Ezra Nehemiah Research Articles

The Purpose of the Book of Ruth

Numerous scholars argue that the book of Ruth, with its story concerning mixed marriages of Judahites with Moabite women, consciously opposes the exclusivist rhetoric of the books of Ezra–Nehemiah. However, a detailed analysis of the narrative rhetoric of the book of Ruth, especially compared to the supersessive rhetoric of the roughly contemporary books of Samuel–Kings, reveals that the main purpose of the book of Ruth was to delegitimize the claims of the tribe of Ephraim to domination in Israel, and against this background to promote the tribe of Judah with its Davidic dynasty. Therefore, the book of Ruth most probably served as a rhetorical-ideological model for the much more elaborate, likewise consciously Judean narrative of the books of Samuel–Kings.

Brad E. Kelle and Brent A. Strawn, eds. The Oxford Handbook of the Historical Books of the Hebrew Bible

Brad E. Kelle and Brent A. Strawn, eds. <i>The Oxford Handbook of the Historical Books of the Hebrew Bible</i>

The Edict of Cyrus and Notions of Restoration in Ezra–Nehemiah and Chronicles. By Andrew M. Gilhooley

The Edict of Cyrus and Notions of Restoration in Ezra–Nehemiah and Chronicles. By Andrew M. Gilhooley

1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees

1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees Christopher T. Begg, Thomas Hieke, and William J. Urbrock Christopher T. Begg Catholic University of America Thomas Hieke Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz William J. Urbrock University of Wisconsin Oshkosh 2234. [Positive Shame in Ezra–Nehemiah] Bin Kang, "The Positive Role of Shame for Post-exilic Returnees in Ezra/Nehemiah," OTE 33 (2, 2020) 250-65. While shame is often viewed in a negative light as a response accompanied by destructive behaviors in modern cultures, my article takes a different perspective and argues that shame played an important positive role for the postexilic returnees in Ezra–Nehemiah. Shame, I argue, can be a progressive and constructive phenomenon if it is oriented in the right direction. My article examines the semantics of various "shame terms" in Ezra–Nehemiah, i.e., bwš I in Ezra 8:22; bwš I and klm in Ezra 9:6-7; ḥrph in Neh 1:3; 2:17; and bwzh in Neh 3:36 (Eng. 4:4), and concludes that shame plays a positive role as a source of social control for the returnees. Shame, in each of the above texts, motivates the people of God, not for bad, but rather for good purposes: it prompted them to rebuild the temple and the wall of Jerusalem and contributed to the restoration of a holy people for the Lord in the face of fierce opposition from those among whom they lived. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] Google Scholar 2235. [Ezra 6:19-22; 2 Chronicles 30; 2 Chronicles 35] Timothy Yap, "Three Passovers and a Funeral Reading. Ezra 6:19-22 in Light of the Hezekiah and Josiah Passover Narratives," ResQ 63 (1, 2021) 31-43. In this article I have sought to demonstrate that the Passover narrative in Ezra 6:19-22 is deliberately crafted to recall the Passover celebrations during the times of Hezekiah (2 Chr 30:13-27) and Josiah (2 Chr 35:1-19). Such a recollection of preceding Passover celebrations assists us in understanding some of the vexing issues latent in Ezra 6:19-22. In my examination of Hezekiah's Passover narrative, I argue that 2 Chr 30:13-27 has a threefold bearing on Ezra 6:19-22. First, Ezra 6:19-22 fulfills Hezekiah's vision of unifying Israel as a whole. Second, it also allows us to understand the rhetorical purposes of the change of languages from Hebrew to Aramaic and then back to Hebrew in Ezra 1–6. And finally, Hezekiah's Passover narrative provides us with a context in which to understand why the enigmatic title "king of Assyria" is applied to the Persian monarch in Ezra 6:22. As for Josiah's Passover narrative and the Passover narrative of Ezra 6:12-22, both are sandwiched between passages that give attention to the word of God. The purpose of this common feature is to create a contrast between Josiah and Ezra. While Josiah in 2 Chr 35:22 chooses to ignore God's word spoken to him by the Egyptian king Necho and ends up being slain by the "destroyer" (see 2 Chr 35:22) at what turns out to be a negative Passover observance, Ezra is presented as the antithesis of Josiah in his faithful observance of the word of God as received by him. [Adapted from author's conclusion, p. 43—C.T.B.] Google Scholar 2236. [The Zoroastrian Context of the Book of Tobit] David Brodsky, "Resistance and Appropriation: The Zoroastrian Context of the Book of Tobit," From Scrolls to Traditions, 38-65 [see #2543]. The question of the cultural/geographical place of origin of the Book of Tobit has been long and inconclusively discussed in scholarship. Whereas earlier, a Persian/Median/Zoroastrian origin for the book enjoyed some currency among scholars, given, e.g., the role it accords to a dog in light of Zoroastrianism's emphasis on the anti-demonic capacities [End Page 826] of canines, today's scholars overwhelmingly advocate a "Western" context for the book's composition, whether in the Hellenistic Diaspora (Egypt) or in Judea. In making his case for Tobit's "Eastern" origins, B. notes...

Remembering the Covenants in Song: An Intertextual Study of the Abrahamic and Mosaic Covenants in Psalm 105

Remembering the Covenants in Song: An Intertextual Study of the Abrahamic and Mosaic Covenants in Psalm 105

The Hebrew Bible: Feminist and Intersectional Perspectives

The Hebrew Bible: Feminist and Intersectional Perspectives

Worlds That Could Not Be: Utopia in Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah

Worlds That Could Not Be: Utopia in Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah

Ezra–Nehemiah

Ezra–Nehemiah

Women and Exilic Identity in the Hebrew Bible

Women and Exilic Identity in the Hebrew Bible

Household and Family Religion in Persian-Period Judah: An Archaeological Approach

Household and Family Religion in Persian-Period Judah: An Archaeological Approach

The Beauty of Holiness: Re-Reading Isaiah in the Light of the Psalms

The Beauty of Holiness: Re-Reading Isaiah in the Light of the Psalms

The Oxford Handbook of the Writings of the Hebrew Bible

The Oxford Handbook of the Writings of the Hebrew Bible

1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees

1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees Christopher T. Begg and Benedict Schöning 2112. [Chronicles; Ezra–Nehemiah] I. Marsh and Y. Levin, "Mixed Marriages in the Book of Chronicles—A Reflection of Social Atttudes in Persian-Period Yehud," Trans 50 (2018) 125-37. This article examines the attitude displayed in the Book of Chronicles toward mixed marriages between Israelites and gentiles in an attempt to clarify the difference on this issue between the Chronicler and the author of Ezra–Nehemiah. Of the 14 cases of mixed marriages mentioned in Chronicles, 9 are discussed in this article; some of these have parallels in other biblical books, while others are unique to Chronicles. Our conclusion is that in general the Chronicler did not consider such marriages to be problematic for the continued existence of the people of Israel or of the Yehud community of his time. In this he represents a stance regarding mixed marriages very different from that reflected in Ezra–Nehemiah. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] [End Page 699] 2113. [Chronicles] L. C. Jonker, "Anything New under the Sun? Exploring Further Avenues for Writing Another Commentary on Chronicles," AcTSup 26 (2018) 325-48 [see #2377]. Over the past two decades, there has been an explosion of new commentaries on the Books of Chronicles. Scholars might justifiably ask then whether there is anything new under the sun to be said in a new commentary on Chronicles. Having been contacted about writing a commentary on Chronicles in the OTL series as a follow-up to Sara Japhet's entry in that series, I am investigating some new avenues that such a work might explore. Here, I comment on three possibilities in this regard: utilization of Achaemenid royal inscriptions and written records for the interpretation of Chronicles, revisiting existing theories concerning the composition of Chronicles, and bringing Chronicles and pentateuchal studies into conversation with each other. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 2114. [1 Chronicles 28–29//1 Kings 1–2] Brian Peterson, "Did the Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon Influence the Chronicler's Succession Narrative of Solomon?" BBR 28 (2018) 554-74. The radically different perspective on Solomon's coronation scene as recorded by the Chronicler in 1 Chronicles 28–29 vis-à-vis that of 1 Kings 1–2 has often been dismissed as merely a matter of a rhetorical flourish or polemic, lacking any degree of historical veracity. Yet the question still lingers: did the Chronicler make up Solomon's coronation scene out of whole cloth, or is there some other reason for the scene's divergence from Kings' account? P. argues here that the Chronicler did not necessarily fabricate a new coronation scene that is totally out of line with the Deuteronomist's version, but rather fashioned and/or included key details concerning Solomon's second formal coronation event (cf. 1 Chr 23:1; 29:22) in order to present David and Solomon on par with other great ANE sovereigns. The Chronicler had a ready-made exemplar for his doing this in the succession scene of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal as recorded in the Esharhaddon vassal treaties (EVT) of 672 b.c. As a historian, the Chronicler could have had access to this well-documented ANE event through his reading of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah from the period of King Manasseh—a vassal to both Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal—or he may simply have adopted the Gattung represented by the EVT. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 2115. [Ezra–Nehemiah] Raik Heckl, "The Composition of Ezra–Nehemiah as a Testimony for the Competition between the Temples in Jerusalem and on Mt. Gerizim in the Early Years of the Seleucid Rule over Judah," The Bible, Qumran, and the Samaritans, 115-32 [see #2371]. H. presents a literary analysis of Ezra–Nehemiah that aims to identify the discourses that resulted in the literary history of the book. In so doing, he discusses the hermeneutical strategies that its final authors/redactors used to persuade their readers to accept their new text over against its Vorlagen. Thus, he emphasizes that the Cyrus edict, contextualized at the beginning of Ezra 1, represents the hermeneutical key to...

Historical Books: 1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees

Historical Books:1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees Christopher T. Begg and Thomas Hieke 420. [Chronicles; Deuteronomy] Louis Jonker, "What Was Considered to Be Apostasy by the Chronicler, and How Does It Relate to Deuteronomic Law?" JSem 26 (2017) 382-411. It is well-known that the Chronicler uses very specific terminology in relation to what he regards as apostasy. The term mʿl, e.g., is quite prominent in this regard, though it never occurs in the Vorlage of Samuel–Kings and only once in Deuteronomy, i.e., in Deut 32:51. Also prominent among the Chronicler's apostasy terminology is the expression "not to seek (with either drš or bqš) Yhwh" (which also occurs frequently in Deuteronomy and Samuel–Kings). In this paper, J. investigates the Chronicler's language for apostasy in order to determine what he regards as constituting apostasy as well as how this understanding of the concept relates to the provisions of Deuteronomic law. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] [End Page 128] 421. [Chronicles; Ezra; Nehemiah] Manoja Kumar Korada, "Seeing Discontinuity in Chronicles–Ezra–Nehemiah through Reforms," JETS 61 (2018) 287-305. The question of whether the Books of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah are the work of the same or rather different authors has been much discussed in the scholarship of the last four decades. Adopting the view that each of the three books derives from a distinct author, K. argues that a case for this emerges when one attends to the discontinuity among them with regard to the topic of religious "reform." While each book does address the topic, each also evidences a distinctive stance toward the involvement of the common people in the reforms they narrate and the impact of those reforms. While the Chronicler is primarily interested in the individual authority figures (i.e., kings) as the catalysts of reforms, and the author of Ezra exhibits minimal sympathy for the common people and their contribution to reforms, the author of Nehemiah gives a markedly democratized account of postexilic reforms according to which the degree to which the common people are involved in a given reform is directly proportional to the impact of that reform. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 422. [Chronicles] Matthias Ederer, "Ohne David kein Mose? Die Bedeutung des 'befehlenden Mose' (vgl. 1 Chr 6,34; 15,15) und sein Verhältnis zu David in der Chronik," Mosebilder, 13-34 [see #725]. The name "Moses" occurs a total of 21 times in the Books of Chronicles. In this essay, E. focuses on four of these uses, i.e., 1 Chr 6:34; 15:15; 2 Chr 8:13; and 23:18. In the first two of these references, the expression used is "as Moses commanded," a formulation that functions as an affirmation that the activities of the Levites spoken of in the context (carrying the ark, conducting liturgical music, etc.) as assigned them by David are in accordance with the cultic directives laid down by Moses that David now applies and actualizes for the situation of his own time. The third of the above texts, in which the reference is to "the command of Moses," is used in connection with Solomon's cultic initiatives and represents a prolongation of this usage, portraying Solomon as continuing the organizing and adapting of Israel's cult on the basis of Moses's and David's previous directives concerning this. Finally, in 2 Chr 23:18, at a time subsequent to the foundational David–Solomon period of Israel's history in the land, the high priest Jehoaida restores the Temple cult that had been disrupted by the usurper Athaliah, doing so "as is written in the Torah of Moses." In Chronicles overall, then, "Moses" represents the primordial authority in cultic matters, whose legacy needs, however, to be interpreted, applied, adapted, and further elaborated by Israel's subsequent royal and priestly leaders, King David in particular.—C.T.B. 423. [1 Chronicles 1–9] David Janzen, "A Monument and a Name: The Primary Purpose of Chronicles' Genealogies," JSOT 43 (2018) 45-66. The primary purpose of the genealogies of 1 Chronicles 1–9 is to...

Numbers, An Introduction and Study Guide: The Road to Freedom; Joshua, An Introduction and Study Guide: Crossing Divides; 1 &amp; 2 Samuel, An Introduction and Study Guide: A Kingdom Comes; 1 &amp; 2 Kings, An Introduction and Study Guide: History and Story in Ancient Israel; Ezra–Nehemiah, An Introduction and Study Guide: Israel’s Quest for Identity; Job, An Introduction and Study

Numbers, An Introduction and Study Guide: The Road to Freedom; Joshua, An Introduction and Study Guide: Crossing Divides; 1 &amp; 2 Samuel, An Introduction and Study Guide: A Kingdom Comes; 1 &amp; 2 Kings, An Introduction and Study Guide: History and Story in Ancient Israel; Ezra–Nehemiah, An Introduction and Study Guide: Israel’s Quest for Identity; Job, An Introduction and Study

Ezra and Nehemiah

Ezra and Nehemiah

Historical Books: 1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees

Historical Books1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees Christopher T. Begg and Walter A. Vogels WF 1850. [1 Chronicles 15–16] Bernard Gosse, “Le récit de la translation de l’arche d’alliance par David dans les Chroniques: Refondation cultuelle de la royauté au profit des Asphaites,” ETR 92 (2017) 721–33. The narrative of David’s transfer of the Ark of the Covenant to Jerusalem in 1 Chronicles 15–16 provides a window onto the organization of the Israelite cult after the exile, with the prominent place of the musical activities of the Levitical Asaphites and Ezrahites in that cult being presented in the narrative as having been instituted by David. Extending his earlier study of conflicts among liturgical music-makers in the postexilic period, G. here shows that the above passage is designed to legitimate the postexilic organization of the cult and the Levites’ role therein by recourse to (purported) decisions made by David on these matters. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] [End Page 645] 1851. [Ezra literature] Philippe Abadie and Pierre de Martin de Viviès, “Les quatre livres d’Esdras,” CaE 180 (2017). In most Bibles only one book is attributed to Ezra. The Hebrew Bible counts Ezra (1 Ezra) together with Nehemiah (2 Ezra) as one book. Other books, not accepted by the rabbis, appear under his name: 3 Ezra (deuterocanonical in the Orthodox Church); 4 Ezra (accepted by Russian Orthodoxy), 5 Ezra and 6 Ezra (apocrypha for all Jewish and Christian groups). This Cahier is a historical and literary presentation of the books accepted by all or at least by some Christian churches. A. studies first the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. The work’s rhetorical structure shows that they constitute one literary unit with three major units: the return from exile (Ezra 1–6), the mission of priest-scribe Ezra (Ezra 7–10), and the struggles of the governor (Nehemiah 1–13). D.V. then presents the first Ezra book of 9 chapters, that appears in the LXX. It basically repeats Ezra with some sections taken from 2 Chronicles and a few verses that are peculiar to it. The book opens with the reign of king Josiah (3 Ezra 1:1–31//2 Chr 35:1–25) and continues with the last kings of Judah; the decrees of Cyrus; the return from exile; the reconstruction of the Temple; and the history of Ezra. Next, d.V. presents 4 Ezra, a book with two clearly distinct parts; the central portion (chaps. 3–14) is a Jewish text, also called the Apocalypse of Ezra (7 visions or revelations). Added to this are a prologue (chaps. 1–2) and an epilogue (chaps. 15–16), of Christian origin. Together, they constitute 4 Ezra as this appears in the Vulgate. 5 Ezra is the Christian prologue to the Apocalypse, while 6 Ezra is the Christian epilogue.—W.V. 1852. [Ezra–Nehemiah] Ntozakhe Cezula, “A Comment on Ehud Ben Zvi’s ‘Total Exile, Empty Land, and the General Intellectual Discourse in Yehud,’” OTE 30 (2017) 592–608. In the book (Gorgias Press, 2010) cited by C. in the above title, Ben Zvi argues that the Judeans of the late-Persian period could not interpret the “empty land myth” otherwise than in an inclusive manner, an approach that, according to him, is reflected in Ezra–Nehemiah and also surfaces in the Pentateuch, the Deuteronomistic History, and prophetic literature in Ben Zvi’s social memory analysis of these materials. The logic of Ben Zvi’s argument appears so pervasive, according to C., that one is compelled to revisit one’s stance on the issue of exclusivity in Ezra–Nehemiah. After some engagement with that complex, N. develops a case that, in the books in question, the viewpoint is in fact an exclusivistic one and that in them the “empty land myth” is treated in an exclusive manner as well. Of great concern in this connection is, C. points out, the fact that Ben Zvi’s argument comes at a time when African Christians are engaged in a quest for a biblical paradigm for a theology of reconstruction that is currently being...

History &amp; Geography

History & Geography Isaac M. Alderman, Steven J. Schweitzer, Christopher T. Begg, Fred W. Guyette, Andrew W. Dyck, William J. Urbrock, and Thomas Hieke 1746. Sajjad Alibaiqi and Iraj Rezaei, “Bikni, Bīt ṭābti, and uqnū: Searching for Appropriate Identifications for Toponyms and Terms Mentioned in Neo-Assyrian Texts,” JNES 77 (2018) 15–30. Previous attempts at identifying the toponym “Bikni” as the Alvand and Damavand mountains are unconvincing. Rather, the authors assert that the reference is to the Karkas Mountains. Further, the Neo-Assyrian references to the “Salt Land” near the “Lapis Lazuli Mountain” can be identified as Namak Lake, in central Iran.—I.M.A. 1747. Joseph Blenkinsopp, “Bethel in the Neo-Babylonian and Early Achaemenid Period,” Essays on Judaism in the Pre-Hellenistic Period, 48–60 [see #2017]. B. examines the archaeological and textual evidence relating to the site of Bethel in the Babylonian and Persian periods, including its appearances in the Hebrew Bible and with special attention to the priesthood associated with the site.—S.J.S. 1748. Joseph Blenkinsopp, “The Intellectual World of Judaism in the Pre-Hellenistic Period,” Essays on Judaism in the Pre-Hellenistic Period, 84–100 [see #2017]. B. surveys the depiction of “intellectual activity” during the above period especially as represented in the Books of Chronicles and Ezra–Nehemiah, and in the archaeological record. B. argues for a contrast between the Hellenistic context and what can be deduced about Persian-period Yehud in light of this evidence.—S.J.S. 1749. Joseph Blenkinsopp, “The Sectarian Element in Early Judaism,” Essays on Judaism in the Pre-Hellenistic Period, 192–206 [see #2017]. B. examines the depiction of various streams of tradition within early Judaism in an effort to clarify which group or groups might reasonably be understood as “sectarian” in nature according to classic definitions of sectarianism as articulated by E. Troeltsch and M. Weber. B. addresses some preexilic examples (such as the “sons of the prophets”), while focusing on particular groups and their terminology in Ezra–Nehemiah, Third Isaiah, and Malachi.—S.J.S. 1750. [Amarna Letters] Sandra Brembs, “Die Beziehungen zwischen Ägypten und Babylonien in den Amarnabriefen,” Interkulturalität, 47–57 [see #2015]. B. investigates the relationship between Egypt and Babylonia in light of the correspondence between the two states preserved in the Amarna letters. Despite recurring tensions, that are alluded to repeatedly in the letters, the relationship between the two states was, B. concludes, largely amicable during the period in question. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] [End Page 612] 1751. [2 Kgs 19:35] Stephen Caesar, “The Annihilation of Sennacherib’s Army: A Case of Septicemic Plague?” JBQ 45 (2017) 222–28. 2 Kgs 19:35 recounts one of the most devastating and extraordinary incidents of divine intervention in biblical history. Sennacherib marched against Jerusalem, but: “That night an angel of the Lord went out and struck down one hundred and eighty-five thousand in the Assyrian camp, and the following morning they were all dead corpses.” It is certainly possible that what tore through Sennacherib’s army as it lay crowded around the relatively small city of Jerusalem was septicemic plague. Living cheek to jowl for an extended period of time, the Assyrian soldiers would have been particularly vulnerable to such a plague. The fact that they were on a war footing would have increased the likelihood of the soldiers’ succumbing to plague, since human remains and refuse attract rats, unwashed human bodies attract fleas, and the stress of war weakens the immune system. We can thus speculate that what God used, through one of his angels, to destroy the Assyrian army and save Jerusalem was an outbreak of septicemic plague, a disease so utterly virulent and lethal that its survival rate is zero and its victims perish in the span of a single night.—F.W.G. 1752. [Genesis 1–11] C. John Collins, “Inerrancy Studies and the Old Testament: ‘Ancient Science’ in the Hebrew Bible,” Presb 44 (2018) 42–66. I am not saying . . . that none of the Bible writers themselves held any such “primitive” pictures [of the cosmos...

Historical Books: 1 Chronicles–2 Maccabeess

Historical Books1 Chronicles–2 Maccabeess Christopher T. Begg, Michael W. Duggan, Rhiannon Graybill, and David A. Bosworth 365. [1 Chronicles–Esther] Kerry H. Wynn, "First and Second Chronicles–Esther," Bible and Disability, 121-58 [see #705]. W.'s commentary on the books of 1 and 2 Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther begins with the assumption of the scriptural character of this material. More specifically, W. points out that one of the primary interests of the Chronicler was to construct a sustaining identity for the postexilic community notwithstanding the non-restoration of the monarchy, an identity that is meant to transcend limitations of time and space. Another important goal of the Chronicler was to unite the Mosaic and Davidic covenants in such a way as to link worship in the temple with the cultic directives emanating from Moses. The Chronicler also seeks to legitimate the Aaronic priesthood and the Levitical offices. The consistent cultic separation of monarchy and priesthood in 1 and 2 Chronicles shapes and reshapes the interpretation of disability in this material, wherein temple worship has become the basis of the postexilic community's identity. In his chapter in the above-cited work, W. devotes particular attention to the erasure of the story of Mephibosheth in the Chronicler's retelling of Samuel's story of David's rise to power and subsequent reign. In Chronicles, the character of Mephibosheth remains only in connection with a brief genealogical reference to "Meribaal." W. offers a plausible explanation of the absence from Chronicles of the Mephibosheth story as well as that of the adage cited in 2 Sam 5:8 in the Chronicler's version of 2 Sam 5:6-10 in 1 Chr 11:4-9. Specifically, in 2 Sam 5:8 one reads a declaration of David prohibiting access to the temple of certain persons: "Therefore it is said, 'The blind and the lame shall not come into the house.'" Since, however, priests with a disability were permitted in the temple precincts to eat the "most holy" offerings there, the Chronicler's inclusion of this saying would have meant abrogating a tenet of the Mosaic Torah. . . . Though punishment in 1–2 Chronicles has often been connected to non-normate physicalities, W. points out that this connection is not monolithic. In Chronicles, punishment is not always retributive, and non-normate physicalities are not necessarily typical outcomes of such punishment. Rather, punishment in Chronicles is manifested in many ways, sometimes as a means of discipline and sometimes for retribution, but death is a more typical punishment rather than non-normate physicalities. In his study of Ezra–Nehemiah, W. explores the themes of loss and disability, the empirical gaze, and the social construction of models of disability. In these books, one may observe many connections between the loss of community experienced in and after exile and the sense of loss sometimes associated with disability. People with acquired disabilities might, e.g., keenly feel their loss of function, or families might feel intensely the loss that a congenital disability brought with it. For Esther, finally, W.'s focus is on the concept of "passing," a notion of considerable significance for some people with disabilities. At Mordechai's advice, when Esther became a part of Ahasuerus's harem, she kept her Jewish identity secret. W. sees a connection between the independence and self-reliance of the character of Esther and the contemporary independent living movement for people with disabilities. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 366. [Chronicles; Samuel; Kings] Benjamin D. Giffone, "According to Which 'Law of Moses'? Cult Centralization in Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles," VT 67 (2017) 432-47. The Chronicler, as an early interpreter of Samuel and Kings, alerts us to the diverse understandings of (or emphases regarding) the issue of cultic centralization that are present [End Page 118] in these texts as well as in the Pentateuch. Recent studies have highlighted the Chronicler's apparent intention of bringing his source narratives into conformity with both Deuteronomic and Levitical understandings of the Law. In light of this observation, reading backward from the Chronicler's perspective on cult centralization may help us to evaluate the centralization model presented...

Covenant in the Persian Period

The recent publication, Covenant in the Persian Period: From Genesis to Chronicles, edited by Richard J. Bautch and Gary N. Knoppers (Eisenbrauns, 2015), contains 22 essays on the topic of covenant within various Hebrew Bible texts. The six articles published here reflect interactions in a review session of the SBL Chronicles–Ezra–Nehemiah Section in November 2016. The essays were distributed among four reviewers (Thomas Dozeman, Sean Burt, Melody Knowles, and Thomas Römer). The two editors offered responses. The scope of this engagement enhances the value of the volume for those working on covenant and on these texts.