Demon Research Articles (Page 10)

New prophetic churches have a different approach to classical Pentecostalism when it comes to the practice of divine healing. Unlike classical Pentecostalism, new prophetic churches embrace the practice of consulting prophets in divine healing in the same way as that in which a traditional healer would be consulted in traditional African religions. During the consultation, the prophet charges a fee and prescribes sacred products that are similar to those of traditional African religious practices. This article uses a case study to illustrate the similarities between new prophetic churches and traditional African religions. Although there are similarities between the two movements, there is a need to also demonstrate their differences. The similarities are framed as continuities, and differences as discontinuities. When diagnosing the problem, a traditional healer throws traditional bones, but a prophet relies on the Holy Spirit to utter a prophetic word. When exorcising a demon causing sickness and diseases, a traditional healer uses rituals to invoke the spirits, but new prophetic churches, with all their weaknesses, would still use the name of Jesus to cast out the evil spirits. The findings in this article have some implications within the theoretical framework of syncretism. The similarities demonstrate syncretistic practices, and the discontinuities demonstrate the nonsyncretistic nature of new prophetic churches in South Africa.

The prosperity message preached mainly by independent apostles and prophets in Network Christianity’s new prophetic churches with some Pentecostal leanings has become popular among many Africans. The link between the American prosperity message and its African nephew is discussed to disclose the unique African elements, such as Africa’s traditional emphasis on a holistic spirituality which includes attaining health and prosperity by pacifying evil spirits and angry ancestors. One of the reasons for the popularity of the prosperity message is that it links closely with the African enchanted worldview and the spirituality that characterizes African traditional religion. This challenges Pentecostals to consider its compatibility with the gospel of Jesus Christ, based on the discipleship of the cross and servanthood, and suggests that the neo-Pentecostal prophet and apostle have become the modern equivalent of Africa’s diviner and healer. Their message of prosperity deviates from the essence of the gospel of Christ in several respects: firstly, it entails a distorted view of God and the Bible, described in almost pantheistic terms; secondly, its anthropology and Christology view relegates Christ to a man empowered by the Spirit and elevates human beings’ union with God; lastly, its view of revelation authorizes extrabiblical revelation to the same extent as the biblical text. This paper concludes that the prosperity message represents a dangerous fallacy based on a syncretistic contextualization of the gospel to African spirituality.

Introduction: Mental illness treatment using traditional methods is still carried out in various regions in Indonesia, including in the Manggarai regency, East Nusa Tenggara. The aim of this study is to describe the types of traditional rituals performed to cure mental illness in Manggarai culture. Methods: This study uses an ethnographic approach which is supported by a qualitative descriptive approach. Data were collected by conducting in-depth interviews with 10 cultural leaders. Results: This study identified 4 types of rituals in treating mental illness namely peler rituals to cure mental illness due to being possessed by evil spirits, keti manuk neni rituals to cure mental illness due to heredity, Teing hang ritual heals mental illness due to ungratefulness to ancestors, and the oke dara ta'a ritual to heals mental illness due to having black magic. Conclusion: The results of the study indicate that there are still many people who practice traditional healing practices for people with mental illnesses and neglect medical treatment, resulting in relapses that lead to pasung or physical restraint and confinement of people with mental illnesses. Therefore, in providing education and promoting mental health in the community, it is necessary to emphasize the effectiveness of medical treatment.

Some Christian figures state that the exorcism service is only relevant in the era of the Ancient Church, which was still thick with the context of idol worship and is no longer relevant today. The deliverance service is generally also understood as one carried out only once in a prayer meeting per person, without any other deliverance prayers or further spiritual guidance. The purpose of this study is to find an explanation of the post-departure prayer service that is relevant. The research method used is descriptive qualitative. The study results showed three forms of post-delivery prayer services: observation of the causes of possession by the power of darkness, continued deliverance prayers, and spiritual guidance. A church that does only one deliverance prayer service for each person (without any follow-up service) is the same as allowing eight evil spirits to return and destroy that person.AbstrakAda tokoh Kristen yang menyatakan bahwa pelayanan pelepasan (eksorsisme) hanya relevan di masa Gereja Purba yang masih kental dengan konteks penyembahan berhala, dan tidak lagi relevan pada masa kini. Pelayanan pelepasan umumnya juga dipahami sebagai pelayanan yang dilakukan hanya satu kali pertemuan doa saja pada tiap pribadi, tanpa ada doa pelepasan lanjutan ataupun bimbingan rohani lanjutan. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah menemukan penjelasan tentang pelayanan pasca doa pelepasan yang relevan. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya tiga bentuk pelayanan pasca doa pelepasan, yaitu observasi penyebab kerasukan kuasa kegelapan, doa pelepasan lanjutan dan bimbingan rohani. Gereja yang melakukan hanya satu kali pelayanan doa pelepasan pada tiap pribadi (tanpa ada pelayanan lanjutan), sama halnya dengan memberikan kesempatan delapan roh jahat untuk kembali dan menghancurkan orang itu

This article describes the culture of the Sentani people who inhabit the area around of Sentani Lake and its surroundings. This study describes the views of the Sentani people related to the mythological, cosmological and indigenous of religions in their culture. In Sentani culture, the world consists of three levers, the world in the ground as a high place for the spirits of the dead, the world on the earth's surface where humans live, and the world above the sky is occupied by the good and evil spirits. The world on the surface of the earth is divided into the world of human life, and the world of spirits, where spirits, gods and supernatural are inhabited starting from within the individual, in houses, villages to mountains, lakes, rivers, forests, rocks and seas. All spirits, gods and supernatural are connected through certain rites, symbols, and material cultural relations. These relations are concretized through art carvings, boats, house ornaments, rituals, body carvings, beads and drums, and others. This study intends to reveal and describe the structure of human cognition related to aspects of mythology, cosmology and public belief. This research is a descriptive type of research with an ethnographic approach that collects data through observation, in-depth interviews, and relevant literature studies.

Tribes are ethnic groups that account for up to 8.6% of the Indian population. They reside in economically and socially depressed areas of both rural and urban India with limited access to health care. They also suffer from heavy burden of disease compared to other people. Some tribal communities still follow traditional healing practices that are not supported by our healthcare system.[1,2] Many tribal communities still follow supernatural theory of disease and believe that illness is caused by a curse from God or spirits and can be cured by appeasing with offerings. A group of tribes known as the Santals completely rely on traditional healers for their cure. They also believe that any violation of natural laws and contact with sick person’s belongings can lead to disease or illness.[2] On a broader note, they believe in protective spirits who always protect them; benevolent spirits who are worshipped on a regular basis by the community and family; malevolent spirits—the evil spirits in charge of smallpox, fever, abortion and so on; and ancestral spirits, the spirits of the ancestors who always protect them.[3] Poor socioeconomic conditions and improper health beliefs contribute more to their sufferings. While studies have shown increased prevalence of addiction among tribal men, lack of maternal health care poses a serious threat among tribal women. Few studies have shown that some tribal women restrict food consumption from the second trimester of pregnancy to facilitate an easy delivery. Unhygienic self-delivery practices and less intake of nourished food during pregnancy lead to increased maternal mortality and morbidity rate among tribal women. These practices further lead to birth of malnourished and underdeveloped children, thus forming a vicious cycle.[3,4] Since the tribal population has a low level of health literacy, educating them will have a significant impact on how often they use the tribal health and wellness centre. The disease burden can be reduced by providing proper health education through accredited social health activist (ASHA) workers and raising awareness regarding various tribal health welfare programmes like Matrutva Anudan Yojana and others. By making it mandatory for doctors to serve in tribal communities for at least 2 months during their internship, the doctor–patient ratio among tribal communities could be reduced. Extending the coverage of central government insurance scheme to all tribal communities across India and stringent implementation and monitoring of healthcare programme may further improve their quality of life.[5] Financial support and sponsorship Nil. Conflicts of interest There are no conflicts of interest.

Four Elegies

The subject of the study in this article is the Sologubov pretexts of V. V. Nabokov's stories "Terra Incognita" and "In Memory of L. I. Shigaev". The paper establishes the genetic connection of these works with the stories "Summoning the Beast" and "Connecting souls" by F. K. Sologub. The work is based on comparative analysis, which helps to identify the commonality of the plots and techniques of the writers, to establish the features of the worldview that lead to a similar choice. The area of Nabokov's artistic attention, like Sologub, is a state of delirium, which motivates the bifurcation of space. An indication of the Sologubov intertext in Nabokov is the image of small domestic evil spirits, textually close to the descriptions of the predecessor. The article proves that the borrowing of plots is due to the aesthetic community of artists: the desire to recreate the twofold world by combining the objective plan with the image of an alternative – subjective or metaphysical – dimension. Ontological instability is recreated by writers using the technique of double motivation. The article examines the attempts of both authors to transform the technique found in prose for drama. Sologub implements them in the unfinished adaptation for the scene of the story "Summoning the Beast" and in the play "The Little Demon". Nabokov seeks to convey the point of view of the hero in the plays "Death", "Event", "The Invention of the Waltz". It is noted that in the field of drama, common attitudes find a dissimilar implementation at the level of techniques.

BackgroundWHO/UNICEF recommends that women in resource-poor developing countries- like the Gambia, should exclusively breastfeed their infants for the first six months of their lives because of its health benefits to both mother and infant. The study aimed to explore the cultural beliefs, attitudes, and perceptions of lactating mothers towards exclusive breastfeeding in The Gambia.MethodsThis was a qualitative ethnographic study of culture-sharing groups of mothers with infants 4 to 6 months old. The study was conducted from July to October 2014 and data collection was done through a face-to-face, in-depth interview and moderate participant observation. The study recruited 22 breastfeeding mothers attending government health facilities in the Kanifing Municipality. The collected data were transcribed verbatim and analyzed through a constant comparison method generating six cultural themes, each with sub-themes.ResultsBaby’s welfare is traditionally based on the types of food mother’s eat. To this end, mothers reportedly shunned eating green leafy vegetables, liquid and hot foods for their infants’ wellbeing. Encounters such as weight loss, nipple inflammation, and backache, which mothers associated with hyper latching and sitting for prolonged breastfeeding, respectively, were among major undesirable physical effects revealed by the participants. Furthermore, the necessity of giving water to infants for their survival was illustrated as a barricade to exclusive breastfeeding practices. Likewise, the entrenched practice of giving charm water to instill the Islamic faith and shielding infants against evil spirits was another factor influencing exclusive breastfeeding practices. Finally, the belief that breast milk adequacy is based on breast size and nurturing men’s physical strength by starting prelacteal feeds early in infancy also contributes to the meek exclusive breastfeeding rate among mothers.ConclusionThis study could be a gazette piece for effective policy making and enhance nurses’ cultural sensitivity while caring for lactating mothers. Cultural meanings of health care behaviors in lactating mothers challenge universally applying guidelines of exclusive breastfeeding to all societies. The study findings could benefit healthcare providers in informing policies and designing culturally adaptive and acceptable community-based breastfeeding intervention programs in resource-limited settings.

J'habite le monde microbien. Les microbes vivent sur mon corps comme à l'intérieur de celui-ci. Chaque orifice de mon enveloppe corporelle est peuplé par des millions de microbes différents. Je mange des microbes, j'avale des microbes, je digère des microbes et je défèque des microbes. Quand j'embrasse ma conjointe, je partage avec elle des microbes. Quand je serre la main de mon voisin, nous échangeons nos microbes. Nous faisons tous deux partie d'un réseau complexe de microbes communément appelé microbiome et qui constitue une partie essentielle de notre corps individuel et collectif. La composition de mon microbiome fluctue au quotidien, au gré de mes actions et de mes rencontres. Bien que mon génome soit fixe, mon microbiome est malléable et adaptable. Je peux le transformer à ma guise pour modifier mon identité. Dans le cadre de ma pratique artistique, j'expose mon propre corps à divers types d'expérimentations visant à changer la composition de mon microbiome. J'utilise les outils de la science pour quantifier les effets produits. Le 3 février 2016, j'ai serré la main à 1 001 personnes lors de la Transmediale à Berlin, transformant graduellement la communauté invisible de microbes vivant dans la paume de ma main droite. À intervalle régulier, des assistants ont prélevé des échantillons de ce microbiome cutané afin d'étudier comment nos contacts avec les autres transforment ce que nous sommes. Depuis, j'ai répété ce projet hybride à l'interface de l'art et de la science à Copenhague, Montréal, Perth, San Francisco, Baltimore et Paris. La performance 1 001 poignées de main sensibilise par l'engagement physique, par des actes de participation et d'échange aux niveaux social, individuel et microbien. En tant que scientifique, cette expérimentation avait comme objectif de recueillir des données scientifiques sur le microbiome humain, la dynamique de contamination de mon microbiome au contact du microbiome d'autrui. Comme bioartiste, c'est plutôt la notion d'individualité qui m'interpelle, un concept philosophique que je formalise par des autoportraits au microbiome, des microbiome selfies générés à partir de l'ADN des bactéries récoltées dans la paume de ma main. Suis-je toujours le même après 1 000 poignées de main échangées avec des étrangers ? Ces réseaux bactériens multicolores attestent de ma métamorphose. Cette action banale qu'est la poignée de main nous apparaît aujourd'hui sous un nouvel angle à l'aune d'une pandémie mondiale exacerbée par la distanciation sociale. Les limites de mon corps ne sont pas celles de mon épiderme. Je touche, donc je suis. Je porte sur moi les traces de votre identité microscopique. Je suis un réseau de cellules microbiennes qui dansent avec mes propres cellules pour construire en temps réel la personne que je suis.

The paper explores the origin and semantics of the word karachun (korochun) having a vast specter of meanings in East Slavic languages (including Russian). It could mean ‘death’ (especially sudden and violent); serious illness’, ‘the end as a negative result, cessation, exhaustion of something’, ‘evil eye’, ‘evil spirit’; something that carries the idea of “crookedness, bentness” (‘crooked leg, stoop’ in Belarusian dialects, ‘hunched posture, crawling’ in Russian); ‘miser’ and material meanings — ‘crooked tree’, ‘old broom’ (Belarusian dialects). Apart from that, karachun and its phonetic variants have calendar semantics (‘day of the winter solstice’, ‘Christmas holidays (in general)’, ‘Christmas bread’, ‘Christmas tree’, etc.), however, these are mostly spread in the Carpathian-Balkan area and seldom occur in Russian. The authors hypothesize that Karachun1 ‘death, etc.’ and Karahun2 ‘calendar term’ go back to two heterogeneous homonyms: Karachun1 < Proto-Slavic *kъrčiti ‘to bend, to writh’ < *kъrčь / *kъrča ‘convulsions, spasm’; karachun2 < ? Albanian kёrcun (< *karcun) ‘block, stump of a tree’. In addition, the article examines the word karachun from the onomastic perspective — as a name of the mythological character that occurs both in scientific and popular literature and is believed to be an ancient Slavic deity. However, the authors argue that this one is a product of “armchair” mythologists (researchers of the 19th–21st centuries) and the result of an uncritical attitude to sources. In fact, this name belongs to the antagonist of the novel by Mikhail Popov (1770), that was replicated in the popular tales of the 18th century, from which it then migrated to the oral folk tradition (but did not become “active” there).

The purpose of the article is to reveal the problem of editions in the history of “The Tale of Ivan the Fool...” text by L.N. Tolstoy (1885–1886). The objective of the research is the reading, differentiation and analyzis of this work’s manuscripts saved in the the Manuscript Department of the Leo Tolstoy State Museum in Moscow and in the University of Chicago Library (USA). The scientific novelty lies in the fact that for the first time an integrated approach has been applied to the study of the history of the creation of the “Tale of Ivan the Fool...”, combining textual and literary (poetics, historical, literary and biographical contexts) areas of research. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that the early manuscripts did not have editions radically different from the main text, as it is considered to be a scientific tradition. The results of the research prove that the plot parts, the figurative system, visual and expressive means for the integral expression of the genre form of the idea — a social utopia in the kind of folk tale were consistently formed in the draft materials. The article emphasizes that folklore details (stories about the three brothers, about the victory of man over evil spirits) were the allegorical basis for the artistic presentation of the main theses of Tolstoy’s religious, philosophical and publicistic writings in the 1880s. These theses include the idea of non-resistance to evil by violence, criticism of the military strategy of states, the tax system of societies, the idea of enslaving the weak by the strong with the sword and money, glorification of agricultural labor, the antithesis of mental activity and physical labor in the history of mankind.

Among the Nanai of Russia, the promotion of the usage of fish skins goes alongside the wider feminine activity of embroidery, known to protect the wearer from evil spirits. In North-East China, the safeguarding of Hezhe crafts, promoted both by UNESCO and the Chinese administration, resulted in the creation of a new type of artefacts made from fish skins. This study shows how cultural policies influence the production of material culture, thereby highlighting the place of each group within a dominating culture (numerically and culturally) and strategies of Indigenous appropriation and agency.

On the example of analysis of oral folklore stories of the “Mythical Lover” plot circle, we show how the historical reality enters human experience, how it is reflected in the composition of narratives and how then they are remembered and retold, creating a special remembering group. The material is ten stories of different genres of oral folklore prose – mythological stories about sexual contacts with spirits, a story about evocation of forest spirit, stories about dreams, recorded by folklorists of St. Petersburg State University in the Vologda, Arkhangelsk, Kirov regions during the last 20 years from four women born in the 1930s. Not buried in accordance with the usual funeral ritual, those who died in the war do not leave the thoughts and feelings of their widows. The grief of military widows is doubly heavy. Meanings that were not articulated by the ritual emerge in the performance of storytelling. Collective storytelling (firstly, storytellers and empathetic listeners tell their stories for the first time at the moment of events; secondly, primary storytellers, their children and grandchildren have been repeating stories about the past for more than 80 years) restores vital tissue and carries such “orienting” concepts, as excessive pain, grief outside the ritual, unrelenting grief and the danger of “evil spirits” associated with them

Proposed Topic of Discussion --The Use of Mantras in Traditional Health Treatment. The literal meaning of the word ‘mantra’ means a chant used to worship a god or goddess. This is the meaning of the word ‘mantra’ found in the two Assamese dictionaries, namely Hemkosh and Saraighat. Etymologically Mantra is a secret conversation or repetition of some words in a rhythmic manner. On the other hand, the Tantra literature suggests that the word mantra is derived from two words– 'Mon' and 'Troi''. In other words, the mantra is uttered secretly to save the mind and body from any disease or evil spirits. In simple sense, a mantra is one that protects both the body and the mind. The popular belief was that Mantras could remove any disease or misfortune along with application of meditation at the same time. In English, Mantra is defined by the word ‘charm’ which is related to magic.

The article is devoted to the issues of hunting of the Kola Sami in the second half of the XVIII century. The author analyzes data from statistical statements that were collected in 1764 and in 1785. They preserved information about the structure of the hunting economy: hunting objects, fishing methods, as well as the further use of the game. In addition, the author pays attention to the social role of hunting in the life of the Kola Sami, because it not only generated income, but also served as a way to preserve traditions and culture. The Sami believed that hunting helped them maintain their spiritual connection with nature and protected them from evil spirits. The study revealed that hunting in the second half of the XVIII century still occupied an important place in the daily life of the Sami, but there were already certain signs of decline associated with a decrease in the main objects of hunting in forests and the emergence of reindeer husbandry. Everyone was engaged in hunting to one degree or another, but mostly they were adult, able-bodied men. Fur-bearing animals were most often hunted, since they played a large role in monetary trade relations between the Sami and the Russians.

The author explores, for the first time, Vladimir Vysotsky’s anti-fairy tales (“The Fairy Tale Song about Evil Spirits”, “There is no more Lukomorye”, “Verses of Evil Spirits”) and Robert Rozhdestvensky (“The Tale of the Blacksmith who Stole a Horse”, “The Monologue of the King of Animals”) in a comparative aspect. These texts have common foundations with folklore genres (myth, bylichka (folkloric account), byvalschina (true story), fairy tale) and literary fairy tale. The purpose of the article is to disclose the artistic features and the genesis of the anti- fairy talesby Vysotsky and Rozhdestvensky. It is revealed that the roots of folklore works go back into the mythological layers of Russian national culture associated with the development of artistic consciousness of people of prehistoric times. The myths that reflected a person’s idea of the world were of a religious nature and did not cause doubt as long as they were believed in. After the belief in animate gods disappeared, myths began to be perceived as fiction and become a bylichka (folkloric account), byvalschina (true story), fairy tale, etc. It is concluded that the anti-fairy tale is based on the attributes of a fairy-tale model, which are used by the authors of works to identify the imperfections of the real world, to ridicule it. One of the means of creating comic effects in the studied anti- fairy tales is hyperbole. In turn, hyperbolization reveals the ideological intent of the works, enhancing their aesthetic and authorial sound. Bearing the traditions of folklore genres (myth, bylichka (folkloric account), byvalschina (true story), fairy tales, etc.) and literary fairy tales, the anti-fairy tales by Vysotsky and Rozhdestvensky help the reader to create a contrast between the fabulous idea of the world and the imperfect world of reality.

COVID-19 has emerged as a public health crisis and has done caused a disaster at multiple -levels. Manual retrieval of ancient books of Ayurveda was carried out. In From an Ayurvedic point of view, its very difficult to correlate COVID-19 with Aayurvedic terminology, on the basis of causes, symptoms, and complications., Iit can be correlated with various diseases like Janpadodhwansha(~epidemic), Shwasa(respiratory disease), pranaavrit vata(subtype of vata that is seated in head), dushi-visha(~cumulative), jwara-sannipattika (~severe fever), vata-kaphaja jwar (fever) , shwasana (~pneumonia), Abhisangaj jwar ( ~fever caused by virus or evil spirit), majjadhatugata jwar (~vitiated regulatory factors are located in structural component of bone marrow ) &and kasa roga (coughing). Treatment in such conditions is mentioned as Panchkarma (~detoxification procedure) . The main goal in such type of condition is to remove avarana (overlapping) so that Vayu (air) returns to normal functioning. Five detoxification procedures were also reported to be effective against a broad spectrum of viruses, including human immunodeficiency virus, herpes viruses, etc. Ayurvedic detoxification procedures can add an additive effect in to the managing COVID-19 through multiple modules, like as prophylactic and, curative treatment. Implementation of suggested influence or mode of action probably come up with empirical discernment escalating the Ayurveda other than prophylactic medical management and system considering alike ailments.

This article examines a detailed case involving an accusation of witchcraft against peasant Ivan Dulepov, which was heard before the Court of Equity in Nizhny Novgorod in 1812. In comparison with the materials from other Courts of Equity of the first half of the 19th century the one involving Dulepov provides a window onto how the court dealt with cases of using magical, primarily healer’s, practices. Comparative analysis shows that the adjudication in cases of witchcraft was related to the process of translation of peasant’s magical practices into the legal language by a judge and their correlation with the term “witchcraft” in the texts of the documents. The judicial term “witchcraft” included the use of spells that presuppose the accused’s belief in their efficacy and any harmful magical practices, but it excluded practices of healing with prayers and without using any texts (herbal medicine) and magic “for a joke”. The appearance in the course of the investigation of a case-specific bundle of meanings (for example, “witchcraft” and “sin”, “witchcraft” and “swindle”) concretised the nature of punishment (penance, corporal punishment or others). The article shows that the variability of this system of meanings is associated with the vagueness of the laws of the 18th – first half of the 19th centuries and the fluidity of the concept of “witchcraft” in traditional culture. The variability of court sentences in similar cases is also associated with the dialogic nature of testimony. Dialogical structure of the evidences is analyzed on the example of two interrogation points in the testimony of Ivan Dulepov (about the invocation of evil spirits and the belief in the “healing power” of spells) and it is shown how different ways of reading similar concepts by the accused and the judge affect the understanding of magical practices by different parts of the investigation.

De même que le Cloud n'est pas un simple nuage, mais un amas de fils enfouis sous terre, le petit abrite en lui sa propre et vaste cosmologie : tout ce qui est petit est, en fait, tout ce qui vit. Par conséquent, questionner le petit, c'est s'interroger sur la vie et la nature elles-mêmes. Cet essai poético-visuel reprend les recherches de la scientifique mexicaine Anita Hoffmann sur les acariens et, à travers elles, s'interroge sur le son que fait le petit, sur le nombre de noms que l'on peut donner à une créature ou encore sur le degré de létalité d'une chose si petite qu'elle peut vivre dans un ourson d'eau. — au sujet de « L'étrange incandescence bleue des acariens » de Diego Espíritu Tout ce qui est vivant vit quelque part, sur son lieu. D'abord c'est le territoire. L'espace où quelque chose advient, où quelque chose ou quelqu'un existe. C'est ce qui fait des acariens des créatures si particulières. Leur territoire, c'est nous. Notre chambre. Notre lit. Notre matelas. Notre oreiller. Notre peau. Le corps même. Le territoire de l'acarien, c'est moi. De combien de formes peut-on nommer une créature ? Moi avec l'acarien. L'acarien en moi. Cette singularité est fausse. Elle dépend du microscope (fig. 362). Ce qu'il y a ce sont des acariens. Une multiplicité. Indivisible. Un amas d'infectes bestioles dans mon matelas, galopant sur ma peau. Elles sont immensément nombreuses. Bien qu'en les dessinant apparaisse la vérité persistante de l'unicité. Parce que ce qui existe, c'est une chose et elle se manifeste dans son être. Mais l'être de toute chose doit être pensé depuis son territoire. L'être n'existe que sur un lieu donné et à un moment donné ; l'être n'existe que pour un lieu donné et pour un moment donné. (trans-historicité, profonde temporalité, inhumaine ; instantanéité de l'acarien, évanescent, minuscule) Où sont tes acariens, Diego ? Ces bestioles produisent une sorte de fascination pour le récit-explication-philosophique. La question de l'animal apparaît partout dans les discours philosophiques contemporains : chats et chiens de préférence. Habitats domestiques. Bien qu'il y ait aussi des ours, des panthères, des oiseaux… Les bestioles sont quelque chose de si différents, des extraterrestres dont la forme peut être tout et n'importe quoi, sauf la nôtre. Comme si, ainsi, elles étaient moins anthropocentriques. Comme si elles permettaient, ainsi, le décentrement du discours anthropocentré. Comme si, ainsi, elles s'éloignaient de l'espécisme dont sont accusés aujourd'hui les savoirs-dogmatiques- de jadis. L'HOMME. Plus de celui-ci. Maintenant, l'acarien. La tique. La fourmi. L'abeille. Les essaims. L'organisation « sociales » des insectes. La simulation et la modélisation de leur comportement dans des habitats mathématiques. - fourmis comme des pointillés qui se démultiplient dans un plan cartésien. Aujourd'hui, les systèmes complexes sont connus de nous. Tes acariens font-ils du bruit, Diego ? Peux-tu coller ton oreille sur ton oreiller avec beaucoup d'attention et percevoir le bruit qu'ils font en respirant, en se traînant ? Si tu colles vraiment ton oreille ils entrent jusqu'au tympan. Acarien de l'oreille. Incandescent. Pâteux. Les acariens n'existent que dans les histoires de miasmes. Ils me dégoutent. Ils sentent la saleté et le renfermé. Leur territoire est l'humidité morbide d'une mansarde. L'hygiène moderne- et même comme ça, elle n'est pas suffisamment obsessionnelle- aspire à des espaces chlorés, lises, scellés, impeccables. Moi je veux dormir sur une plaque en acier inoxydable. Laisser les acariens sans territoire. Et la peau ? Je regarde mon épiderme avidement. Il a l'air - une simple apparence face à l'œil nu qui juge en accord avec le contexte culturel- tellement mien. Mon territoire (proie de mon épiderme). Apprendre à habiter dans ma peau comme un territoire multi-espèces. Faire monde avec une peau qui n'est ni moi ni à moi. Un territoire n'est pas ce qu'on possède, mais ce que la vie offre. Je m'abrite dans ma peau- avec eux. (Acariasis) Ils occupent un lieu minuscule. Non. Ils m'occupent moi. Et ça, c'est de trop. Je ne vais pas me mettre à les compter. Hybris indéterminée. Pour quoi les acariens, Diego ? Tu les gardes dans de l'éther, immobiles, bien rangés au fond d'un tiroir. Éternels. Taxidermie d'acariens. Pour les contempler à contre-jour, dans chaque variation du ciel scintillant étoilés les pattes écartées contre le verre de la lamelle du microscope. Tout doit être libéré de la maladie. Putréfaction. Suppurante. De la peau intoxiquée. Dedans. Dehors. Mauvais fonctionnement. Du corps morbide. Qui tombe malade par lui-même. Et qui pue. Tout ce qui vit pue. Odeur de déjection. Épaisse. Poussière livide d'acarien incandescent. Poudrières de débris d'êtres vivants. Dedans. Dehors. Acarien d'acarien. Primordial. Le problème est la mort, toujours- la mort elle-même ? La corruption. La destruction. La décadence. La maladie, toujours. Purulente. Malodorante. Ou bien mourir soudainement propre à cause d'un souffle dans le ventricule gauche qui fait que le cœur arrête de battre pour toujours. La mort, toujours. Tout ce qui est vivant vit quelque part, sur son lieu. L'acarien et moi. Jusque dans la mort. Sa mort. Ni voie lactée. Ni galaxie d'Andromède. Ni explosion du soleil inflétrissable. L'acarien meurt ici et maintenant. Incandescent. María Antonia González Valerio Coyoacán, octobre 2020 Traduction David Ferré