Exclusionary Attitudes Research Articles

Exclusionary attitudes toward the allocation of welfare benefits to Chinese immigrants in Hong Kong

Studies on migration often assume that members of the same ethnic category are less likely to develop exclusionary attitudes toward each other. In order to explain why many Hong Kong people exhibit exclusionary attitudes toward granting social rights to Chinese immigrants who share the same ethnic ancestry with them, we conducted a phone survey to examine four important factors: (1) economic threat; (2) social threat; (3) negative stereotypes; and (4) contact with immigrants. We find that the economic threat—either at the societal or individual level—perceived by respondents does not explain their exclusionary attitudes. The results are consistent with alternative explanations emphasizing cultural and non-economic concerns commonly associated with ethnocentrism.

Infiltrators or Asylum Seekers? Framing and Attitudes Toward Asylum Seekers in Israel

This study asks whether framing asylum seekers in Israel as “infiltrators” posing threats to the country amplifies exclusion toward them. The term “infiltrators” associates asylum seekers with the anti-infiltration law passed in the 1950s to fight terrorists and dissociates asylum seekers from their unique position as holders of special rights. The term “infiltrators” may thus influence the attitudes of the Israeli public regarding the treatment of asylum seekers. Findings demonstrate that respondents presented with the “infiltrators” frame were more likely to show exclusionary attitudes. Findings additionally show that the framing effect mediates the relation between perceived socioeconomic threat and exclusion.

Making National Identity Salient: Impact on Attitudes toward Immigration and Multiculturalism

AbstractDoes national identity necessarily have exclusionary effects when it comes to immigration attitudes or is it possible that some national identities act as inclusive forces? While research in Europe and in the US points to the former, one of the long-standing explanations for Canada's success with immigration has been the central place played by immigration and multiculturalism in its national identity. Using the Canadian case, this research tests the possibility that some national identities might represent an inclusive force. It does so through a nationally representative survey experiment (N = 1500) where respondents' national identity was primed before answering questions on immigration and multiculturalism. The analysis shows that contrary to previous results obtained in the Netherlands, priming Canadian identity does not increase anti-immigration attitudes. A new prime designed to isolate the effect of national identity even decreased these exclusionary attitudes.

Editorial: Turkish migrants and their descendants in Austria Patterns of exclusion and individual and political responses

Turkish immigrants and their descendants have become the main target of anti-immigrant political mobilization in Austria since the 1990s. They have come to epitomize the image of the Oriental enemy and the Muslim other. Based on these discursive constructions, Muslims in general, and Turks in particular, have often been described as unwilling to integrate into Austrian society. The articles in this special issue show not only that these discourses and exclusionary attitudes may result in discriminatory practices towards Turkish immigrants and their descendants in Austria, but also that the alleged unwillingness to integrate may be explained by the lack of effort made by the Austrian government and Austrian institutions to integrate this group.

Significance of attitudinal experiments

Experiments involving environmental manipulations targeting psychological traits, like attitudes or personality, are a powerful tool in social science. However, where the benefits offered by experimental research designs are typically well laid out, the pitfalls of comparing control groups and treatment groups receive scant attention, if recognized at all. The recent field experiment by Enos (1), showing that intergroup contact strengthens exclusionary attitudes, provides a showcase for discussing three main pitfalls. These pitfalls can be labeled as (i) effect sizes, (ii) effect duration, and (iii) subject selection, and have far-reaching implications for the real-life significance of results of attitudinal experiments, sufficient to warrant a different conclusion to the …

Causal effect of intergroup contact on exclusionary attitudes

The effect of intergroup contact has long been a question central to social scientists. As political and technological changes bring increased international migration, understanding intergroup contact is increasingly important to scientific and policy debates. Unfortunately, limitations in causal inference using observational data and the practical inability to experimentally manipulate demographic diversity has limited scholars' ability to address the effects of intergroup contact. Here, I report the results of a randomized controlled trial testing the causal effects of repeated intergroup contact, in which Spanish-speaking confederates were randomly assigned to be inserted, for a period of days, into the daily routines of unknowing Anglo-whites living in homogeneous communities in the United States, thus simulating the conditions of demographic change. The result of this experiment is a significant shift toward exclusionary attitudes among treated subjects. This experiment demonstrates that even very minor demographic change causes strong exclusionary reactions. Developed nations and politically liberal subnational units are expected to experience a politically conservative shift as international migration brings increased intergroup contact.

Globalization, socio-economic status and welfare chauvinism: European perspectives on attitudes toward the exclusion of immigrants

This article addresses the question of whether globalization impacts individual preferences to exclude immigrants from national welfare systems (‘welfare chauvinism’). Intergroup contact theory and arguments from the ‘new cosmopolitanism’ debate suggest that cross-border social contacts (‘social globalization’) foster a willingness to include and accept newcomers. However, group conflict theory suggests that trade openness (‘economic globalization’) can unleash feelings of insecurity and trigger welfare chauvinism. While these approaches point in different directions, we argue that the impact of globalization on welfare chauvinism differs across socio-economic status groups. Using cross-national data from the European Social Survey 2008/2009, we find scarce support for the hypothesis that social globalization reduces welfare chauvinism in general. However, there is evidence that it diminishes exclusionary attitudes among those with relatively high socio-economic statuses. Moreover, we find no general evidence for an impact of economic globalization on chauvinism, but a positive interaction of intensified engagement with global market forces and higher socio-economic status.

Playing with Race: How Racial Diversity A ffects Redistributive Behavior in Simulated Public Goods Games

Contact between groups of different and ethnic backgrounds is the focus of much research, yet there exists no overall consensus of the conditions under which such may help to create more tolerant and behavior, or foster resentment and intolerant behavior. We develop an experimental design that uses simulated economic games to test whether demographics have an effect on financial contributions to a good. Subjects were situated in a virtual community meeting where contributions toward a public park were elicited. Using an original database of faces, we varied the demographics of the community while keeping gender ratios and attractiveness constant. Our results indicate that diversity has few baseline effects on white Americans' generosity toward a public good in the experimental setting. Where effects do exist, they vary in line with whether public good is shared by the subject with others than when it is not shared by the person contributing. Our findings reject a racial threat hypothesis, but fall short of allowing us to meaningfully conclude that contact improves inter-racial and behavior. Further, our results suggest that subjects do not use race as a strategic heuristic. Instead, exclusionary attitudes may account for differential rates of generosity across conditions. Finally, our results reveal some interesting treatment effect heterogeneity conditional on race and gender of the experimental subjects.

Come visit, but don't overstay: critiquing a welcoming society

PurposeThis paper aims to conceptualize and illustrate how some island societies – in spite of their apparent openness, vibrant tourist economies and generally welcoming disposition – develop exclusionary attitudes to a range of immigrants, resulting in effective limits to their much vaunted hospitality culture.Design/methodology/approachIn the context of a global review, the paper reports a qualitative study of immigrant experiences and perceptions from 2005 empirical survey data, as well as the personal observations of the author on Prince Edward Island, Canada's smallest and only fully island province.FindingsWhile the bonding social capital of island communities tends to be strong, their bridging social capital tends to be weak. Other aspects of island life – including perceptions of smallness, affirmation of island identity, high population density, gentrification, the threat of invasion and the fear of the other – impact on the interaction of the “come heres” with the “from heres”. The paper shows divisions in islander attitudes between (short‐term stay) tourists and (longer‐term stay) immigrants in sharp relief.Research limitations/implicationsThis analysis queries research assumptions about service, hospitality and tourism and provides a conceptual framework for the dynamics of visitation to island destinations.Practical implicationsThese findings critique service quality, relationship management and attitudes to potential clients.Originality/valueThe paper connects immigration research to attitudes to tourism, using an island studies lens as its analytical tool and provides an insightful view of the contested dynamics of place, notions of hospitality and exclusion.

Portrayals of Women Golfers in the 2008 Issues of Golf Digest

This research note examines Golf Digest’s depictions of gender through the publication’s portrayals of women in its 2008 issues. Through the use of intersectional theory and critical discourse analysis of the contents within Golf Digest, we found that despite its emerging use of women columnists and content concerning women in articles or advertisements, the magazine mainly reproduced dominant images about white, wealthy, heterosexual women athletes. In particular, we argue that the magazine often reinforces exclusionary attitudes toward women golfers by maintaining systems of privilege and oppression that benefit wealthy, white, heterosexual males. As such, we focus on gender as the most visible intersectional identity with white males, and discuss how including mainly white, wealthy, heterosexual women also conveys messages about other women’s involvement in golf.

Kindergarten kids in motion: Rethinking inclusive classrooms for optimal learning

Recent cognitive neuroscientific evidence indicates that movement and gesture are necessary for optimal cognitive and communicative development. Unrestricted movement may enhance learning because it allows children to freely engage with external properties of their environments. In-depth understanding of how children interact with/in classrooms and other everyday environments is lacking. This knowledge gap is particularly problematic for children with physical disabilities because gross and/or fine motor impairments restrict their movement, and exclusionary attitudes, safety concerns and environmental barriers further curtail their ability to explore their surroundings. Hence, all children’s physical health, social abilities and cognitive development may be jeopardised when built environments and educational strategies inhibit rather than enhance their movement capabilities. In this paper, key studies from neuroscience, pediatric rehabilitation, ecological psychology, architecture and education are examined to identify how children with varying physical abilities respond to and interact with the physical features of everyday environments, and how contextual factors influence their mobility and ability to learn. Drawing on these research findings, a novel conceptual and methodological framework is proposed for observing and analysing children’s ‘body-environment’ interactions in an integrated kindergarten classroom. The proposed framework accentuates the indisputable link between movement and optimal learning outcomes, and addresses the need for descriptive, naturalistic research about children and their environments. Ultimately, this interdisciplinary approach may optimise: (1) the design of learning environments that support children’s fundamental right to access and move freely within them; (2) the development of their physical, social, cognitive capacities; and (3) environmental, educational and rehabilitation interventions that encourage children to explore, navigate and shape their environments.

‘According to the Confession in Which I Die’: Taking the Measure of Allegiances in Seventeenth-Century Wilno

The range of multiconfessionalism in early modern Wilno (Vilnius) was unusually wide. This was a place where not only Christians, Jews, and Tatars engaged in more and less structured interactions, but where all (including the Jews and the Tatars) had to be ready to negotiate a Christian landscape of five recognized and openly practising confessions: Roman Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists, Orthodox, and Uniates. The practice of toleration (not to be confused with tolerance) was one of finding a set of habits — some of them implicated in violence, or at least in adversarial relationships — that allowed individuals and communities to co-exist, sometimes cheek by jowl, with people who were hated, or, at the very least, held for incorrigibly pigheaded. My point of departure is the assumption that all had to find some sort of modus vivendi with people beyond their own confession, but that individual Vilnans represented a large spectrum between zealously exclusionary practices and attitudes, at the one extreme, and a sort of protoecumenicism, at the other. Drawing on evidence such as explicit statements in last wills and testaments, ranges of deathbed bequests to religious institutions and individuals, mixed marriages, and godparenting practices, I sketch out a range of individual practices and their underlying attitudes. These data provide material for concluding considerations of the question whether these crossings of confessional limits were symptoms of the ground-level ‘indifferentism’ that some revisionists have sought to establish as a corrective to, and in some cases in opposition to, the top-down etatism of confessionalization paradigms.

The More the Merrier? The Effects of Type of Cultural Diversity on Exclusionary Immigration Attitudes in Switzerland

We investigate how different types of cultural diversity influence anti-immigration attitudes across Swiss municipalities. While from a threat theory perspective, a high number of immigrants within a region increases (perceived) threat which fosters negative immigration attitudes, intergroup contact theory contends that culturally diverse societal contexts increase opportunities for contacts with immigrants, which give rise to more positive immigration attitudes. Prior research on ethnic hierarchies and host society acculturation attitudes led us to hypothesize that the presence of valued, “culturally similar” immigrants from wealthier countries increases contact and decreases threat, thereby reducing anti-immigrant prejudice. The presence of devalued, “culturally distant” immigrants from poorer countries should increase threat perceptions and dissuade contact thus heightening prejudice. A multilevel study was conducted using the 2002 European Social Survey (N = 1472 Swiss citizens, N = 185 municipalities). Replicating previous research, contact reduced exclusionary immigration attitudes through reduced threat. On the municipality level, higher proportion of North and West European immigrants increased contact, thus reducing threat. A larger proportion of Muslims was related to an increase in threat, leading to more pronounced exclusionary attitudes, but also to increased contact. Finally, we discuss how the impact of diversity depends on the social construction of immigrant categories, respondents’ social position and ideological stances, and the prevailing local ideological climate.

Who are the Europeans that Europeans prefer? Economic conditions and exclusionary views toward European immigrants

This article suggests that the economic standing of foreigners’ country of origin may become grounds for the emergence of an inclination to exclude an out-group population from the country. Moreover, exclusionary attitudes based on the economic standing of the immigrant’s country of origin may vary according to the economic conditions of the destination country. Data obtained from European Social Survey for 21 countries show that exclusionary views directed exclusively at foreigners from ‘poorer countries in Europe’ or at foreigners ‘from richer countries in Europe’ are quite substantial. Multi-level analyses reveal that differential preferences of immigrants from relatively rich and poor European countries indeed interact with the economic conditions of the host societies. Support for the exclusion of European foreigners from ‘poorer countries’ tends to be less pronounced in economically prosperous places while support for exclusion of European foreigners from ‘richer countries’ tends to be less pronounced in economically depressed places. The findings are discussed in the light of sociological literature and the context of modern European society.

The Politics of Inequality in Globalizing Cities: How the Middle Classes Matter in the Governing of Buenos Aires

This paper contributes to the literature on the new politics of social inclusion and spatial justice in globalizing cities. My main argument is that accounts of such politics should focus on the multiple intervening social actors without neglecting or assuming the roles played by the urban middle classes. Focusing on the case of the City of Buenos Aires (CBA) after Argentina's neoliberal crisis of 2001, I show the importance of mobilized middle-class social actors in shaping institutional and territorial outcomes in a globalizing city that is highly polarized and fragmented. This study is based on participant observation, in-depth interviews, and archival research focused on (a) subscribers of state-sponsored citizen participation processes and (b) neighborhood activists with middle-class profiles—middle incomes, relative housing stability, and residency in neighborhoods with middle levels of development. Findings show that, although middle-class politics in the city evidenced a primary concern with place, neighborhood, and local territories, mobilized actors were also responding to deeper transformations brought about by processes of neoliberal globalization. Their repertoires of collective action also moved beyond the local scale and had significance for the wider governing of the city. Finally, it is shown that middle-class politics in the postcrisis CBA departed from the exclusionary attitudes evidenced in studies of other cities, which leads to the question of how such politics may be reconciled into broader coalitions seeking more egalitarian forms of urban globalization. Further inquiries for comparative analysis beyond the CBA are suggested in the paper's conclusion.

The Value(s) of Space: The Discourses and Strategies of Residential Exclusion in Cape Town and Long Island

This article analyzes the discourses and strategies of residential exclusion in Cape Town and New York. Although representing vastly different regions, both case studies are historically middle-class residential areas that have recently undergone significant immigrant influx. The responses of long-term residents and local governments are explored, in particular, the role of “values” (sociocultural, physical, and economic) ascribed to space by residents in shaping and legitimizing exclusive discourses and practices. The authors conclude that while long-term homeowners express some very “real” and “valid” reasons for exclusionary attitudes, the consequent exclusion of already underprivileged demographic groups is problematic.

National attachments, economic competition, and social exclusion of non-ethnic migrants in Israel: a mixed-methods approach

This paper provides a specific example of how mixed-methods can be used as a useful research design in the study of ethnic exclusionism. Specifically, we investigate the ways in which conceptions of national identity and nationalism and perceptions of socio-economic threat explain exclusionary attitudes of the majority group (Jews) towards labor migrants in Israel. We show how the implementation of the mixed-method approach to the study of discriminatory attitudes towards migrants not only provided evidence for convergence, but also improved our understanding of the complex nature of ethnic relations in modern societies.

Attitudes of Mental Health Workers Toward Community Integration of the Persons with Serious and Persistent Mental Illness

This study examined attitudes of mental health professionals toward community integration of the persons with serious and persistent mental illness (SPMI). The sample consisted of staff members from outpatient psychiatric clinics, agencies providing residential services for SPMI, and agencies advocating on behalf of the mentally ill. Each agency type included line workers, supervisors, and directors. A survey instrument for examining attitudes toward community integration of SPMI was developed. The study produced an important association between attitudes and agency types—mental health workers employed at outpatient psychiatric clinics were found to hold significantly more exclusionary attitudes toward SPMI than the workers at other agency types. The article provides evidence of an association between clinical knowledge and attitudes of mental health workers on community integration of SPMI.

Why do citizens want to keep refugees out? Threats, fairness and hostile norms in the treatment of asylum seekers

AbstractA social identity framework was employed to understand why people support the exclusionary treatment of refugee claimants (‘asylum seekers’) in Australia. Over and above individual difference effects of social dominance orientation and individuals' instrumental threat perceptions, insecure intergroup relations between citizens and asylum seekers were proposed to motivate exclusionary attitudes and behaviour. In addition, perceived procedural and distributive fairness were proposed to mediate the effects of social identity predictors on intergroup competitiveness, serving to legitimise citizens' exclusionary behaviours. Support for these propositions was obtained in a longitudinal study of Australians' social attitudes and behaviour. Small and inconsistent individual‐level effects were noted. In contrast, after controlling for these variables, hostile Australian norms, perceived legitimacy of citizen status, and threatening socio‐structural relations were strongly and consistently linked to intentions to support the harsh treatment of asylum seekers, and exclusionary attitudes and action at Time 2. Moreover, perceived procedural and distributive justice significantly mediated these relationships. The roles of fairness and intergroup socio‐structural perceptions in social attitudes and actions are discussed. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Governing the Locals: Local Self-Government and Ethnic Mobilization in Russia by Tomila s> Lankina (review)

i86 SEER, 84, I, 2006 within national borders for providing the material structure for the politics of migration. Yet, the relationship between migration and national identities might be more complex than they allow national identities might structure exclusionary attitudes, but exclusionary attitudes towards migrants may similarly limit the cultural appeal of national identities the failure of Hungary's 'dual citizenship' referendum in December 2004 might be a highly revealing example of this. Furthermore, the whole question of the re-making of Europeans' own mental maps of their continent and the role the politics of migration plays in this is an extremely fruitful area for future research. Department ofHistory M. D. PITTAWAY TheOpenUniversity Lankina,Tomila. Governing theLocals.LocalSe~f-Government andEthnic Mobilization in Russia.Rowman and Littlefield, Oxford, 2004. xvi + 233 pp. Notes. Tables. Maps. Bibliography.Index. ?57.??. TOMILA V. LANKINA's Governing the Locals:Local Sef-Government and Ethnic Mobilization inRussiais an investigationof the role of local sovietsin mobilizing around nationality issues, focusing on the case study republics of Adygeya, Bashkortostan,North Ossetia and Ingushetia.Butthe studyhasmuch broader and far-reaching implications, striking at the real core of the problems of democratization and civil society, and offering a critique of the overall institutionalstructureof governmentin the Russian Federation. Local soviets are, after all, ostensibly among the most democratic of institutions imaginable. The Soviet emphasis on the compulsory nature of participatorypolitics, once strippedof the stage-managingrole of the CPSU, had the potential to provide for genuine grassrootsinvolvement in both local issues and politics more broadly. To some extent, this potential was realized, according to Lankina'sstudy, in the period 1990-92. Even at the height of soviet activism,however, certainlimitationsare observable.On the one hand, local soviet deputieswere more awarethan most citizens of the disadvantages conferredby non-titularethnicity,and hence led theway in mobilizingaround ethnic issues. On the other hand, the dependence of local soviets, not least in the allocation of financial resources,on the higher up 'titular'authoritieshad a moderating effect and led to soviets distancing themselves from the more radicalwings of the non-titularnational movements. It is the absence of this moderating factor which, for Lankina, explains what she calls the 'deviant case' of North Ossetia the break-upof the Chechen-Ingushrepubliccut the Ingush-dominatedsovietsadriftfromanyconstrainingstatestructure,contributing to theiradoption of a more radicalstancewhich contributedto the interethnic violence of I992. The soviets operated against a background of complex institutional and personal arrangements.Public associations,in particularnon-titularnational movements (theUnion of Slavsin Adygeya, the TatarPublic Centre and Rus' in Bashkortostan),were able to use linksand influencein the sovietsnotjust to political advantage, but to gain access to key resources such as office space and the media. Soviet chairmen and deputies often had dual roles in their REVIEWS I87 official capacity, previous career, and membership or informal links with other bodies. The ability to dispense patronage in terms not just of finance, but in registration of associations, permits for demonstrations, provision of office space etc., tied non-governmental associations into local government perhaps too closely. Nevertheless, for this period of 1990-92 the local soviets appear to have been responsive to their constituencies as well as activist in initiatingcampaigns. This seems to have changed abruptly with the first round of President El'tsin'sreforms of local government. Measures often seen as decentralizing actuallykilledoff grassrootsdemocracy. The strengtheningof republicanand regional governments provided them with excessive powers over local administrations,with fullcentralrepublicancontrol of budgets and the ability to appoint an increasing number of local officials 'Heads of Administrations ' at the expense of elected officials.Leading activistsof the sovietsand national movements either gravitated to Moscow or pursued independent careers outside politics. Lankina is able to give examples of popular local officials successfullynegotiating these challenges and working well for their constituencies, but the overall picture is one in which only associations and individualswho had the approvalof the republicanauthoritieshad any chance of prospering. Local administrators'powers to license and provide premises meant that the number and activities of public associations declined drastically . Above all, this affected negatively the ability to mobilize the non-titular national minorities who perhaps had most to fear from the policies of nationalizingregimes. The first six chapters of this book are devoted to painstaking analysis of these...