Expression Of Contempt Research Articles

'Equal Protection, My Ass!'? Bush v. Gore and Laurence Tribe's Hall of Mirrors

A lengthy Harvard Law Review essay by Laurence H. Tribe - eroG v. hsuB and its Disguises: Freeing Bush v. Gore from its Hall of Mirrors - reaches the following conclusion about the Court's holding in that case: EQUAL PROTECTION, MY ASS! Notwithstanding Professor Tribe's vulgar expression of contempt for the Court, his essay is extremely sophisticated, and it deserves to be read carefully. Much of Professor Tribe's essay is taken up with peripheral discussions, the daunting volume and dazzling intricacy of which serve primarily to distract the reader's eye from the absence of any solid arguments that can support his two principal conclusions about the decision in Bush v. Gore. Those two conclusions can be stated very simply: the Court's equal protection ruling was untenable as a matter of law, and the case in any event was technically nonjusticiable. On the basis of these conclusions, Professor Tribe renders this further verdict: the five Justices in the Bush v. Gore majority have little but disdain for Congress as a serious partner in the constitutional enterprise, and not much patience with 'We the People' as the ultimate source of sovereignty in this republic. It is Professor Tribe's accusations that are genuinely untenable, and he is forced to rely entirely on sleights of hand in order to make them look like the results of a detached and sober analysis. This article explains why a large majority of the Supreme Court (7 out of 9) and a near majority of the Florida court (3 out of 7) have no reason at all to be embarrassed by their conclusion that equal protection was violated by the Florida court, and why Professor Tribe's arguments about justiciability are spectacularly indefensible.

The accessibility of the term “contempt” and the meaning of the unilateral lip curl

Four studies are reported investigating the conditions under which various proposed facial expressions of contempt are labelled “contempt”. Only under forced-choice conditions are any of these expressions labelled “contempt” above chance; free responses are at or below chance. Contrary to predictions from Rosenberg and Ekman's (1995) explanation of poor free-response performance, participants demonstrating the best understanding of “contempt”, and those primed by prior tasks to have the concept readily accessible did not do better than other subjects. Using the forced-choice paradigm, supposedly neutral expressions were labelled “contempt” by 70% of respondents. It is concluded that poor performance in free-response studies is not due to inaccessibility or unfamiliarity of “contempt”, that the unilateral lip curl included in the JACFEE set of expressions of basic emotions (Matsumoto & Ekman, 1988) is not decoded as contempt, and that good performance in forced-choice studies results from artifacts of the method.

Facial expression and the affective component of cynical hostility in male coronary heart disease patients.

This study describes the affective component of hostility as measured by the Cook-Medley Hostility Scale (Ho; W. Cook & D. Medley, 1954) by examining the relationship between facial expressions of emotion and Ho scores in 116 male coronary heart disease patients. Patients underwent the videotaped Type A Structured Interview, from which facial expressions were later coded using the Facial Action Coding System. They also completed the Cook-Medley Ho scale. Facial expression of the emotion of contempt was significantly related to Ho scores; anger expression was not. Also, there was a significant interaction between hostility and defensiveness, wherein low-defensive, highly hostile people showed substantially more contempt expression than others. The implications of these findings for the construct validity of Ho and for identifying clinically important subtypes of hostility are discussed.

New Findings on the Contempt Expression

Three experiments using an alternative methodology tested the meaningrelationship between facial expressions of disgust and contempt and various verbal labels. Subjects completed a language-free triad task and counterbalanced paired comparison tasks. Data were analysed using consensus analysis, multidimensional scaling, and a numerical scaling model. The two categories of facial expression were found to be distinct. Reciprocal understanding of meaning between label and expression was found for disgust but not for contempt (annoyance was the preferred label for the contempt expression and anger expressions were preferred as exemplars of contempt). These data suggest that previous results are correct for the disgust expression, but that the contempt expression has been mislabelled.

Women, War, and Rape: Challenges Facing The International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia

Women, War, and Rape: Challenges Facing The International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Catherine N. Niarchos and 11 (bio) Outline [End Page 649] I. Introduction As I began this project, I assumed that I knew little about the subject of rape, let alone rape during war. After research and reflection, however, I realized that all women know a great deal about rape, whether or not we have been its direct victims. Rape haunts the lives of women on a daily basis: it is the stranger approaching on the street; the violent husband or partner at home. More than other crimes, fear of rape leads us, consciously or unconsciously, to restrict our movements and our life choices, or alternatively to prepare for battle armed with mace, tear gas, and our rage. We ask whether it is safe for women, thereby accepting a double standard for our personal liberty and security. We learn to adjust from an early age: from fairy tales to the classics, we are conditioned to the fact that we are vulnerable to attack at any time because of our gender. 2 We arrange our lives accordingly; rape is an effective means of social control. Rape is also a crime of extreme violence. It is an expression of dominance, power, and contempt, a rejection of the woman’s right to self-determination, a denial of her being. Rape is not passion or lust gone wrong. It is first and foremost an act of aggression with a sexual manifestation. 3 Rape is widespread: in the United States, government statistics indicate that a woman is raped every five minutes. 4 In so-called times of peace, rape is just one of many forms of violence suffered by women, 5 a fact that belatedly has led the United Nations to appoint a Special Rapporteur on the subject. 6 There can be no doubt that rape is a human rights violation of the gravest dimension. [End Page 650] The relationship between rape in peace and rape in war, Catharine MacKinnon observes, is what anti-Semitism is to the Holocaust. One is the inevitable result of the other, but the scale of horror is vastly different. 7 As in peacetime, rape has always occurred in war. Since the beginning, it has ranked along with plunder as one of war’s “unfortunate byproducts.” The inevitability of wartime rape appears to be accepted by political and military leaders 8 and until recently was largely ignored by historians, sociologists, and journalists. If rape has always occurred in war, it has also been defined as a war crime since the earliest codifications of the laws of war. Wartime rape is exploited for its propaganda value, but when the time comes for prosecutions it is often overlooked or folded into a larger category of crimes against civilians. It has yet to be recognized as a crime of gender. The war in the former Yugoslavia involves savage rape on a horrifying scale. It is rape as torture, mutilation, femicide, and genocide. It is war fought on and through women’s bodies. It is rape as a military strategy. It is rape that, at last, has caught the world’s attention. As the result of outrage at the atrocities, the International Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia Since 1991 (Tribunal) was established in 1993. 9 Unlike the International Military Tribunals in Nuremberg (IMT) and in the Far East (IMTFE), the Tribunal includes in its [End Page 651] founding statute an explicit reference to rape, 10 and it has been encouraged to give priority to cases of abuse of women and children. 11 The Tribunal faces many hurdles. In the light of the enormity of its task, one wonders whether it is realistic to hope for justice for the thousands of rape victims. Already, some are skeptical. Others, however, are hopeful that the Tribunal will establish precedent relevant to all women, in times of peace and war. For this Tribunal, like the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals, has responsibilities that go beyond everyday judicial process; while it must render justice and fair process to these victims and...

More evidence for the universality of a contempt expression

Since its publication in 1986, Ekman and Friesen's (1986) discovery of a universal facial expression unique to contempt has received considerable attention (e.g., see Ekman & Friesen, 1988; Ekman & Heider, 1988; Ekman, O'Sullivan, & Matsumoto, 1991a, 1991b; Izard & Haynes, 1988; Russell, 1991a, 1991b; Ricci Bitti, Brighetti, Garotti, Boggi-Cavallo, 1989). Actually, much of this argument began before there was adequate sampling of contempt photographs across many cultures. In order to address this concern, this study reports judgment data on all 12 photos used in previous studies depicting the contempt expression from four non-American cultures. The data provide a strong replication of Ekman and Friesen's (1986) and Ekman and Heider's (1988) findings for a universal expression of contempt.

Negative results on a reported facial expression of contempt

Ekman and Friesen (1986) claimed to have discovered a facial expression, a unilateral lip curl, universally recognized as conveying contempt. Their conclusion was based on a series of labeling studies, all of which relied on one response measure—subjects choosing one label from a small, preselected list. This article reports two studies on the question of whether their result can be replicated with other response measures. In one study, subjects were allowed to respond with any emotion label they wanted; in the second, subjects were asked to make quantitative ratings on six emotion scales. Neither method suggested contempt as subjects' interpretation of the unilateral lip curl.

Confusions about context in the judgment of facial expression: A reply to ?the contempt expression and the relativity thesis?

A recent study of the effect of context in the judgment of contempt facial expression (Russell, 1991) was flawed by several confusions about what constitutes context. We argue that the context used should have ecological validity, through the use of many, rather than a few, facial expressions, which are spontaneous rather than posed, and which are judged by carefully selected judgment tasks, using clearly defined or well-understood emotional terms. The confusion in Russell's work between accuracy studies and agreement studies is also addressed.

The contempt expression and the relativity thesis

Ekman and Freisen (1986) reported a highly recognizable, pancultural facial expression unique to contempt. This article reports three studies in which the emotion inferred from that expression, a unilaterally raised and tightened lip, varied with the context of judgment. Different contexts of judgment were created by asking subjects to judge zero, one, or six other facial expressions posed by different actors before judging the lip curl. The lip curl was labeledcontempt in one context,disgust in another, andsadness in a third. Ekman and Friesen's result was replicated, but only when the specific anchoring context used in the original studies was reinstituted. People's judgments as to which emotion is conveyed by a particular facial expression can therefore be influenced by the method of gathering judgments.

Identification of Emotion from Body Movements: A Cross-Cultural Study of Americans and Japanese

In the present study American and Japanese subjects' judgments of emotional cues in body movements were compared, when facial information was excluded. Seven fundamental emotions of joy, surprise, fear, sadness, disgust, anger, contempt and three affective-cognitive structures for the emotions of affection, anticipation, and acceptance were displayed by four Japanese actors/actresses with their backs turned toward the viewer. The emotions of sadness, fear, and anger as expressed in kinetic movement showed high agreement between the two cultural groups. Joy and surprise, even though they are classified as fundamental emotions, contained some cultural components that affected the judgments. Furthermore, USA subjects successfully identified disgust as portrayed by Japanese actors/actresses, but Japanese subjects did not identify the expressions of disgust or contempt. Affection, anticipation, and acceptance have some cultural components that are interpreted differently by Japanese and Americans, and this accounted for some of the misunderstandings. Nevertheless, most of the scenes depicting emotions and affective-cognitive structures emotions were correctly identified by the subjects of each culture.

The universality of a contempt expression: A replication

Two experiments replicated Ekman and Friesen's finding of an expression that signals contempt across cultures. The subjects, from West Sumatra, Indonesia, were members of a culture that differs in a number of ways from Western cultures. In one experiment the subjects judged photographs of Japanese and American faces, both males and females, which showed many different emotions. There was very high agreement about which expressions signaled contempt in preference to anger, disgust, happiness, sadness, fear, or surprise. In a second experiment the Indonesian subjects judged expressions shown by members of their own culture, and again there was very high agreement about which expression signals contempt.

On the form and universality of the contempt expression: A challenge to Ekman and Friesen's claim of discovery

The claim of Ekman and Friesen (1986, “A New Pan- Cultural Facial Expression of Emotion,”Motivation and Emotion, 10, 159–168) that they have found the first empirical support for the existence of a pancultural expression of contempt is challenged on three grounds. First, the claim that no one else had ever attempted to describe an expression unique to contempt in any culture neglects a tradition of research dating back to Darwin. Second, the data presented by Ekman and Friesen were derived using stimuli that are ambiguous representations of their intended expressions. Finally, there are earlier data for the universality of contempt expressions. Ekman and Friesen's contempt expression may best be viewed as a learned modification of a prototypical expression evolved from the infrahuman snarl.

A new pan-cultural facial expression of emotion

We obtained the first evidence of a facial expression unique to contempt. Contrary to our prediction, this contempt expression was not culture-specific but was recognized by people in Estonia S.S.R., Germany, Greece, Hong Kong, Italy, Japan, Scotland, Turkey, the United States, and West Sumatra. Pan-cultural agreement about the contempt expression was as high as has been found previously for other emotions.

Perceptual categorization of emotional expression cued by ones back posture

Subjects looked at 8 mm motion pictures of the bodily movement from rear view perspective of male and female communicators, who faced to emotionally-toned scenes. If the subjects detected some sign of emotional expression, they rated the relevance of expression on five point scale. Varimax rotated factor analysis yielded three factors: F1 rejection-acceptance, F2 avoidance-approach, and F3 sadness. Rejection was categorized as expressions of anger, disgust, and contempt, while anger was categorized when a clenched fist with forward and extended arm were observed. Disgust and contempt were categorized when stationary posture was observed. Acceptance was categorized when the signs of affection, anticipation, and acceptance were observed. Avoidance was categorized when signs of fear and surprise were observed. A typical fear was categorized when signs of freezing was observed, surprise was categorized by stepping back, and sadness was categorized by crouching and self attachment.

Satire in African Letters: Black Appraisals of White Ethnologists in the Works of Ferdinand Oyono, Tchicaya U'Tam'si and Yambo Ouloguem

Among the black African writers who have singled out whites for satirical treatment, the novelists Ferdinand Oyono and Yambo Ouologuem and the poet Tchicaya U'Tam'si have focused on a certain type of ethnologist: the man who has come in the guise of explorer and scientist, but whose prejudices, ignorance, greed, presumptuousness and other negative characteristics are soon unmasked by his native hosts. In their works, we find portraits depicting the white ethnologist that are not only unanimous expressions of scorn and contempt, but also examples of the skillfull use of satire as a literary weapon. This article is available in Studies in 20th Century Literature: http://newprairiepress.org/sttcl/vol4/iss2/9 SATIRE IN AFRICAN LETTERS: BLACK APPRAISALS OF WHITE ETHNOLOGISTS IN THE WORKS OF FERDINAND OYONO, TCHICAYA U'TAM'SI AND YAMBO OUOLOGUEM INGEBORG M. KOHN University of Arizona In West African literature of French-speaking authorship, there are numerous examples of humor and satire directed against the white man.' Rene Maran, in his prize-winning novel Batouala (1921), was among the first to incorporate satirical elements.' He bitterly condemns the French colonial system by revealing some of its most horrendous practices; at the same time, he satirizes individual members of the hated white community through comments aimed at their apparel, their customs,their idiosyncrasies. Almost sixty years later, Seydou Lamine's The African Princes (Les Princes Africains, 1979),' a violent denunciation of corrupted African leaders and their white mentors, again demonstrates the power of satire, and reminds us how skillfully and how diversely satire has been used since Rene Maran: as comic relief, as a didactic device, and as a weapon both before the liberation and after the beginning of self-rule by African states. Humour and satire embrace a multitude of aspects of the white presence in Africa. Their targets have been, for the most part, members of the local colonial administration; but visitors and temporary residents have been singled out as well. Among the latter, some of the most interesting examples are the portrayals of white ethnologists. Be it the professional researcher or the passionate amateur, their foibles and vices have inspired the African writer to counter with textual responses ranging from a contemptuous corn213 1 Kohn: Satire in African Letters: Black Appraisals of White Ethnologists Published by New Prairie Press 214 STCL, Vol. 4, No. 2 (Spring 1980) ment to a devastating caricature. Just how the white ethnologist is portrayed will be shown by an analysis of selected passages from the works of three prominent African authors: the poet Tchicaya U'Tam'si, the novelist Ferdinand Oyono, and the novelist-poet Yambo Ouologuem, to whom the major portion of this study is devoted. In his novel Chemin d'Europe,' Ferdinand Oyono takes up again the theme of his earlier novel Houseboy,s but adds a new element to his stock of characters which previously formed the nucleus of the colonial community: the tourist-both visiting explorers and travellers in search of picturesque Africa. The novel's hero is Aki-Barnabas, a very bright and opportunistic young native, who has also used the Catholic mission as a springboard for his advancement. His goal is to go to Eruope, to get an education and improve his fortune. To earn the money needed for passage, he becomes a tourist guide at the local hotel run by a French couple. It is through his eyes that we see his customers, most of whom arrive on the weekly flight: Every Thursday evening, there poured forth from the plane all these whites wild about the Africa of their dreams, which they had come to explore only to fill all those photo-albums destined to inflame the imagination of a multitudinous and sedentary European bourgeoisie yearning for adventure. (p. 221, my translation) At first intrigued and rather amused, he soon becomes scornful of th whole grotesque lot of them, «...adventurous knights of both sexes and of all ages,» as he calls them. They are always out of breath, weighed down heavily with cameras and binoculars, peering out from beneath enormous pith helmets; he describes them as being «...forever hot in pursuit of the noble savage or the secret ritual.» He observes them as they ecstatically adjust lenses and light meters in front of some poor old wretch or nude woman they have chanced upon. They are ever ready to take notes for that book they hope to write, the great authoritative study on Africa that the world has been waiting for. After all, in speaking of this continent, they considered themselves «capable of grasping immediately, and of explaining the unique, the essence of the uncommunicable» (p. 221, my trans.). Aki-Barnabas catches on quickly to the idea that there is 2 Studies in 20th & 21st Century Literature, Vol. 4, Iss. 2 [1980], Art. 9 http://newprairiepress.org/sttcl/vol4/iss2/9 DOI: 10.4148/2334-4415.1086

Aretino's Pornography and Renaissance Satire

Aretino's Pornography and Renaissance Satire SAAD EL-GARALAWY Apart from his reputation as a lashing satirist, "the scourge of princes," Pietro Aretino was famous—or infamous—in England in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries for his works of pornography ,1 perhaps the first of their kind in Christendom. His most notorious book was the Ragionamenti, where two harlots dwell on the techniques and practices of sex through dialogues about the lives of nuns, married women, and courtesans. There were also his sixteen obscene sonnets, / Sonnetti Lussuriosi, dealing with modes of intercourse , which accompanied pictures of sexual positions, usually called / Modi, designed by Giulio Romano and engraved by Marcantonio Raimondi.2 Allusions to these bawdy manuals occur so frequently in English literature from Spenser to Milton that they constitute a phenomenon which is worth exploration. In many cases the references to Aretino's "pictures" and "dialogues" become functional as a medium of social, moral and political satire in the later English Renaissance. Saad El-Gabalawy, Associate Professor of English at the University of Calgary, has written articles on Renaissance literature in various journals and has translated four American books into Arabic. 1 Since the lines between "pornography," "obscenity," and "erotica" arc very thin and wavering, I have taken the liberty to use these terms rather loosely to imply explicit sexual material in general, without attempting to make dear distinctions. 2 Perhaps the best bibliographical, historical, and critical material related to the two works of pornography is available in A. Gerber, "AU of the Five Fictitious Italian Editions of Writings of Machiavelli and Three of Those of Pietro Aretino printed by John Wolfe of London (1584-1588)," MLN, 22 (1907), 2-6, 129-135, 201-206; Henry Sellers, "Italian Books Printed in England before 1640," The Library, Fourth Series, 2 (September 1924), 114-16; David Foxon, Libertine Literature in England, 1660-1745 (London, 1964), especially pp. 19-27; Wayland Young, Eros Denied: Sex in Westei-n Society (New York, 1964), especially Chapter 9 and Appendix 2; Johannes Hösle, Pietro Aletinos Werk (Berlin, 1969), especially pp. 15-21, 52-56, 89-114, 227-231. ROCKY MOUNTAIN REVIEW87 In the Greene-Nashe-Harvey controversy, the name of Aretino appears in different contexts, with the main emphasis on his satire. There is, however, a gradual shift in the 1590's, when these writers begin to concentrate on his works of pornography and regard him as a byword for libertinism. Despite the fact that Gabriel Harvey as a rhetorician expresses early admiration for Aretino's style in the Marginalia , later in Foure Letters (1592) he places his literary enemies in the company of "Lucían, lulian, Aretine, and that whole venemous and viperous brood, of old & new Raylers ..." (Sig. A4V). Nashe is furiously accused of moral hypocrisy in A New Letter of Notable Contents (1593), where Harvey wonders about the strange combination of religion and pornography in Aretino's works, with an explicit allusion to the Ragionamenti: He [Nashe] should be an Aretin: that Paraphrased the inestimable bookes of Moses, and discoursed the Capricious Dialogues of rankest Bawdry : that penned one Apology of the diuinity of Christ, and another of Pederastice, a kinde of harlatry, not to be recited: that published the Life of the blessed Virgin, and the Legende of the Errant Putaña . . . O monster of extremityes; and ô abomination of outragious witt. (Sig. DF) It is clear that "Aretin" is used by Harvey as an abusive term in his character-assassination game with Greene and Nashe, to smear their reputation by identifying them with the blackmailer through satire, the licentious ribald, the boy-corruptor, the Antichrist, the consort of whores, the epicurean libertine. Harvey's personal attack shows him as something of a pompous academic fool, indulging in the blunt denunciation of invective and usually lacking in humour. In his angry expression of fierce contempt, he regards himself as a champion of those traditional and moral values which such dissolute professionals as Aretino and Nashe have obscenely flouted. But his condemnation of these writers is not based on the public motivation which leads to a deliberate and militant attempt to expose vices and reform morals. David McPherson expounds in detail the...

II.—Notes on the Origin of the Doric Style of Architecture

The adjective ‘Doric’, as applied to a certain well-defined style of art, has become a convention of such long standing, and so widely spread, that to question its appropriateness would be both meticulous and embarrassing. At the same time its origin affords considerable ground for speculation. It may, as Mitford suggested in the eighteenth century, have expressed to the ancients the idea of an out-of-date, old-fashioned style, at a time when the Athenians were introducing the Ionic or Asia Minor fashions on the Acropolis. At the same time it is difficult to imagine or explain why the Dorians, always regarded as a rude or rustic element in the formation of the conglomerate Greek world of the first millennium b.c., should be credited with the invention of the most refined form of architecture ever known, or how Phidias came to select it for enshrining his sculpture at the Parthenon. We must, perhaps, presume that the unintentional honour conferred upon the Dorians may have been due to some phase of that inter-racial and political antagonism between different factions which constitutes so much of the history of ancient Greece. The term ‘Doric Art’ must have originated long after the erection of the Parthenon, if it was used in any sense as an expression of reproach or contempt, and its connexion with the people from the north who invaded the Peloponnesus c. 1100 B.C. can only be of the very vaguest.

Villegaignon: Founder and Destroyer of the First Huguenot Settlement in the New World

The name of Nicolas Durand de Villegaignon when mentioned by Huguenot writers is usually accompanied by expressions of contempt and intense hatred. He has been called “the Cain of South America” and “a true savage among savages,” while Theodore Beza with more elaborate animosity has described him as “a man distinctly resembling the Cyclops Polyphemus both in the vast mass of his body and the ferocity of his nature.” The object of these execrations was born about the year 1510 in Provins, a French town some fifty miles to the southeast of Paris, where his father, Louis Durand, held an honorable position under the government.