Extrinsic Religion Research Articles

유학 심성론과 중국 불학의 관계 이해 - 『육조단경』을 중심으로 -

Buddhism from India and Confucianism from China - What features do they have? How did Buddhism influence Confucianism in China? How did Confucianism influence the Sinicization of Buddhism in China? What significance do these influences have theoretically? These questions refer to themes and subjects that can interest academics who study Buddhism, Confucianism, or Orientalism. The fact that Buddhism became Sinicized after it crossed the border from India to China is undeniable. The Chinese did not simply imitate Buddhism as it was in India or inherit Buddhism in a perfunctory fashion. Rather, it is reasonable to say that Buddhism was Sinicized in China. One distinct feature in Chinese philosophy is the Theory of Human Nature. Discussed constantly since the Pre-Qin period, the Theory of Human Nature came face to face with the Buddha-nature theory before it could form a solid local foundation. It is clear that during their evolution together, these two philosophies influence each other. This paper will analyze the impact of the Theory of Human Nature from Confucianism on the Buddha-nature Theory from 『the Platform Sutra』. The significance of 『the Platform Sutra』written by Huineng is that it transforms concepts of abstraction and ontology used in Indian Buddhism into a more specific and realistic human emotions/thought. It changes reverence toward Buddha in Indian Buddhism into reverence toward the heart. Huineng also replaced extrinsic religion with intrinsic religion. As such, the most important role of Huineng could be argued to be the fact that he reformed the religion of Buddha into a ‘religion of the heart’.

Is Religiosity a Barrier to Organ Donations? Examining the Role of Religiosity and the Salience of a Religious Context on Organ-Donation Decisions

The disparity between the number of patients awaiting organ transplantation and organ availability increases each year. One of the chief obstacles to organ donation is religiosity. We examine the role of religiosity and other related beliefs in organ-donation decisions among Christians (studies 1 and 3) and Jews (study 2). In all samples, we found a significant interaction between religiosity and the salience of a religious context, manipulated by the order of the questions, such that religiosity (and specifically, extrinsic religion) was significantly associated with lower support for organ donations—but only when religious attitudes were elicited first, not when support for organ donation, or questions about other beliefs (study 3) appeared first. We examine possible mechanisms underlying this effect and discuss theoretical and practical implications of this finding to increase support for organ donations in both personal and policy decisions.

PENDIDIKAN AGAMA ISLAM (PAI) DALAM PENANGGULANGAN RADIKALISME

Indonesia is a plural and heterogeneous country, and has the potential for multi-ethnic, cultural, multi-religious wealth, all of which are the potential to build a large multicultural country, any religion has a tendency to carry out truth claims because religion is a belief value that must be held firmly by its adherents, the attitude of the truth claim will be positive if it is only intrinsic Orientation in its appreciation and application, not for extrinsic orientation that causes negative prejudice and conflict. Intrinsic religion fulfills all life with motivation and meaning, while extrinsic religion makes religion enslaved to support and justify personal interests, The aim of Islamic education is to form perfect human being.. then Islamic religious education is the solution to make followers of religion not included in the radical, by giving Learning and methods of Non-Radicalism Islamic Education,

Religion’s Effect on Mental Health in Schizophrenia

While a growing body of research suggests that religion offers mental health benefits for individuals with schizophrenia, few studies have examined the mechanisms underlying this effect. The present study investigated two potential mediators (seeking social support and meaning-making coping) that may elucidate the nature of this relationship. The sample included 112 individuals with schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder. Structural equation modeling was used to test whether religion was related to symptom severity and quality of life (QoL), and whether seeking social support and meaning-making coping mediated these effects. As expected, meaning-making coping significantly mediated the effect of intrinsic religion (use of religion as a framework to understand life) on QoL. While extrinsic religion (use of religion as a social convention) was associated with seeking social support, it did not relate to either outcome variable. Findings offer insight into the ways in which religion may improve the mental health of patients with schizophrenia. Results suggest that the adaptive elements of intrinsic religion seen in prior research may be explained by the meaning that religion offers. Clinical interventions that encourage patients to find meaning amidst adversity may improve QoL in this population. Future research would benefit from further investigation of the meaning-making process in individuals with schizophrenia.

Intrinsic/Extrinsic Measurement: I/E-Revised and Single-Item Scales

Factor analyses of traditional and age-universal measures of intrinsic and extrinsic religion have identified two subcategories of extrinsicness, suggesting the original scales need revision. In this study, confirmatory multiple group factor analyses confirmed this suspicion, identifying extrinsic items concerned with social relationships (Es) and with personal benefits (Ep). The analyses resulted in a revised intrinsic scale which is now partially counterbalanced for acquiescence, an Es scale, an Ep scale, and three single items which may also be used for measuring these constructs. These scales, labeled I/E-R, have reliabilities equal to or better than those of the original scales.

Religious Orientations and the Targets of Discrimination

In this study, fundamentalism, extrinsic, intrinsic, and quest religious orientations were used to predict discriminatory attitudes toward blacks, women, homosexual persons, and communists. The four discriminations yielded a strong tendency to discriminate factor, while residuals for each scale reflected unique discriminatory attitudes toward each group. As predicted, fundamentalism correlated positively with all discriminatory attitudes and with the general tendency but was negatively correlated with residual anti-black attitudes. Quest (especially with a revised scale) correlated negatively with all discriminatory attitudes, even with fundamentalism controlled, but predicted a general Don't discriminate! attitude rather than positive attitudes toward particular groups. Several sex differences emerged for extrinsic and intrinsic religion: Analyses with three extrinsic religion subscales found that social-extrinsic and personal-extrinsic religion predicted males' discrimination, while religious seriousness predicted females' discrimination. Also, intrinsic religion was positively related to discriminatory attitudes for females but not males, though these relationships vanished when fundamentalism was controlled.

A Structural Equation Modeling Analysis of the Means, End and Quest Dimensions

Allport's distinction between intrinsic and religious orientations is well known. The first two studies designed to empirically examine this paradigm were implemented by Feagin (1964) and Allport and Ross (1967). The investigators proposed intrinsic and scales representing opposite ends of a unidimensional continuum. This paradigm has been the subject of considerable empirical research since that time (see Donahue [1985] for a comprehensive review). Batson's (1976) assessment of the I-E literature resulted in a recommendation to improve the original theory. His recommendation was based on recognition of a change in tone from Allport's earlier description of religion (1950) to his operational definition of intrinsic religion (Allport & Ross, 1967), which replaced mature religion in this typology (even as extrinsic religion replaced immature religion). Batson and Ventis point out: In contrast to the concept of religion, there seems to be less emphasis in the notion of intrinsic religion on flexibility, skepticism, and resistance as a master motive that is internalized and followed fully (Batson & Ventis, 1982: 144). Therefore, Batson and Ventis recommend a third orientation named Quest, which they describe as

Religious Orientation and Death Fears

This study was designed to clarify the relationship between religious orientation and death fear, and to test the hypothesis that concern about one's possible fate in an afterlife is positively associated with extrinsic religion but negatively correlated with intrinsic religion. The results indicated that extrinsic religion is positively associated with death fear and more specifically with the ranking of concern regarding one's fate in an afterlife. Intrinsic religion was not significantly related to death fear but was negatively correlated with ranking of concern about fate in an afterlife. Research on the relationship between religiosity and fear of death has not produced consistent results. Lester (1967) has shown that the findings of early studies on the issue conflict with each other. Magni (1973) investigated the relationship between more specific religious orientations and death fear and found that extrinsic religion was positively associated with three measures of death fear while intrinsic religion was negatively correlated with a fear of death scale. Kahoe and Dunn (1975) also reported a negative relationship between intrinsic religion and fear of death but no significant relationship between extrinsic religion and fear of death. In examining the relationship between religiosity and fear of death, it may be useful to differentiate between specific fears as well as between various religious orientations. Choron (1964) distinguished three types of death fear: what comes after death, the event of dying, and ceasing to be. The fear of what may come after death seems to be particularly relevant to religious persons, particularly those of the Christian faith. Feifel (1959) found that the religious person, :in This content downloaded from 157.55.39.181 on Thu, 29 Sep 2016 06:19:00 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 74 REVIEW OF RELIGIOUS RESEARCH contrast to the non-religious individual, is' more concerned with afterlife matters. Diggory and Rothman (1961) measured seven' death consequences and reported that concern about, one's fate in a life after death was relatively greater for religious persons: than for nonreligious individuals. The traditional Christian doctrine of life after death with the *alternatives of eternal rewards or punishments may both increase death fear and alleviate it. The doctrine would certainly seem to provide an extrinsic rather than intrinsic motive for religious activity. The present, study was. conducted both to clarify the relationship between religious orientation and death fear, and to test the hypothesis that the specific death concern regarding one's possible fate in an afterlife is positively associated with an extrinsic religious orientation and negatively related to an intrinsic religious orientation.

Comment on Thompson's "Openmindedness and Indiscriminate Antireligious Orientation"

T hompson's article on Openmindedness and Indiscriminate Antireligious Orientation (1974) presented some excellent evidence on the relationships among Dogmatism and intrinsic and extrinsic religious orientations and raised some important conceptual questions. The size and selection of the sample are particularly to be commended. Thompson is quite right to insist that the Allport-Ross (Allport, 1968) intrinsic and extrinsic religion subscales constitute two separate continua instead of a single bipolar continuum. He is also correct in his suggestion that Strickland and Shaffer (1971) may have found no significant relationship between extrinsic religion and authoritarianism because they had confounded the intrinsic and extrinsic orientations in their measurement. When I measured intrinsic and extrinsic religious orientations separately, the extrinsic dimension was consistently related to authoritarianism, and the intrinsic dimension was also related positively but less strongly and less consistently (Kahoe, 1974). However, I should make three kinds of comments: (a) to question Thompson's employment of among the religious orientations, (b) to point out an unrecognized or unacknowledged response style problem that calls into question his major conclusion, and (c) to present some data supporting the validity of the intrinsic religion scale among Catholics. Thompson deviated from normally preferred practice in psychology when he converted the two independent religious dimensions into types-intrinsic, extrinsic, indiscriminately proreligious, and indiscriminately antireligious. While it may be useful at times to classify people into types on the basis of independent continua, it is conceptually sounder and more common to conceive and study separate traits that vary independently of one another. Thompson attributed his scoring procedure to Hood (1971), but whereas Hood did present persuasive evidence for the psychometric independence of the intrinsic and extrinsic dimensions, he did not render them into the typologies Thompson used. As I read Hood, anyway, he advocates the kind of independent ordering of the variables that I am arguing for here. Thompson's own data actually make more sense to me when viewed in those terms, and I think some of his conceptual problems arise out of his forcing a typology, Allport's precedent to the contrary notwithstanding. Toward the end of his article Thompson did report the correlations between I)ogmatism and the intrinsic and extrinsic scales separately. These statistics are strikingly similar to some of my own data that Thompson had no access to. With a sample of 333 college freshmen, about 85% Baptist, extrinsic religion correlated .30 with I)ogmatism, compared to .28, .28, and .38 for Thompsons's subsamples;

The Fear of Death and Religious Attitudes and Behavior

The relationship of fear of death to selected religious attitudes was studied as a preliminary test of hypotheses that fear of death may motivate religious faith and may be allayed by some but not all religious orientations. Subjects were 70 members of 2 Protestant and 1 Catholic congregations in a small mid-South town. Death concern was negatively related to intrinsic religion and self-rated religious concern in the total sample. Patterns among fear of death, dogmatism, extrinsic religion, and age in the Protestant congregations suggested that particular denominational traditions or doctrines make some religious attitudes particularly salient to the fear of death.

A Validated Intrinsic Religious Motivation Scale

Research on intrinsic and extrinsic religion has been troubled by conceptual diffuseness and questionable scale validity. Hunt and King have proposed greater specificity in conceptualization and measurement in future work. This paper attempts to specify and measure a single crucial dimension identified by Hunt and King, namely ultimate versus instrumental religious motivation. Two validation studies were done utilizing persons nominated by ministers as having either ultimate (intrinsic) or instrumental (extrinsic) religious motivation. A new 10-item Intrinsic Religious Motivation Scale is proposed, and measurement problems are discussed.

The religious context of prejudice

It is clear that these investigations, still in progress, tend to confirm demographic and sociological studies that we have also reviewed. Further, I believe they are compatible with our theological analysis, since it is clear that communal and extrinsic religion can draw strong support from the doctrines of revelation, election, and theocracy, which, as we have seen, provide the theological context of prejudice, so far as such exists. We can hope that this convergence of theological, sociological, and psychological analyses will lead to a further cooperation between behavioral and religious disciplines. We can also hope that our findings, when understood by clergy and laity, may lead to a decrease in bigotry and to an enhancement of charity in modern religious life. If I were asked what practical applications ensue from this analysis I would, of course, say that to reduce prejudice we need to enlarge the population of intrinsically religious people. There is no simple formula, for each personality is unique, and is stubbornly resistant to change. Yet precisely here lies the pastor's task, his opportunity, and his challenge.

The Religious Context of Prejudice

It is clear that these investigations, still in progress, tend to confirm demographic and sociological studies that we have also reviewed. Further, I believe they are compatible with our theological analysis, since it is clear that communal and extrinsic religion can draw strong support from the doctrines of revelation, election, and theocracy, which, as we have seen, provide the theological context of prejudice, so far as such exists. We can hope that this convergence of theological, sociological, and psychological analyses will lead to a further cooperation between behavioral and religious disciplines. We can also hope that our findings, when understood by clergy and laity, may lead to a decrease in bigotry and to an enhancement of charity in modern religious life. If I were asked what practical applications ensue from this analysis I would, of course, say that to reduce prejudice we need to enlarge the population of intrinsically religious people. There is no simple formula, for each personality is unique, and is stubbornly resistant to change. Yet precisely here lies the pastor's task, his opportunity, and his challenge.