Illustrations Preface and Acknowledgments Introduction PART ONE. NATURAL PHILOSOPHY 1. Natural Philosophers 2. Philosophies 3. Theories PART TWO. A GREAT QUESTION 4. Historical Setting of and Mechanics 5. Henry Cavendish's Researches 6. The Mechanical Theory of 7. The Question Appendix. Henry Cavendish's Manuscript on the Mechanical Theory of Editorial Note Preliminary Sketch of the Manuscript Foul Copy of the Manuscript Fair Copy of the Manuscript Bibliography Endnotes for Preface, Introduction, and Part One Endnotes for Part Two Endnotes for Appendix Text Endnotes for Appendix Document Heat Index

Russian Wondertales. I: Tales of Heroes and Villains; II: Tales of Magic and the Supernatural by Jack V. s> Haney (review)

90 SEER, 82, I, 2004 new ideas and examples by subsequent researchers. It has since vanished, but a few initial leaves, still preserved in the Academy of Sciences, may have come from this second fair copy. The paradoxical result is that in this way Paus's grammatical writings may have had almost as great an influence, though unacknowledged, as if they had been printed. It is relevant to recall that in the early 1740s in St Petersburg the Swedish teacher Michael Groening obtained a student's notes of Adodurov's lectures on Russian grammar, translated them word for word into Swedish and published them under his own name in Stockholm in 1750. In the eighteenth century plagiarism on this scale was a common occurrence. Paus followed Schottelius in compressing the then customary four-fold division of a grammar into 'Prosody', 'Orthography', 'Etymology', and 'Syntax', into just two parts, 'Etymology' and 'Syntax'. Not that the first two parts are completely ignored: they appear in vestigial forms in the opening pages of 'Etymology'. Just under three quarters of the grammar is taken up by 'Etymology', which despite its name covers the subject-matter of inflectional and derivational morphology. 'Syntax' occupies a little over one quarter. One must beware of giving the technical terms used by Paus their modern meanings: for example, Paus uses the word 'ending' to include both wordforming suffixes and inflectional endings, i.e. any morpheme which comes after the root (p. go). In fact, the fundamental principle on which his morphological system is based is the distinction between roots and derived words. Using Paus's working copy, which is preserved in the Department of Manuscripts of the Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences in St Petersburg, Dr Huterer describes his presentation of the morphology of Russian, more thorough and sophisticated than that of any of his predecessors, identifies the sources of its examples, and discusses its relationship with contemporary, mainly German, grammars and its influence on succeeding grammars. The publication of the original German text of the entire manuscript, including the second part, 'Syntax', which is outside the scope of the present work, is planned. The overall outcome of Dr Huterer's investigations is to remove Paus's grammatical works from the Church Slavonic tradition, although there is evidence that Paus used the I648 edition of Smotritskii's grammar and Polikarpov's edition of 172 i, and to re-anchor them in the German and classical tradition of Western Europe. She is to be warmly congratulated on her thoughtful and careful study. ImperialCollegeLondon C. L. DRAGE Haney,Jack V. (ed., trans.).RussianWondertales. I. Tales ofHeroes andVillains; II. TalesofMagicandtheSupernatural. The Complete Russian Folktale,vols 3 and 4. M. E. Sharpe, Armonk, NY, and London, 2001. 1i+ 443; li + 436 pp. Notes. Glossary. Commentaries. Bibliographies. ?56.95; ?57.50. THE two large volumes reviewed here represent the most comprehensive collection of Russianwondertales(volshebnaia skazka) everpublishedin English. REVIEWS 9I They form the third and fourth volumes of a magnificent series, which together with an introductory guide, aims to provide one example of every tale type of each kind of folk tale, based on the Russian refinement to the classic Aarne-Thompson folktale index (A-T), known as SUS, but more formallyas L. G. Baraget al., Sravnitel'nyi ukazatel' siuzhetov. Vostochnoslavianskaia skazka,Leningrad I979. Out of 450 A-T tale types world wide, 225 are given in SUS. Jack Haney's two volumes contain 250 texts, reflecting some more recent additions, with the few duplicated tale types being justified individually in the notes. Each volume is preceded by the same introduction, sensibly since a reader may only have access to one of the volumes. The first problem tackled is terminology. Conventionally known in English as 'fairy tales', the term is inappropriate for a culture unfamiliar with fairies, even though originally the wvord 'faerie' meant 'enchanted', something very close to volshebnaiaskazka, the Russian name for this type of tale. After surveying the various terms (but oddly not including the relatively common term 'magic tale'), Haney opts for wondertale. Then, with admirable succinctness, he discusses the main theories about structure, meaning and the tale's characters and origins, expanding in certain areas on what...

The Frankfurt Edition of Hölderlin’s Hymns: A Review Article

THE FRANKFURT EDITION OF HOLDERLIN'S HYMNS: A REVIEW ARTICLE Friedrich Holderlin, samtliche werke. Frankfurter Ausgabe, vols vn: gesdngeI and vm: gesdngeII. Ed. by D. E. Sattler. Frankfurta.M. and Basel: Stroemfeld/Roter Stern. 2000 [appeared 2001]. 1023 pp. ?228. ISBN 3-87877-462-1. Friedrich Holderlin, hesperische Gesdnge. Ed. by D. E. Sattler. Bremen: neue bremer presse. 2001. 144 pp. ?24.60. ISBN 3-926683-31-7. D. E. Sattler has been working on Holderlin's manuscripts for thirty-odd years. Almost single-handed (though he has had collaborators and a supportive pub? lisher) he has changed editorial practice not just for Holderlin but for Kleist, Trakl, and other writers whose works have appeared in editions inspired by his example. When the introductory volume of the Frankfurter Ausgabe came out in 1975, setting out its principles and justifying the need for a new edition, it was intended, and understood, as a direct challenge to the GroBe Stuttgarter Ausgabe which had been appearing under the editorship of Friedrich Beissner and Adolf Beck since 1943 and was still not quite complete. This latter edi? tion, which for the first time applied the techniques of classical philology to the works of a modern writer, had already established itself as a model of tex? tual scholarship. The extremely complex manuscripts that contain Holderlin's later work were separated out into different layers of composition, and different versions of several poems were extricated from the apparent confusion of the sources. Many of these had as their basis fair copies, but a few were arrived at through a combination of excluding the extraneous and, tentatively and occasionally, joining passages from different manuscripts together, sometimes giving the impression of a definite stage of composition which in fact never existed . Beissner's principle was to leave no word of Holderlin's unedited, but he worked towards an ideal of 'clean', definitive, readable texts which he produced in one volume ('Text') while printing what had been removed to achieve this in a separate volume ('Lesarten'). It was above all this separation, and its hierarchical implications, that the Frankfurt editors reacted against. For them, nothing was extraneous, and they took as their motto a late jotting of Holderlin's: 'die aprioritat des Individuellen iiber das Ganze', blending his revolutionary context and their own (the edition has the impulse of 1968 behind it, and the Verlag Roter Stern had mostly pub? lished political pamphlets before coming to Holderlin). Their method was to produce facsimiles ofthe manuscripts, give a 'typographisch differenzierte Umschrift ' of everything on them, and only then, from that base which everyone could now see for themselves, set about editing, poem by poem, the different phases of work that seemed to be revealed. But whereas Beissner had a bias towards earlier stages of composition, tending to reserve later reworkings for his 'Lesarten', Sattler tended to privilege the later stages. Thus in the volume devoted to the elegies, which appeared in 1976 co-edited with Wolfram Groddeck , 'Heimkunft', of which there exist two fair copies and an 1802 printing that all show only slight differences from one another, appears (after facsimile, CHARLIE LOUTH 899 transcript, and demonstration of the early phases) in a version ('emendierter Text') which follows the later and better of these fair copies and also, in the same typeface and font size, in another version ('konstituierter Text') which integrates some later revisions Holderlin made in the fair copy. This gives the impression that he was aiming for and even completed a new independent ver? sion that replaces the Reinschrift. He may have done (it seems possible that Holderlin prepared new fair copies, now lost, of the three elegies that open the large manuscript known as the Homburger Folioheft, 'Heimkunft', 'Brod und Wein', and 'Stutgard', incorporating the changes he made there), but at least in the case of 'Heimkunft' the manuscripts and printings do not neces? sarily lead to that conclusion, and it seems better to read the late reworkings as revisitings, disruptions, antagonistic quarrellings with the earlier 'finished' work, an impulse that perhaps lacks an integrative intention and in some sense works against it. No great harm is done though, since the editorial steps are perfectly clear...

Oral Tradition in Medieval Welsh Poetry: 1100-1600

Very little research has been done in this field, although there is in fact a rich body of evidence for the oral or memorial transmission of Welsh poetry in the later medieval period. As far as composition is concerned there is no direct evidence of poets’ practices, but nevertheless it is generally assumed that they would not have had recourse to writing (the earliest definite holograph texts date from the late fifteenth century, and even those are fair copies of poems composed previously). Since almost all the court poetry of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries has survived in a unique text copied about 1300, the opportunity for study of variance in transmission is limited. The only poem of that period which can be seen to have survived through oral as well as written tradition is Gruffudd ab yr Ynad Coch’s elegy to the last of the princes of Gwynedd that marked the end of Welsh political independence in 1282; two late fifteenth-century versions that differ very substantially from the supposedly authoritative text in the Red Book of Hergest can perhaps be explained as a reoralization from memory of that earlier text. Evidence for oral transmission is much more abundant from the fourteenth century onwards, following the emergence of the popular cywydd meter. The poems of Dafydd ap Gwilym and Iolo Goch in particular seem to have been preserved mainly by oral tradition for at least a hundred years, until the mid-fifteenth century. The number of extant versions over the following three centuries is often as many as fifty, and the variants between them show how much the texts of the poems changed due both to faulty memory and to creative recomposition. Oral transmission is proved most conclusively by substantial variations in line order, which are hardly likely to have occurred within a written tradition; other significant features are substitution of synonyms and like-sounding words, and varying attributions. Oral transmission has been seen primarily as an occasional hindrance in the restoration of the original text; only recently has its prevalence been

Sir Philip Wodehouse's Pantheon of Renaissance Poets

(ProQuest: ... denotes formula omitted.)In 1973 Leeds University Library purchased for the Brotherton Collection a manuscript of poetry composed by Sir Philip Wodehouse (1608-1681), third Baronet, of Kimberley in Norfolk, who was MP for Norfolk 1654-8 and for Thetford in the Restoration parliament.1Wodehouse's manuscript comprises around 365 pages, including about 178 pages in Sir Philip's hand, consisting of drafts and fair copies of his own poems and translations; and about 187 pages of verse by his son Edmund. Sir Philip's special interest was in translation, particularly from classical and neo-Latin poets and philosophers, from whom he selected a variety of moral reflections: his portion of the manuscript includes verse adaptations of Augustine, Claudian, Horace, Martial, Ovid, Petronius, Seneca, Tibullus, and Virgil, poems from the Greek Anthology, and versions of Francis Bacon. There is also a section (fols 104v-108v) of quotations and translations from the immensely popular Latin epigrams of John Owen (c.1560-1622). Generally, Latin quotations on the left-hand pages face Wodehouse's own English translations and associated reflections on the right. Appropriately, these poems are described on the title page (fol. 2r) as 'This forrest of gentiile philosophy', 'forrest' being an echo of Ben Jonson's collections 'The Forest' and 'The Underwood', and behind them Statius' Silvae. In addition, there are several original compositions, notably 'A Satirical Flash', a pungent, epigrammatic satire on contemporary mores written in 1670.2 Wodehouse's characteristic verse form is the couplet, but although some at least of the pieces date from the Restoration, there is no sign of the smoothness pioneered by Denham and Waller, and perfected with such fine variation by Dryden. Rather, Wodehouse's couplets belong with the writing of an earlier generation, having the deliberate awkwardness - deemed appropriate for satire - found in the work of writers such as Marston or Hall. Nor does he share the unbuttoned ethos found in much Restoration verse: his is uniformly a serious stance towards the world. Several of his poems exhibit revisions, some of them quite extensive, and these often take the form of alternative readings inserted between the lines, or new versions of lines and passages added in the margins; sometimes there is no way of telling which readings represent Wodehouse's preferred final thoughts.Among his original compositions is an untitled poem in praise of poetry, which exists in both a Latin and an English version (fols 177v-179r and 179v-181r respectively). It is remarkable for several reasons. First, it presents a pantheon of English poets, including previously unrecorded allusions to Shakespeare and Jonson, and thus both adds to the literary record of such writers and indicates the relative standing of poets from the Elizabethan and Jacobean period in the eyes of a conservative man of letters in the early Restoration period. There are some notable omissions: there is no mention of the mid-century poets Cowley, Denham, Milton, and Waller, nor of the distinctive new voice of Restoration poetry, Dryden. It is a decidedly retrospective canon, and one wonders whether Wodehouse deliberately excluded living writers from his list. If he did, that was not for want of interest or respect, for on the following page (fol. 181v) we find these lines on Katherine Philips, dated December 1664:Dec. 1664. An Epigram on Mrs Philips uponoccasion of Mr J Hubts expression of [teeming to Apollo].3Chast Daphne now may justly iealous grow4Apollo doth, anothr Mistres owe,[Our English Sappho] Philis is her nameso well by him belov'd, as she's his Dame,She ha's by him conceiv'd, & brought him forth,an offspring, worthy of its sacred birth.so masculine, so noble, so divineas do's our sexe, & all her own outshyne.Then Daphne be refresh't, & think't no scorneto yeeild thy selfe, her laurell to adorne. …

Inside Webern's workshop: a glimpse of op.9 no.6 in the making

The Webern Collection of the Paul Sacher Stiftung in Basel holds a fair copy of an early version of the Drei Stücke für Streichquartett (1913), comprising the song ‘Schmerz, immer Blick nach über’ together with what later became numbers 1 and 6 of the Sechs Bagatellen op.9. This document is highly interesting on many counts: here I will mainly discuss one, the existence of a discarded ending to the third piece (later op.9 no.6). This passage is heavily blacked-out in mauve pencil in the manuscript, but the notes, dynamics and indications can be discerned with a strong light and magnifying glass.

Joseph Johnson in the 1790s

This profile of Joseph Johnson, firm, and in the 1790s has several aims. (1) Marilyn Gaull's recent essay on rightly questions the various labels applied to him and then asserts (also rightly) that his significance is ... intellectual not political (Gaull 266-7, 269. (2) I hope to reinforce Gaull's emphasis and to suggest why most of the labels applied to are misleading. From another perspective, I argue that Johnson's circle was more inclusive and perhaps more complex, both geographically and ideologically, than we have generally seen it to be (see e.g. Tyson, 66); we might better refer to the Johnson circles. Finally, I delineate the over-all course of Johnson's firm and standing in the trade through the 1790s, in the process characterizing the man and principles more exactly than heretofore. An appendix provides quantifiable evidence for certain of these assertions. The 1780s had been Johnson's most placid decade. His firm prospered, list of authors was considerably more extensive than it had been in the previous two decades of the firm's existence, and the topics about which they wrote were equally more diverse. He was publishing more works in concert with other booksellers than previously (in the 1770s he had published 77% of imprints on own; in the 1780s that figure decreased to 65%). His life had settled into regular routines: weekly dinners above shop, where authors, other booksellers, and friends met to share ideas and sometimes to argue; long summer holidays with friends such as Priestley and Fuseli; regular attendance at and involvement in the Essex Street Unitarian Chapel, where friends Theophilus Lindsey and John Disney shared the pulpit. Next to Priestley, the two were the most prolific authors in Johnson's list. Among the authors new to in the 1780s were Cowper, John Bonnycastle, who was mathematics master at Woolwich Acade my and the source of numerous other additions to Johnson's list, Wollstonecraft, and Erasmus Darwin--all of whom became close friends and all of whom helped evaluate and edit manuscripts. In the 1790s, Johnson's life took several turns, although initially the decade began much like the 1780s. We know more about in the 1790s than in any of the previous decades, thanks in part to the recent uncovering of one of Johnson's letterbooks, containing fair copies of letters he sent to various correspondents concerning business. (3) One letter in particular, to R. L. Edgeworth, written 18[19?] February 1799, when was making arrangements to lodge with the coachman and family while in King's Bench prison, reveals a man able to endure prison life with remarkable grace (Johnson 29v-30v). In previous decades, he had shown that he was a man of firm, decidedly tolerant principles; but the extent to which he was willing to take those principles did not emerge until the 1790s. During that decade, was active in both the Society for Constitutional Information and the Unitarian Society, serving the latter as agent for its many publications. He courageously supported friends, authors, and fellow booksellers when they needed him. As examples, he published a number of works supporting P riestley after the Birmingham riots destroyed laboratory; he testified in behalf of those arrested in the various treason trials of the '90s; and on one occasion he helped raise bail for Thomas Paine (Werkmeister 356). Werkmeister also notes that the account of Johnson's attendance at the Society for Constitutional Information was recorded by every newspaper in London. Johnson's periodicals of the 1790s underscore growing activism, especially when compared to earlier attempts to publish periodicals, which typically were marginal sectarian efforts. The Analytical Review, founded at the tail end of the 1780s, did not have a large circulation (it averaged 1500 copies an issue, compared to the 4550 of The Gentleman's 's Magazine), but it was influential and it attracted a loyal following of reform-minded clergy, writers, and the like. …

"Beautiful dripping fragments": A Whitmanesque Reading of Hopkins' "Epithalamion"

A celibate whose Ruskinian interest natural beauty focussed upon innocent child or youth, Hopkins has not often been written of sexual language or been critically analyzed for sexual themes attitudes. Perhaps should be glad. (Johnson, Sexuality Inscape) (1) IN CONSIDERATIONS PR[OR TO--BUT LEFT UNCHANGED IN--HIS LITERARY biography of Gerard Manley Hopkins, Norman White dismisses poet's elusive Epithalamion as second-hand impressions pasted together, as landscape descriptions [which] have no force of plot behind them. (2) I wish to argue pages to follow that such assessment overlooks Epithalamion as display of Hopkins' mastery of painterly, priestly, prurient--overlooks masterpiece which John Ferns has argued not only reveals Hopkins freest happiest poetical vein, but also shows his genius. Even as recently as 1990, scholars such as James Earl have suggested indelicately that proper lesson learned from Hopkins' Epithalamion is that we would do well to destroy poems write while administering exams, merely labeling poem a beautifully embarrassing sexual fantasy. (4) Traditionally, most scholars have dismissed Hopkins' poem as spurious improvisation, ignoring existence of earlier drafts, drafts indicative of thoughtful process of revision. Scholars seem to request fair copy to legitimize Epithalamion, even though its writer admitted only year after its composition, that fatal year which saw both his death purging of his uncollected manuscripts: We greatly differ feeling about copying one's verses out: I find it repulsive, let them lie months years rough copy untransferred to my book (Last letter to Bridges, April 29, 1889). (5) Hopkins himself contributed to this dismissal of poem as fragment, certainly for good reasons. As if to thwart societal disapproval, Hopkins attached nuptial title two extraneous fragments, obvious fragments which Norman H. MacKenzie describes as perhaps weakest lines GMH ever wrote (Facsimile II, p. 383, note). Always keen on exploiting poetic opportunity, Hopkins seems to have converted occasion of his brother Everard's wedding into an audible fig leaf intended to cover sentiments expressed earlier [in poem], (6) sentiments both suggestive erotic. If look behind fig leaf--the nuptial title appended fragments--we discover poet inflamed with pederastic desire, poet who guides us into woodland abounding with bathing boys; then directs our gaze towards advancing stranger who, inspired by sight of these naked striplings, undresses bathes alone, caressed by vacillating stream. Not typical, Catholic wedding-scene, to be certain--or, words of Simon Humphries, looks not like nuptial. (7) Regarding spiritual psychological nakedness of Hopkins' Terrible Sonnets, most would agree with Robert Bernard Martin that in this great series of poems Hopkins seems stripped before us, so that no conventions of nationality, period or religion come between poet reader to obscure sense of profound emotion they share. (8) But, White's classification of later Epithalamion as pitiable fragment Earl's suggestion that it should have seen flames together reveal deliberate avoidance, critical sphere, of homoerotic pederastic qualities which infuse it, avoidance of sexual psychological nakedness that it presents represents, avoidance of what Michael Lynch has labeled the gayness of [Hopkins'] whole aesthetic. (9) Take away 'title,' suggests Humphries, and those forty-two lines might begin to look like kind of poem that is uncongenial to some critics (p. 344). This scholarly preference for congenial is partly decorous cautious attempt not to marginalize Hopkins' deeply felt religious convictions, his devotion to celibacy, his authentic sense of vocation. …

Ten Journeys to the Venusberg: Morris' Drafts for "The Hill of Venus"

One of the strongest characteristics of that . . . assertion of the liberty of the heart, the middle age, which I have termed a medieval Renaissance, was its antinomianism, its spirit of rebellion and revolt against the moral and religious ideas of the time. In their search after the pleasures of the senses and the imagination, their care for beauty, their worship of the body, people were impelled beyond the bounds of the Christian ideal; and their became sometimes a strange idolatry, a strange rival religion. It was the return of that ancient not dead, but only hidden for a time the caves of the Venusberg, of those old pagan gods still going to and fro on the earth, under all sorts of disguises. Walter Pater (1) WILLIAM MORRIS REVISED NOTHING ELSE AS MANY TIMES AS HE DID THE Hill of Venus, the last of Earthly Paradise's twenty-five tales. (2) May Morris alluded to four manuscript versions (in addition to the fair copy and printed tale3) her introductions to the Collected Works, and my reconstruction suggests that Morris may fact have written as many as ten drafts all (listed the appendix). Their wide variations indicate that Morris began de novo again and again, unable for once either to close the book, or throw it away. (4) One might argue that Morris's indecision was an emblem of several of the narrative's principal topoi: the ambivalence of thwarted eros and agape; the elusiveness and deferral of earthly happiness; and the incompleteness and suspensive nature of all achievement. plot of The Hill of Venus also resonated sympathy with Morris' still unresolved unhappiness about aspects of his private life; exemplified his sense of intense but suspended energies; and witnessed his aesthetic preoccupations with cyclical returns, existential historicism, (5) and the inward life of the past. He did, of course, finally negotiate the Venusberg's exit as well as its entrance, finishing his great poetic cycle, and integrating its reflections and conclusions into his life and work. Contemporary Analogues In 1861 and 1862, Morris began to draft The Watching of the Falcon, The Ring Given to Venus, and The Hill of Venus, a series of praiseful and monitory medieval tales loosely associated with the figure of Venus. (6) The Watching of the Falcon eventually appeared as Earthly Paradise's medieval tale for July, and a later version of The Ring Given to Venus became the work's penultimate medieval tale. Psychological perils of proscribed also appeared contemporary poetic and visual motifs of Dante Rossetti, Edward Burne-Jones, and Algernon Swinburne. Both Swinburne and Burne-Jones, for example, began work on the legend of Tannhauser the early 1860s, and Burne-Jones finished the watercolor Veneris 1861 (though he did not paint the better-known painting of the same title until 1875-78). (7) Swinburne's Laus Veneris, written a style similar to the Defence of Guenevere narratives, later appeared as one of his more provocative Poems and Ballads 1866. (8) All three artists found a great imaginative beauty and cause for celebration the sin their source decried, although Swinburne was least directly concerned with ethical or religious aspects of the original legend. He was heavily indebted to Morris' Malorian style for his rhetoric and detailed portrayal of the knight's inward state, but his abstractly self-conscious love remained a curiously sterile if persistent form of libidinal attachment. Laus's speaker, for example, invokes those who died for her in the old time, Who, sleeping with her lips upon their eyes, Heard sudden serpents hiss across her hair. Their blook runs round the roots of time like rain: She casts them forth and gathers them again; With nerve andbone she weaves and multiplies Exceeding pleasure out of extreme pain. Another parallel occurs the final affirmation of Swinburne's speaker, addressed to Venus: Ah, love, there is no better life than this; To have known love, how bitter a thing it is, And aterward be cast out of God's sight; Yes, these that know not, shall they have such bliss High up barren heaven before his face As we twain the heavy-hearted place, Remembering and all the dead delight, And all that time was sweet with for a space? …