Face Of Terrorism Research Articles

Terror and taboo: the follies, fables, and faces of terrorism

Terror and Taboo is about the mythology of terrorism; it is an exploration of the ways we talk about terrorism. It offers incontestable evidence to support the idea that we give power to terrorism by the way we write and talk about it. According to Zulaika and Douglass, we make terrorism worse by the way we represent it in the media and in everyday conversation. Through their examination of terrorism, they propose to remove the taboos surrounding terrorism. Terror and Taboo is full of examples to ground the authors premise, ranging from specific examples, such as tendency to talk more about where Timothy McVeigh shopped for weapons than about the international traffic in arms by legitimate nations, to more theoretical interpretations that will be familiar to readers of cultural studies books.

What was (the white) race? Memory, categories, change

What Was (the White) Race? Memory, Categories, Change Mike Hill Noel Ignatiev and John Garvey, eds., Race Traitor (NY: Routledge, 1996), and Mab Segrest, Memoir of a Race Traitor (Boston: South End Press, 1994). ...it’s impossible to me to separate black studies from white studies. —C.L.R. James Whiteness Redux When Timothy McVeigh’s photo appeared on the cover of Time, it was emblazoned with a caption that read “the face of terror.” Not a year later came the arrest of “Team Viper.” You may recall, the Vipers were that otherwise unremarkable group of suburbanites from West Shangri-La Lane, Arizona, who were caught with a half-ton of the same ammonium-nitrate compound that exploded in Oklahoma City, this time tucked away in the garage next to the gardening tools and other middle-class accouterments. Both events were reported to have “shocked” the nation, but why? These events, I would suggest, exhibit a fundamental Western, white, and modern anxiety, one that emerges somewhere between the putative normativity of the everyday and the eventual awareness of an other that is us. Not to slight the brutal tragedy of 168 dead, but glossy magazines and the evening news know that when blue-eyed, blond-haired, white men and outwardly peaceable suburbanites are cast as anti-government guerrilla warriors, it makes for a hot-button scoop—flashier, say, than repeating those hopelessly redundant statistics about government-sanctioned corporate greed and the new economic world order. Home-grown anti-federalism is a good story because distinctions and oppositions emerge where before were just stock commonalities. Here, you might say, Benjaminian “estrangement” meets the rank pastiche of Hard Copy or A Current Affair. A clean-cut, Caucasian “John Doe” in a moving van, or a middle-class home replete with ornamental cactuses and well-groomed lawns, are at some historical flash point transformed to disclose the barbarism just under the veneer of ordinary life. Indeed, to ferret out the ontological absenteeism implicit in the concept of the “ordinary” is at least one objective made available lately by the (also widely reported) “rise of White Studies,” a.k.a., critical ethnography’s next-big-thing.1 It was until recently assumed that white identity was all-but-featureless, a-categorical background, some unspeakable neutrality by which the default mechanism for otherness was automatically set. But, at least in theory, distinction has crossed the ontological tracks, and whiteness is no longer what James Baldwin calls the “jewel of naïveté.”2 No longer, that is, does whiteness in its omnipotence and absence afford white folk absolution on matters of race. Whiteness is instead a function of material inequity, even if it is also a fragile historical fiction. But “White Studies,” so far anyway, has hardly resulted in the political dispersion of whiteness on behalf of exclusively post-white agendas. Indeed, the simple declarative act of tagging whiteness with a temporal marker seems to have lead, with our barely noticing, to an inescapable performative irony, a sort of visibility blues wherein whiteness is (still), as Richard Dyer puts it, both there and not there.3 My question is: if whiteness is being variously examined in its normative capacity, is it (still) master of itself? The critical study of whiteness initiates a series of similarly awkward questions which bear as much relevance to the sly ontological struggles of (white) majoritarian culture over formerly colonized and enslaved peoples (of color) as they do the discovery of what Theodore Allen calls in another context that “truly peculiar institution.”4 Allen is referring here to the peculiarity of the category of whiteness itself to afford material privilege. But the critical rush to the study of whiteness is arguably no less peculiar. “White Studies” is peculiar at the very least insofar as this work, unlike Black, Hispanic, or Asian Studies, is eager to pursue the necessary disintegration of its object. The nettlesome epistemological questions inherent in this task, not to mention how (or whether) such a thing counts as politics, have yet to be seriously discussed. So I want to begin to do that here; but before plunging ahead, it is hard to resist mentioning one other recent media affair...

In the Name‐of‐the‐Father: Absent Presence

ABSTRACTPsychoanalysis exists! It exists despite splitting attacks made on it by the analysand, and by the analyst's own internal objects, which threaten to destroy it. But it is the silent abundant goodness of the analytic setting, its freedom, its openness, its ‘without memory or desire’, that enable us to experience primary hate in face of terror. But no one possesses this goodness. Unless the analyst has some acknowledged or unacknowledged faith in this goodness, which is never his own, he will not be able to bear envy and will resort to cynicism or manipulation.

Promoting Tourism in the Face of Terrorism:

Civil unrest and terrorist attacks have led to a sharp decline in inbound holiday tourism to Northern Ireland. The Northern Ireland Tourist Board is engaged in promotion of the Province as a tourist destination, and one method used is to support special events in the expectation that these will draw in significant numbers of holidaymakers from abroad. A survey of several events showed this not to be the case, and that little effective promotion of the events was taking place outside Northern Ireland. It is suggested that the Northern Ireland Tourist Board should therefore withdraw its support and market the events to potential tourists directly.

Clinical assessment of the neonate and infant with suspected congenital heart disease: How to avoid some of the pitfalls

To some, the examination of the cardiovascular system in the newborn and infant is a grey area of guesswork in the face of terror. Perhaps this is due to the misconception that most congenital heart disease is life=threatening, and requires immediate and sophisticated treatment. Approximately 8 per I000 live children are born with congenital heart disease, but only 1 or 2 will present with life-threatening symptoms. There is usually plenty of time to assess the child with a possible congenital heart abnormality, there is no need to make the assessment under less than ideal circumstances, and rarely is there any need to make an exact diagnosis at the first consultation. This article aims to provide a practical guide to the assessment of the child with congenital heart disease, butno attempt is made to describe every defect. Firstly such descriptions can be found in most major textbooks. Secondly, many infants have multiple disorders that do not fit easily into the commonly described categories.

Indians Playing Indians

Native Americans portray themselves with post-Holocaust humor on the contemporary stage. In 1972 the American Indian Theater Ensemble premiered Hanay Geiogamah's Body Indian at the La Mama Experimental Theater Club, New York City. This Kiowa playwright challenges natively noble and savage stereotypes that trace back through John Ford westerns, past Bill Cody's Wild West Show, to the sixteenth-century French court masquerading in Rouen as Tupinamba natives. So Body Indian sets the stage for Indians to play Indians, after five hundred years of historical stand-ins.1 There are elements of 1960s street theater in the social and political dimensions of Geiogamah's work. Brecht's sense of carnival, the Marquis de Sade's surreal theater, and the grim historical humor of Kopit's Indians (1970) salt the play with contemporary irony. Yet Body Indian seems distinctive to itself-a pan-Indian drama, dangerously humorous, something akin to dark comic theater of conscience. Laughter in the face of terror is crucial to survival, and Indian jokes, culturally woven into tribal societies, serve as secular prayers to ground and revitalize native peoples. Historically, the Indian capacity for humor has been a blessing, Geiogamah says. [It's] one of the fundamental miracles of our lives, ...part of our religion (see MELUS interview p. 79). Body Indian dramatizes off-reservation Indians on the Oklahoma skids, drinking away meager lease payments, mooching al-hong-ya (money), scamming, laughing, singing 49 (social gathering) songs at powwows, and stealing from each other to stay alive. For a native dramatist to portray Indians so candidly on the off-beat side of tribal visions tests the limits of permitted disrespect, to cite Mary Douglas on the social contexts of cultural humor.2 Such comic license turns on

Revolution Aries and Functionaries: The Dual Face of Terrorism

Revolution Aries and Functionaries: The Dual Face of Terrorism

The Changing Face of Terrorism: From Regicide to Homicide

Terrorism has changed so that the primary target is the noncombatant instead of leaders of the military or government. Until there is international cooperation and agreement on the problem of terrorism, there are only a few things that can be done to protect the civilian from being a victim of a terrorist attack.

DOING VIOLENCE — TO THE FACTS: J. Bowyer Bell. Terror Out of Zion: Irgun Zvai Leumi, LEHI, and the Palestine Underground, 1929-1949/John Phillips, foreword by Golda Meir. afterword by Teddy Kollek, with J. Robert Moskin. A Will to Survive. Israel: The Faces of Terror 1948, The Faces of Hope Today/Alvin Rosenfeld. The Plot to Destroy Israel: The Road to Armageddon

DOING VIOLENCE — TO THE FACTS: J. Bowyer Bell. <i>Terror Out of Zion: Irgun Zvai Leumi, LEHI, and the Palestine Underground, 1929-1949</i>/John Phillips, foreword by Golda Meir. afterword by Teddy Kollek, with J. Robert Moskin. <i>A Will to Survive. Israel: The Faces of Terror 1948, The Faces of Hope Today</i>/Alvin Rosenfeld. <i>The Plot to Destroy Israel: The Road to Armageddon</i>

Doing Violence-To the Facts: Terror Out of Zion: Irgun Zvai Leumi, LEHI, and the Palestine Underground, 1929-1949. . J. Bowyer Bell. ; A Will to Survive. Israel: The Faces of Terror 1948, the Faces of Hope Today. . John Phillips. ; The Plot to Destroy Israel: The Road to Armageddon. . Alvin Rosenfeld.

Doing Violence-To the Facts: Terror Out of Zion: Irgun Zvai Leumi, LEHI, and the Palestine Underground, 1929-1949. . J. Bowyer Bell. ; A Will to Survive. Israel: The Faces of Terror 1948, the Faces of Hope Today. . John Phillips. ; The Plot to Destroy Israel: The Road to Armageddon. . Alvin Rosenfeld.

Protest Against the Legal Status of the Negro

The tradition of protest has been present in every generation of Negroes since the seventeenth century. During slavery hundreds of petitions for freedom were appealed through the courts to the highest tribunals of the states. Free Negroes also resisted discrimination and segregation before the Civil War through court action as well as more direct methods. Contemporary protest is a culmination of this tradition and has reached a climax after a century-long effort to implement the constitutional guarantees of full citizenship in the Civil War Amendments. The massive nature of resistance to discrimina tion is due in part to a changing self-image and in part to a redefinition of constitutional rights by the Supreme Court. The failure of legal processes in parts of the South to facilitate these changes has led to the growth of militant protest move ments and to new forms of expression of protest. The most significant of these movements is nonviolent action in the face of terrorism, calculated to arouse the national conscience and bring about increasing federal intervention to ensure the pro tection of constitutional rights. Events in Alabama and Mis sissippi vividly illustrate the breakdown of legal processes and the need for more vigorous action by the federal government.