Executive Branch Research Articles

The Origins of a Fiscal Outlier: The Abandonment of a Federal VAT in the Nixon Presidency

Abstract Richard Nixon was the first president who examined the possibility of introducing a value-added tax (VAT) at the federal level in the late twentieth century. By 1970, his administration had considered recommending it alongside other domestic programs to overcome the criticism against the VAT’s regressivity, potential conflict in the federal–state tax authority, and the fragmented decision-making authority between the executive and legislative branches of the government. However, in 1971, the Nixon administration shifted their policy priority toward gaining the middle-class political support by linking local property tax relief to a federal VAT. Although they combined the two measures with a rebate to obtain consent to and confidence in them from the “opponents” among the “internalists” of policymaking and societal actors, their attempt failed to accomplish it. As a result, Nixon abandoned the federal VAT. This abandonment was a missed opportunity to introduce a federal VAT, leading the United States to become a fiscal outlier among Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries: it has not yet implemented a national/federal VAT. Furthermore, this outcome marked the origin of certain historical characteristics of the American fiscal state: the use of tax expenditures, “fend-for-yourself federalism,” weak extractive capacity, and fiscal inflexibility.

The (vice) presidential pivot? Examining Kamala Harris's messaging before and after the 2022 midterms

AbstractAspirational vice presidents need to continuously support the president yet still make a name for themselves for future elections. To understand how US VP Kamala Harris attempted to communicatively enact this balance, this study content‐analyzed Harris's official VP and personal Twitter/X accounts leading up to and following the 2022 midterms to determine how she shifted her message emphases before and after the elections and across officeholder and personal accounts. Results indicate she played her “party role” pre‐midterms and “executive branch role” post‐midterms, championed Joe Biden and Democrats but not herself, and used her personal account for campaigning.

The End of Chevron Deference and its Impact on the Energy Industry

As is currently well known, on June 28 the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the Chevron Deference, a key foundation of modern administrative law for 40 years. The case, Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo (Loper Bright), had nothing to do with energy, but the impact of the decision has significant implications in the energy arena. The order follows a steady drumbeat of U.S. Supreme Court decisions issued during this term and in recent prior ones curbing the regulatory enforcement capabilities of Executive Branch agencies. But while this is a landmark case and would be expected to lead to a host of new legal challenges to agency rules and actions, its practical effect might result in being more nuanced, maybe with some wholly unexpected consequences.

Variation in levels of professionalism in healthcare policymaking during the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations.

During the Trump administration it was widely asserted in the news media that the administration's agency appointees were less professional than appointees from previous administrations. Using qualitative data from 35 interviews with lobbyists, congressional staffers, and executive branch officials, and quantitative and qualitative data on years of relevant experience and job type at the date of nomination, it is demonstrated that indeed the Trump administration attracted less talent than the Obama and Biden administrations, which resulted in less supply and demand for expertise and thus a diminished role of expertise in the policymaking process.

Between Political Strife and National Science: COVID-19 Vaccines on the Main Brazilian TV newscast

ABSTRACT Brazil ranks second worldwide in COVID-19 deaths. In this country, television is the most popular means of mass communication, and 95.5% of Brazilian homes have a TV set. During the coronavirus pandemic, Brazilians considered TV news the most reliable source of information about COVID-19. In this context, we examined the coverage of vaccines, between 2020 and 2021, on the main Brazilian TV newscast – Jornal Nacional. We identified 1,173 reports on vaccination in the digital collection of this news show, which we analyzed based on six dimensions that systematize the following: general characteristics of the news, approach to vaccination, framing the news, general handling of the topic, actors and geographic location of the study and/or the immunization campaign on the agenda. The reports evinced a mostly positive attitude towards vaccines, emphasizing the political strategies and public policies adopted in COVID-19 vaccine development. National science gained prominence in the coverage. The most common news sources were institutions and/or representatives of the executive branch, and scientists were the voices most present in the reports. Just over half of the reports discussed the topic using visual aids, but only a few explained scientific concepts pertaining to the vaccine.

Can legislative majorities shape budgets? A comparative analysis of presidential systems in Latin America

AbstractIn separation of powers systems, in theory, legislative and executive branches must concur for policies to be enacted. However, empirical research, especially on Latin American cases, suggests that rather than reaching a compromise, it is common for the executive to make unilateral decisions, leaving the legislature marginalized in the policymaking process. Contrary to this trend, I argue that understanding important policy choices, including the national budget, requires considering the formal powers assigned to the president and the assembly, in interaction with their ideological divergence. Examining 12 presidential democracies for the past 20 years, I investigate the legislative majority's success in determining government expenditures under various policymaking institutions. I identify a number of institutional scenarios where legislative majorities are highly likely to succeed, while in other configurations, their success depends on their ideological divergence from the president.

The US Presidency: Power and Constraint

How much should we fear that a president will break the law to pursue power—then use their office to avoid legal accountability? Political scientists studying the presidency have often overlooked the risk of what we here call a criminal president. Donald Trump's presidency spotlighted that risk and has begun to shift the field's focus toward not just presidential power but presidential constraints. We believe this shift should continue. In this review, we aim to set an agenda that makes the danger of a criminal president central to understanding the presidency more broadly. Situating the criminal presidency within wider questions about legal and constitutional constraints on presidential power, we emphasize the unique risks to democracy that a president unbound by law can pose. We call for a greater focus on the legal rules governing the executive branch—especially unitary executive ideas—and the policies needed to hold criminal presidents accountable.

Dogmatics of administrative law

The basic terms and definitions inherent in Soviet administrativelegal science are examined; dogmatic concepts currently used in everyday life in domestic science and teaching need to be improved; in many cases they are not applicable in the existing political and legal realities. The concept of “public administration” does not correspond to its purpose in the conditions of separation of powers, constitutional and legal guarantees for the activities of executive authorities, pluralism of various forms of ownership, especially non-public ones. Using the example of teaching activities in the field of German administrative law, the need to distinguish between various training courses is shown, first of all, substantiating the theoretical postulates of German administrative law science — Verwaltungslehre, Polizeiund Ordnungsrecht, from training courses devoted, just like in domestic administrative law , the study of the institutions of the Special Part of Administrative Law — Besonderes Verwaltungsrecht. The dogma of “public administration” is now being replaced by the study of the theoretical postulates of the executive branch, with special attention should be paid to the generality and subordination of public and civil regulation in various spheres of government influence, primarily in relation to property regulation, which is especially significant in conditions of the dominance of public property relations , based on the hierarchical subordination of their participants, and not regulated by civil law.

The Real-Time Impact of Political Risk on Market Valuations: Evidence from Peru

This study examines the impact of political risk on financial markets by leveraging high-frequency (minute-by-minute) price data and precise event timestamps from media outlets’ Twitter feeds during Pedro Castillo’s failed coup attempt in Peru. Unlike previous research that relies on low-frequency data and protracted political changes, our analysis demonstrates that daily closing prices may misleadingly suggest negligible impact. In contrast, high-frequency data reveal that markets promptly and accurately incorporated news of the coup attempt and, in turn, its failure into asset prices. Our analysis shows that breakdowns in democratic governance negatively affect asset prices, while the restoration of the rule of law, in the form Congressional checks on the Executive branch, boosts them. Moreover, our analyses suggest that domestic companies and sectors with less mobile assets are more vulnerable to these political risks. Our findings underscore the crucial role of high-frequency data in accurately capturing how institutions and political risk affects equity markets.

Aksesibilitas Pelayanan Publik bagi Penyandang Disabilitas pada Pemerintah Daerah Kabupaten Tangerang

In this study, there is an identification of a gap between what is expected and the actual reality in the efforts of the Tangerang district government in fulfilling the rights of persons with disabilities. This gap, which is called das sein and das sollen, encouraged researchers to make a thesis on the issue. The purpose of this study is to provide a detailed description of the level of accessibility of public services available to individuals with disabilities within the Tangerang Regency local government. Zeithaml, Parasuraman, and Berry (as cited in Hardiansyah, 2018: 63) propose that to assess the quality of service actually perceived by consumers, there are specific indicators of service quality that can be categorised into five categories of service quality, namely tangible, reliability, responsiveness, assurance, and empathy. The results of this study have several points 1) Incomplete regulations or technical implementation standards for public services for persons with disabilities in the form of Tangerang Regent regulations as guidelines for the implementation of Tangerang Regency PERDA No. 11/2018 concerning the protection and fulfilment of the rights of persons with disabilities; 2) The attitude of government officials towards persons with disabilities The government is one of the important actors in the successful implementation of public service accessibility for persons with disabilities. 3) Attitudes of non-disabled people towards people with disabilities and people with disabilities towards non-disabled people In addition to the government as an important actor in the successful implementation of accessibility of public services for persons with disabilities, non-disabled people have an important part in the successful implementation of public service accessibility for persons with disabilities. Suggestions for the Tangerang Regency Government, especially public service providers from the executive branch, to immediately make a Tangerang Regent Regulation (PERBUP) regarding the fulfilment of the rights of persons with disabilities so that it can become a guideline and technical guidance for all public service providers.

The rise of populism as a factor in Mezey’s explanation of legislative vulnerability

ABSTRACT Michael Mezey maintained that all legislatures are vulnerable to executive attempts to aggrandise their power and influence at the expense of parliamentary prerogatives. In democracies, populist leaders are a danger to parliaments. Therefore, I explored the role of populism as a factor in Mezey's explanation of legislative vulnerability using the case of the Israeli parliament during the 37th government. A wave of populism prompted an attempt to create a constitutional revolution that would weaken the already weak parliament. Israel is one example of the role of populism in making legislatures vulnerable to attempts by the executive branch to increase its power, but there are more cases to study to understand the depth of the phenomenon. Thus, as researchers, we should identify the procedures that can help vulnerable parliaments confront populist leaders and their behaviour.

A Two-Headed Creature: Bicameralism in African Autocracies

Since the 1990s, seventeen African states have added a second chamber to their legislatures. This sudden trend is puzzling for two reasons. First, bicameral legislatures have decreased by 33 percent worldwide. Second, although upper houses often aim to improve democratic representation, descriptive statistics suggest these institutional changes were not due to democratic or representative pressures. The changes occurred primarily in hybrid regimes. What explains this resurgence of bicameral legislatures in Africa? I argue that incumbents introduce a second chamber when the opposition has sufficient power in the lower chamber to contain the executive branch. I adopt a mixed-methods approach combining statistical analysis and two case studies of Côte d’Ivoire and Zimbabwe. I find that African incumbents have created a second chamber to (1) weaken the legislature as a whole and the opposition in particular and (2) manage intra-party dissent.

The Evolution of the British Executive: Cabinet, Prime Minister and Core Executive Model

With the resignation of three prime ministers in the United Kingdom since 2019, the executive organ in the UK has become a topic of controversial discussion in the literature. The longstanding debate regarding who wields significant influence within the Executive branch and how executive power is exercised has reignited. It has been underscored that historically, the executive functioned either through the cabinet system, characterized by a collective decision-making structure, or the prime ministerial system, where the prime minister held primary decision-making authority. This article argues that neither the cabinet nor the prime ministerial system adequately explains the contemporary British executive. By analyzing the institutions of the cabinet and the prime minister's office from both historical and contemporary perspectives, this article seeks to explain this point. Ultimately, it examines the core executive model, positing that multiple actors and various factors such as resources, structure, strategy, and tactics collectively determine the functioning of the British executive today.

A blue ribbon goat: the Rockefeller Commission, public opinion, and the ford administration’s intelligence reform failure

ABSTRACT After allegations of the US intelligence community conducting illegal operations that targeted American citizens, 1975 became known as the Year of Intelligence. The subject dominated national discourse and led to competing programmes of intelligence oversight proposed by Congress and the executive branch. This article examines the Ford administration’s programme that started with the Rockefeller Commission in January 1975 and ended with the issue of Executive order 11,905 in 1976. It argues that neither were enough to stave off Congress intruding on executive control of the intelligence community, because the Ford administration inaccurately measured the public’s demands for genuine reform.

ОРГАНИ ДЕРЖАВНОЇ ВЛАДИ ЯК СУБ’ЄКТИ ВІЙСЬКОВО-ТЕХНІЧНОГО СПІВРОБІТНИЦТВА

The article analyzes the issues of competence of public authorities as subjects of legal relations in the field of military-technical cooperation. Based on the functional division of state power, the structure of state authorities in the field of military-technical cooperation is considered. It is stated that the only legislative body in Ukraine is the Parliament, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. The relevant government bodies, primarily the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, represent the executive branch of government. Based on the functional approach, the author proposes a three-tier system of central executive bodies in the field of military-technical cooperation, which includes: Level I – the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine; Level II – ministries of Ukraine (Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Strategic Industries, Ministry of Finance); Level III – state services, state inspections, state agencies, independent regulators and bodies with special status (State Export Control Service, State Space Agency). It was noted that an advisory body should be established with the competence to deal with military-technical cooperation, namely: The Interagency Commission on Military-Technical Cooperation and Export Control Policy, which is an advisory body to the President of Ukraine. Key words: military-technical cooperation, international cooperation, subjects of legal relations, public authorities, military-industrial complex.

Atuação das mulheres no executivo municipal: uma análise do desempenho na gestão pública

The objective of this paper is to analyze whether Brazilian municipalities with women in charge of the Executive Branch express better financial performance, and demonstrate more qualitative social compliance. In this direction, the research is characterized as empirical-analytical. To analyze the data, it was initially necessary to know the profile of the managers elected in the 2016 ordinary elections. Afterwards, descriptive statistics of the study variables, Pearson correlation analysis, and means test were carried out. Using statistical models, using the multiple linear regression technique, using the Ordinary Least Squares method (OLS), it was measured whether the mayors were responsible for a superior performance to the others, with analysis on a sample of 5570 municipalities. The results indicate a low female participation in the position of mayor, given that, in the 2017-2020 management cycle, only 11,88% of managers were women. These results can be understood by the lack of political education and public programs that support women's participation in politics as well as society's awareness of this importance. According to the results of the regressions, it appears that, despite the growth of the number of women in high-performance positions, female participation in the position of mayor in Brazilian municipalities does not significantly influence performance. The results have theoretical implications, as they contribute to the literature in order to expand the discussion on the influence of female participation in senior management positions, contributing to a better practical understanding, suggesting future work, using other metrics and in other periods.

Budgetary Cycle and late accountability: diagnosis regarding the political judgment of government financial statements within the scope of the States

The normative scenario configured by the 1988 Constitution, in matters of public finances, reveals a dynamic structured based on the notion of budget cycle. However, the materialization of the processes that make up this cycle is permeated by decision-making operated from a perspective of supervision of social bodies and institutionalized control. In this sense, the theoretical framework regarding horizontal accountability emerges, according to O'Donnell's (1998) categorization, which translates in the issuance of the preliminary opinion by the Audit Courts and the subsequent political judgment issued of Parliament. Having as its object of work the temporal profile of the political judgment of government accounts, this paper proposes to investigate the existence of empirical distortions concerning the process of assessment and judgment of the accounts of the head of the Executive Branch of the States, and where possible delays arise – whether in the assessment and sending of the preliminary opinion by the accounting body or in the processing of the document in the legislative houses. Therefore, in methodological terms, for the purpose of articulating the diagnosis on a legal-exploratory basis, we opted for a sample selection stratified into subgroups referring to the five historically recognized regions, choosing the most populous federated entity in each region as a critical case for analysis, which takes place through the mobilization of qualitative data, extracted from primary sources (legislative decrees, draft legislative decrees and previous opinions), with a documentary analytical focus, taking as a focus the period referring to the accounts from 2010 to 2020.

Placing Behavior in Context: Political Interpretations of Individual Behavior in Countering Information Warfare in Finland

Malign information influence often targets large segments of the population, with the intent to manipulate individual behavior for the benefit of the actors disseminating this harmful information. However, in a liberal society like Finland, individual behavior is closely tied to personal freedoms and liberties, making the commentary and regulation of individual behavior for the sake of security a complex endeavor. This paper investigates how Finnish politicians and officials perceive individual behavior within the context of information warfare. We examine the emergence of particular discourses that interpret, critique, and potentially seek to influence individual behavior. Our research draws from parliamentary debates and legislative documents, as well as executive branch materials, providing insight into contemporary political thought. By exploring the evolving landscape of political discourse in Finland, our paper contributes to a better understanding of the environment in which countermeasures against information warfare are developed and the roots of national security policy. It underscores the intricate challenges of safeguarding cognitive security while respecting individual freedoms in a modern democratic society.

Interactions between natural resources and false democracy?

A substantial political economy literature argues that it does not support a positive relationship between natural resources and autocracy. This study introduces a theoretical model and empirically estimates the relationship between natural resource endowment, democratic electoral systems, and electoral fraud. Electoral fraud and the introduction of a democratic electoral system have opposite positive and negative implications for democratization. This study examines the possibility that the opposite conditions are going on at the same time. In previous studies, indicators of Polity, a variable of institutional quality, have been used to identify not only the relationship between natural resources and institutions but also the relationship between natural resources and democratization.Our work uses data from around the world since 1800 to examine whether the executive is autocratic but would introduce proportional representation, a more democratic electoral system than the constituency system, to gain international support. It also examines whether a false democracy is compatible with the separation of powers gained by the executive branch respecting the judiciary and the legislature. The results of the analysis show that natural resources can be used to finance the consolidation of dictatorships and promote false democracy. The higher the natural resource endowment, the more money that can be obtained from natural resources can be used by politicians for political funding. Politicians introduce democratic political institutions and acquire political power through electoral fraud. At first glance, this is not a dictatorship but essentially suggests that political authorities are not replaced, giving rise to a more robust dictatorship. These theoretical and empirical analyses show that the degree of respect of the executive branch for the judiciary and legislature, the existence of a system of unconstitutional review, and political regimes such as military regimes and authoritarianism affect electoral fraud and false democracy by analyzing by region, degree of inequality and by income.

Senator Richard Lugar i rat u Bosni i Hercegovini

The 1992-1995 war in Bosnia generated a significant interest across the Atlantic. For three-and-a-half years, Bosnia was present in the American public life with continuous media reports of the war and the genocide being perpetrated in this part of the Balkans. American policymakers in the George H. W. Bush and the Bill Clinton Administrations grappled with formulating a response to the war. While the executive branch took hesitant steps in response to the war, a number of American legislators led the way in seeking an assertive US role in Bosnia. Before the war broke out in Bosnia in spring 1992, several American legislators had taken an interest in the crisis in the rapidly dissolving Yugoslavia. Bob Dole, the Kansan Republican, was a leading voice calling for a tougher response. From 1992 onwards, Dole was joined by a number of other senators and congressmen on both sides of the aisle in advocating for air strikes and a lifting of the UN-imposed arms embargo on Bosnia. These congressional Bosnia hawks led a sustained campaign aimed at keeping the US focused on Bosnia and adopted landmark legislation in support of the newly independent state in Southeast Europe. Senator Richard Lugar, an Indiana Republican and an influential voice on foreign affairs, did not belong to this core group of congressional Bosnia hawks. These hawks, including Senators Bob Dole and Joseph Lieberman, and Representative Frank McCloskey, along with a dozen other legislators, were at the forefront of congressional efforts to shape America’s policy towards Bosnia. Unlike these Bosnia hawks, Lugar did not lead the charge in seeking to steer US policy towards Bosnia. The Indiana Republican was neither a persistent advocate on Bosnia which was a characteristic of the congressional Bosnia hawks. But, he did weigh in on Bosnia starting in 1992 and advocated the use of American force in response to the war in Bosnia. Lugar also voted in favour of a series of legislative efforts aimed at supporting Bosnia from the Capitol Hill. This moderate support was still significant for Bosnia as the state mounted a determined defense of its statehood and citizens from 1992 to 1995. Lugar’s Senate papers located at Indiana University Libraries in Bloomington, IN offer insights into how the veteran senator viewed Bosnia and the policies that he advocated. To date, no study of Lugar’s policy towards Bosnia has been researched and his papers on Bosnia represent a first in-depth look at the senator’s views on the war. Drawing on these original documents, this paper seeks to piece together the story of how Senator Lugar reacted to the Bosnian War. It is a story of his support for Bosnia but one which was neither persistent nor forceful compared to Bob Dole and other pro-Bosnia voices on Capitol Hill. Still, as an independent and internationalist Republican, Lugar left a mark on his nation’s foreign policy including towards Bosnia. This paper, then, further seeks to contribute to the existing literature on the variety of America’s responses to the Bosnian War but also to shed light on Senator Lugar’s little-known effort to shape the US policy towards Bosnia in the early 1990s.