External Sovereignty Research Articles

Contested Statehood and EU Integration: The Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Abstract This article delves into the intricate relationship between contested state- hood and European Union (EU) integration, explicitly focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Since the early 1990s, amidst the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the EU’s enlargement efforts, BiH has grappled with challenges to its statehood, which have impeded its alignment with EU requirements. Despite being universally recognised as an independent state, BiH faces internal contestation, evident in its consociational constitutional framework and the divergent nationalist narratives among constituent groups. Moreover, while BiH maintains external sovereignty, it coexists with significant international oversight, complicating its path toward EU integration. The EU’s expansion into internally contested states like BiH necessitates a nuanced approach considering the entanglement of Europeanisation and de-Daytonisation processes. This article emphasises the complexity of BiH’s governance landscape, where internal dynamics and external influences converge, creating formidable obstacles to sovereignty assertion and governance efficacy. To surmount these challenges, BiH must address internal divisions, foster inclusive governance mechanisms and balance external supervision and internal autonomy. In shedding light on how contested statehood influences the EU’s role and policies, the article discusses the concept of ‘complex sovereignty’, particularly relevant to BiH’s context.

기시(岸信介) 내각 시기 한국과 대만의 대일(對日) 정책 비교 연구 (1957-1960)

The Kishi Cabinet extended diplomatic overtures to communist countries while maintaining official relations with Republic of Korea(South Korea) and Republic of China(Taiwan). This strategy reflects a separation of governmental and private-sector objectives. South Korea employed tactics like public relations appeals, international organization appeals, suspension of trade with Japan, and resuming bilateral talks in response to visible repatriation of Koreans in Japan. Taiwan, maintaining diplomatic relations since 1952, protested inclusion of the Chinese flag in the 1958 Sino-Japanese private trade agreement, even considering severing diplomatic ties. Both South Korea and Taiwan were unable to fully deter Japan's engagement with communist nations. However, despite the crisis of the relationship break, they showed a pattern of continuing their relationship with Japan. The purpose of the policy toward Japan was to prevent Japan from developing into more political and diplomatic relations with North Korea or China(PRC) and to recognize their external sovereignty. This became a factor in continuing relations with Japan rather than turning a blind eye to Japan and cutting ties with Japan in the policy toward Japan.

Fundamentals of State Sovereignty in Africa: Theoretical Perspective

In the context of the ongoing scientific debate about the essence of state sovereignty and possible directions of its transformation, there is a need for a comprehensive analysis of regional specifics. Traditionally, the analysis of sovereignty was based on the historical experience of European states, and the Westphalian model of sovereignty was considered as almost universal. At the same time, this approach does not provide a much-needed framework for the local and regional specifics of sovereignty. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to identify and reveal the main characteristics of the sovereignty of African countries according to four parameters: integrity, immutability, carriers, and direction. Such an analysis will not only allow African political experience to fit into academic research, which still relies heavily on Western (European) cases of sovereignty. An important task of this article is also to show the features of sovereignty and variability of African states. The specificity of the sovereignty of African states is historically determined by the imposition of different types of sovereignty. Most of them were developed on the continent and were introduced from outside. This implies a noticeable variability in the practical implementation of sovereign rights and the specificity of the actual bearers of sovereignty. In contrast to Westphalian sovereignty, Africa has developed a wider range of sovereignty holders, which is not limited by formal state decision-making mechanisms. Due to the peculiarities of supranational integration and external borrowing, African countries have developed some constraints on external sovereignty and have retained the ability to deal with other states, including extra-regional ones. However, this process still has little impact on internal sovereignty due to its heterogeneity, multi-level nature, and complexity.

Putting on a Show? The Sovereignty of De Facto States Between Performativity, Performance and Virtuality

ABSTRACT De facto states are widely seen as temporal anomalies of the international system, and, in state-centric literature in particular, as entities lacking ‘real’ sovereignty that are simply putting on a show, pretending to be something they are not in the hope that faking it may one day lead to international recognition. Critically engaging with recent literature on de facto states as well as debates on performativity/performance, this article rejects as misguided the dichotomous ontologies of fake versus real. Instead, I argue that the most prominent examples of de facto states, that possess both internal and arguably also a considerable degree of external sovereignty, demonstrate that statehood is not the linchpin of the international system it is made out to be. Drawing on Bergson and Deleuze, I suggest that the sovereignty – of de facto states and beyond – should be understood as virtuality, where past and present are contemporaneous, and where sovereignty as virtual may or may not be actualised in statehood, thus posing for discussion a novel framework that elegantly disentangles sovereignty and statehood. The analytical promise of such an approach, in conclusion, is illustrated in a brief discussion of Iraqi Kurdistan and Taiwan.

Hak Negeri Melayu ke Atas Pelantar Benua: Kajian Kes Malaysia Mengikut Analisis Jurisprudens Watan

The sovereign rights of a country over territorial waters are not a new issue. As an independent State, it has sovereignty within its territory and external sovereignty in the form of international recognition. Disputes over territorial rights remain between one State and another today, resulting in tensions in political relations. A local issue close to this subject that still arises is the right of a state in the Federation over petroleum production. Hence, this paper aims to analyse the rights of a Malay State over the territory of the Continental shelf of Malaysia, as it is there that petroleum resources are explored. This study is a legal analysis using a case study design promoting the method of watanic jurisprudence to analyse a few primary legislation, including UNCLOS, the Continental Shelf Act 1966, and the Territorial Sea Act 2012. This paper found that the territorial waters of the Malay State in the Federation cannot be limited to 3 nautical miles from the low tide line in pursuance of the Territorial Sea Act 2012 without strict compliance with Article 2 of the Federal Constitution. The legitimacy of the territorial limits of the State’s waters is essential as it determines the State’s rights to the Continental shelf and its petroleum production recognised for a coastal state by International Law.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL POSITION OF CONTINENTAL SHELF IN MALAYSIA

The Malay states remain sovereign from the pre-Federation of Malaya in 1957 until today. They acquired external sovereignty in the form of international recognition. International law recognizes the continental shelf of a coastal state vis-a-vis Malaysia, a federation that comprises a few coastal states. A local issue close to this subject is the Malay States’ right in the Federation of Malaysia over petroleum production within the continental shelf adjacent to their territorial waters. Hence, this paper examines a Malay State's rights over Malaysia's Continental shelf territory. This study is a legal analysis using a case study design promoting the method of watanic jurisprudence. Therefore, the Federal Constitution, UNCLOS, the Continental Shelf Act 1966, and the Territorial Sea Act 2012 were analyzed to answer many related issues beforehand. This paper found that the territorial waters of the Malay States cannot be limited to 3 nautical miles from the low tide line in pursuance of the Territorial Sea Act 2012 without strict compliance with Article 2 of the Federal Constitution. The legitimacy of the territorial limits of the Malay States' waters is essential as it determines the Malay States' rights to the Continental shelf and its petroleum production.

POLITICAL MAP OF THE WORLD: ACTUAL ANALYSIS OF THE MAIN ELEMENTS

Scientific approaches to highlighting the main elements of the political map of the world have been updated. The criteria of the state in the political-geographical context have been considered. The list of the main elements of the political map of the world - states, quasi-states, and non-self-governing territories has been offered. These are those entities that have a territory and borders with varying degrees of control, as well as the political system as one of the subsystems of society with varying degrees of internal and external sovereignty and institutional formation.The state is a territorially organized and politically sovereign society. Based on political and geographical criteria (state territory, borders, population, internal and external sovereignty) and customary approaches in the system of international relations (predominant recognition of sovereignty by UN member states), three types of states have been identified: sovereign states (187 UN member states and UN observer state - Vatican); sovereign states not recognized by one or more states (6 UN member states - Armenia, Israel, North Korea, PRC, Republic of Cyprus, Republic of Korea); sovereign states that de facto do not exist, but are de jure recognized by many states (UN observer state - Palestine). In 2021 the total number of sovereign states is 195.
 The definition of quasi-states is based on the same criteria, and the typology takes into account in each case the degree and features of the manifestation of these features at the present stage. Quasi-states are countries that have the following characteristics: clear geographical parameters (territory, borders); population characterized by the linguistic, cultural, ethnopolitical, or social community; limited or no external sovereignty; weak domestic political power of the government to lead the country. Six types of quasi-states have been identified: countries whose sovereignty is partially recognized (Kosovo); countries that are de facto sovereign, but de jure not recognized by most states in the world (Taiwan); countries with partial international recognition, but limited control over their territory and lack of internal legitimacy of power (Western Sahara); countries formed as a result of external armed intervention and recognized only by the aggressor state and its geopolitical allies (Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus); countries that are de facto sovereign, but de jure not recognized by any state in the world (Somaliland); countries without international recognition and with limited control over the territory (Nagorno-Karabakh).
 Non-self-governing territories are such political-territorial entities that are under the jurisdiction of another state, or on the basis of concluded mutual agreements, another state is entrusted with part of administrative and security functions. These are former colonial possessions that have not yet exercised their right to political self-determination. The degree of dependence on the management area in each case is unique, so it is difficult to distinguish types, and their number is constantly declining.
 Not-essential elements of the political map of the world are those territories to which the jurisdiction of sovereign states and the rules laid down in international treaties or the first and second at the same time. These are political-territorial formations of hybrid object-subject status: territories with the mixed regime (exclusive (maritime) economic zone and continental shelf); territories with a special regime (international straits, international sea canals, international rivers, and lakes, buffer zones); territories with an international regime (Arctic and Antarctic, high seas, airspace outside state territories, seabed and its subsoil outside exclusive economic zones and the continental shelf, outer space, moon, and other celestial bodies); territories contested by several states.
 Keywords: political map of the world, state, quasi-state, country, political-territorial formation.

The European Union and diminished state sovereignty

ABSTRACT In A Republican Europe of States, Richard Bellamy embraces neither the anti-internationalism of the sovereign statist, not the unbounded trust in international institutions of the European federalists. He proposes instead a model for the European union he calls ‘republican intergovernmentalism.’ This model seeks to preserve internal state sovereignty while arguing that mutually agreed rules for regulating external sovereignty are necessary and beneficial. I argue instead that creating a supranational structure like the European Union cannot be accomplished without a reduction in the internal sovereign authority of member states. This a potentially legitimate reduction of sovereign authority for states, but a reduction nonetheless. The most important consequence of the conceptual claim that state sovereignty is diminished is that the delegation of authority to supranational institutions which has this cost ought to be publicly discussed and negotiated at the national level in member states to avoid misunderstandings and backlash against the legitimate authority of the EU.

State recognition and dynamic sovereignty

This study reflects on sovereignty as dynamic, whereby associated conditions, like recognition, fluctuate in quality and quantity within a unit and over time, and adds to existing discussions that concentrate on changes in the meaning of (rather than associated conditions with) sovereignty or more static approaches to partial sovereignty relative to other actors in international relations (e.g. in the context of hierarchical relations). I do so by reflecting on different degrees of recognition, as associated with external sovereignty, such as extensive but not general recognition (e.g. Kosovo); different types of recognition, such as recognition of a right to (as opposed to the presence of) statehood (e.g. Palestine); as well as change in recognition over time, such as with those witnessing significant fluctuations in their recognition (e.g. Taiwan, Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic). Towards explaining these changes and theory development, I argue for historicising sovereignty, and by doing so, I contribute to a literature that has focused more on changes in the meaning of sovereignty across time rather than changes in its within-unit practical manifestations. I also offer some preliminary theoretical assumptions on how internal and external dimensions of sovereignty might interplay over time in processes of state emergence and on issues of agency, particularly on how recognisers define what we understand as sovereignty but also how some statehood claimants navigate or even embrace their lack of recognition to advance their sovereignty. With this range of conceptual and theoretical propositions presented, the study seeks to facilitate the development of further analysis of statehood, recognition and sovereignty.

Internal and external sovereignty of post-Soviet unrecognized states

The article studies internal and external sovereignty of unrecognized or partially recognized post-Soviet states through the use of empirical analysis of quantitative data and critical analysis of subjective factors. It analyzes statistical and other information that reflects the demographic and socio-economic situation, foreign economic relations of such entities, and their impact on neighboring countries and regions. This is combined with the critical study of public opinions and popular identities based on surveys and 13 focus groups conducted in the fall of 2020 in Transnistria and Abkhazia. In all post-Soviet de facto states, the population has noticeably decreased (except for Nagorno-Karabakh before the 2020 war). The reason for the outflow of residents was the inability of such entities to provide citizens with decent incomes and their poor performance in economic competition with neighboring countries and regions, reflected in the dynamics of the key indicators per capita in terms of purchasing power parity. However, the economic and demographic situation cannot explain the sustainability of such entities. Strong political identity of citizens and their loyalty to the ruling regimes serve as the main basis for, and essential elements of, internal sovereignty. Participants of surveys highly value independence. They believe that it presumes economic independence, improved well-being, and the development of full-fledged international relations that helps to strengthen external sovereignty. Some respondents expressed disappointment with the fact that these goals have not been achieved in the course of 30 years. The geopolitical vision of the world by residents of post-Soviet de facto states is “Russia-centric”, although Russia is far from being idealized. In conclusion, the risks that Russia faces in connection with post-Soviet de facto states and with Moscow's involvement in the respective conflicts are assessed.

Борьба за признание или повышение статуса: условия устойчивости и развития непризнанных государств (на примерах в Евразии)

In this article, the prospects or changing the status of unrecognized states in Greater Eurasia are analyzed. Status and recognition are close but distinct categories in international relations (IR) theory and international law. Status defines a state’s rank in the hierarchical international system. Recognition is a different category; legally, it defines whether other states recognize a particular state as fully established and sovereign. Sovereignty is a third category related to the issue of recognition but not equal to it since it includes internal and external (international) sovereignty. There are examples of sovereign states that effectively control their territories and collect taxes, but which are not recognized as sovereign by other states. The analysis in this article focuses on whether an unrecognized state can strengthen its status and improve its position in the international system. It is argued that this is possible, and that the absence of international recognition should not be regarded as an unsurpassable impediment to the economic development of the country.

The Principle of Constituency of Peoples: An Obstacle to the Achievement of Popular Sovereignty in Bosnia and Herzegovina?

Before the socio-political communities are posted, a very demanding task of defining the subject on whose name will behalf political power is implemented over a given state territory. However, the question about the subject of sovereignty should in no case be misunderstood as an issue of simply theoretical approach. The level of a state’s democracy, as well as its ability to realize internal and external sovereignty, depends entirely on fact: does the power belong to the People and whether it derives from the People. In other words, the issue of popular sovereignty is a substantial, constitutive element of modern democratic states. When we speak about contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina, the functionality of the entire state government is often hindered by the complex decision-making processes at all state levels which lead to obstruction of the entire decision-making process. Such a dysfunctional decision-making process on the state level poses a threat and disables the Bosnian plural society to respond to the modern challenges of a democratic functioning state. The legal nature of Bosnian society is determined by the existence of constituent people who have “usurped” the entire decision-making process. There is still no end in sight to the struggle that leads to an oligarchy of the ruling elites; furthermore, there is still no appropriate socio-political mechanism that will enhance the accountability of the representatives to their voters; it is still inconceivable that decisions of state authorities are effectively and consistently implemented throughout the national territory. In other words, there is still no appropriate mechanism that will enhance the principle of popular sovereignty. It is necessary to “offer” Bosnia and Herzegovina’s pluralism and its political tradition a form of democratic authority which in no way should be a cliché. Furthermore, it may not be one of the “copy-paste” models of democratic authority. Currently, citizens of B&H are completely suspended (de facto, there are only citizens of entities). In the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbs are suspended, while in the Republika Srpska, Bosniacs and Croats cannot equally participate in the decision-making process. An unfinished process of implementation of the Dayton Agreement and, in particular, Annex 4 (the Constitution of B&H), whose provisions permit discrimination against the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina (the impossibility of the realization of the principle of equality in the exercise of universal suffrage), as well as the non-application of the Decision of the European Court of Human Rights contributes and is conducive to further segmentation of Bosnian society.

Reconstructing Sovereignty on Ancient Mesoamerica's Southern Pacific Coast

ABSTRACTThe internal control and external sovereignty that define nation‐states today has a long (pre)history. Many archaeologists undertheorize sovereignty by only implicitly inferring the sovereign status of the polities they study. Sovereignty also remains insufficiently operationalized in terms of its material remains, especially for those ancient societies without written accounts. During the final centuries before the Common Era, a network of kingdoms existed along the Pacific coast of Mexico, Guatemala, and El Salvador. Large earthen mounds that formed plazas lined with stelae, elaborately carved in a shared art style, defined each kingdom's capital city. Izapa was the largest of these kingdoms, and recent lidar (light detection and ranging) and pedestrian surveys document the entire territory encompassing dozens of political centers. These data reveal an integrated three‐tiered political hierarchy within the kingdom with the largest centers arranged defensively around the perimeter of Izapa's territory. Further, the “30 km rule” is defined as a cross‐cultural pattern for the spacing of sovereign polities and confirmed based on the location of Izapa and neighboring Pacific coast kingdoms. The record of millennia of hierarchically organized human pluralities generates a more complete, comparative understanding of how sovereignty was established and how it functions. [sovereignty, territoriality, political organization, Mesoamerica]

Do self-determining states have a conditional right to exclude would-be immigrants?

Why should (or should not) we have a system of different states that each claim both internal and external sovereignty? How can the state gain its legitimate authority to rule? What is the problem with the ideal of the ‘global citizen’? How should states respond to different groups’ secession claims? To what extent should states have the right to control their borders? If one finds such questions intriguing, one should read Anna Stilz’s book Territorial Sovereignty: A Philosophical Exploration. Stilz argues that a system of territorial states serves to protect important values – occupancy, basic justice and collective self-determination – which are key to living an autonomous life. I focus on the theory’s implication for the debates on border control. I contend that Stilz’s arguments still have difficulties grounding the state’s right to exclude would-be immigrants. That said, the book has done a great job in providing a liberal theoretical framework for us to reflect upon citizenship, immigration, succession claims, cosmopolitan ideals, the colonial legacy and disputes over borders and resources.

Dependence after independence: Sudan’s bounded sovereignty 1956–1958

ABSTRACT This article sheds light on the little discussed democratic period, directly after Sudanese independence in 1956 and preceding the military takeover in 1958. The article uses parliamentary and public discussions around an American aid offer as a lens to understand Sudanese perspectives on decolonisation, independence, dependence, sovereignty, and neo-colonialism in a Cold War context. The article aims to explore how politicians in post-independence Sudan perceived their range of potential political actions and outcomes. It argues that politicians prioritised the protection and strengthening of Sudanese sovereignty, but held strongly differing and at times contradicting views of what that meant; for example, accepting aid from the Americans was understood by the Umma Party as necessary for economic development and thus strengthening domestic sovereignty, while it was seen by the NUP as potentially weakening external sovereignty. The decisions of Sudanese politicians at the time were shaped by their fear of Sudan losing its independence once again. In making this argument, the article serves as a case study deconstructing theoretical conceptions of sovereignty as absolute and indivisible, showing that Sudanese politicians were acutely aware that sovereignty was bounded and dependent on compromises.

Conceptual Framework and Applicability of National Security: A Case Study of Pakistan

The first and foremost essential task for any state is to secure its national security and integrity. This paper explores the fundamental essentials of national security such as territorial integrity, internal and external sovereignty, socio-political stability, economic solidity, cultural cohesiveness, and national solidarity. The objectives of this research work are to investigate the significance and applicability of national security for any state. This research is based on content analysis. This case study of Pakistan is selected to investigate the essential elements, internal and external elements of security in Pakistan in the light of the framework of security at the global level. The current study indicated that the notion of National Security had reformed in the 21st century. Now National Security interpretation will be elaborated from different threats such as territorial security, sovereignty, and economic, social, political, and environmental security. The research explores that contrary to external threats, Pakistan is facing internal threats such as political contradictions, ethnic origins, sectarianism, and militant organizations that also troubled the security situation.

Investment Opportunities in Somali Regional State Putting the Pastoralists Political Economy in Perspective

Modern states and societies development can hardly be achieved without an appropriate policy and action that delivers greater economic outcomes. To this end, all states starting from the ancient times to the modern era practiced economic policies that rely greatly on the accumulation of wealth through different means of the production process that leads to extraction hence accumulation of wealth based on which the state builds and maintains its internal as well as external sovereignty. It was in yesterday this motive for achieving unlimited growth and accumulation of wealth that drives the first British East Indian company to open its first overseas production plant in India in the 18th century.Today the multiple economic social and technological imperative of investment and that of foreign direct investment have become clear. Foreign direct investment is the most important engine based on which sates economy gain income in terms of National Gross Domestic Production, foreign exchange earnings and employment opportunity as well as technological and capital transfer. To this end, countries compete for attracting capitals to flow to their economy in the form of investment. This has greatly benefited countries of South East Asia in the last couple of decades. Africa, though not benefited as much as the what the Asian tigers and other eastern economies gained from foreign direct investment, many of African states are striving to use the advantage of investment in their national endeavor to achieve economic and socio-political development .Yet, the pattern of the distribution of this gain from the foreign direct investment is limited in its scope and not enabled states to benefiting the different sections of their population equally.This problem of uneven distributions of gains from economic development has been common problem in many of the emerging economies.Ethiopia is not peculiar.Despite the progress made in atracting more investors to the national economy,the distribution of these has been uneven.Most of the FDI gains are concentrated in few clusters in the major regions of the country. One of the least benefited livelihhod and economic areas has been the pastoralist roaming areas. Comparatively speaking,thus far,the Somali regional state gained little or no foreign direct investment since the new EPRDF government came into power 30 years ago .This has been despite the region has a huge potential for making gain from FDI given that the required attention and intervention is made.This article makes a description of the investment potentials in Somali regional state baed on the political economy framework. The review concludes that The review fininds out that the region has a huge potential for investment given the right attention by both policymakers and investors.

Pinioning the Peacekeepers: Sovereignty, Host-State Resistance against Peacekeeping Missions, and Violence against Civilians

Abstract Why and how do host-states resist contemporary peacekeeping missions? This article puts forward the argument that host-state resistance against peacekeepers is a strategy to balance challenges to the internal and external faces of a civil war state's sovereignty. Government officials might see an intense counter-insurgency campaign as an effective way to regain the monopoly on violence and thus strengthen the internal sovereignty of the state, but this will often lead to criticism from the international community and thus also lead to an erosion of the external sovereignty of the state. Conversely, the acceptance of a peacekeeping mission can strengthen a civil war state's external sovereignty as this acceptance signals a willingness to manage armed violence, but the deployment of peacekeepers is at the expense of internal sovereignty as it often limits the ability of government troops to conduct their counter-insurgency efforts. States can resolve this dilemma by accepting a peacekeeping mission to prop up their external sovereignty, but at the same time trying to limit the effectiveness of peacekeepers in those areas where peacekeeping activities potentially interfere with the efforts of government troops to regain the monopoly on the use of violence. The article zooms in on how the Sudanese government accepted the deployment of the United Nations–African Union Peacekeeping Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), but at the same undermined its civilian protection efforts, though other cases are considered as well.

PENGELOLAAN PERBATASAN ANTARA INDONESIA DAN MALASIA TENTANG TINGKAT EKONOMI DI WILAYAH KEDUA NEGARA


 
 
 Border governance is a necessity for Indonesia as an archipelagic country bordering maritime and / or land with other countries. Indonesia is located geographically between two continents and two oceans and no less than 17,504 islands. the border region has a very strategic multifunctionality. Politically, border areas provide legal certainty for internal and external sovereignty, both in the context of managing government administration and applying national law and in engaging with other countries. The existence of clarity of this border region will also provide legal certainty for a country for the utilization and management of natural resources contained in its territory for the benefit of the prosperity of the whole community. Border management must also be aimed at the prosperity of the people, especially those living on the border. The development of socio- economic activities to improve the socio-economic well-being of people at the border is very important because it will directly and indirectly strengthen the security aspects at the border. As a & quot;front page & quot; the creation of prosperity at the border will contribute positively to the conditions of security and defense, both regionally and nationally.
 
 

War, interaction capacity, and the structures of state systems

AbstractHow have the structures of state systems varied over time and space? We outline a game theoretic model of the decision by political units to accept offers of graded sovereignty from imperial centers. We conceptualize four types of sovereign bargains – tributary, informal extractive, suzerain, and departmental – as a function of whether a polity has external sovereignty and whether resources flow from the subordinate polity to the imperial center through transfers or direct extraction. We then specify the payoffs for these bargains and theorize how increasing interaction capacity and international competition shape the structure of state systems. We show how increasing interaction capacity is related to the transition from transfers to extraction while international competition plays a role only when interaction capacity is already high. We demonstrate the applicability of our model with case studies from low- and high-density environments during the early modern period, respectively: (1) The Oyo Empire of western Africa; (2) Mysore of south Asia.