European Union Security Research Articles

Return to Europe? Institutional choice, outsider status, and Britain’s response to the Ukraine War

The European response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is characterised by an emerging division-of-labour between NATO and the European Union (EU). By reducing the substitutability of organisational frameworks, this makes life more difficult for outsiders – like the post-Brexit United Kingdom – which find themselves on the outside of key decisions. Drawing on interviews with policymakers, this article shows how Britain has engaged with EU security policy following the Ukraine War. It shows how the EU/NATO division-of-labour undermined the viability of Britain’s post-Brexit break with EU security policy and brought about a concerted effort to engage from the outside, including efforts to lead by example, establish new frameworks, and coordinate through informal channels. The findings help explain how seismic events can shape institutional choice and thus the costs of remaining on the outside, and they showcase the diversity of means available for external engagement.

THE GEOPOLITICAL AWAKENING OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AGAINST THE BACKDROP OF THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR

The article analyses the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the geopolitical transformation of the European Union (EU). It examines the key changes in the EU's security, energy and international relations strategy, as well as the development of its strategic autonomy and role in supporting Ukraine. The study is based on the analysis of scientific sources and political articles related to the EU's foreign policy and security mechanisms. A comparative analysis of the EU's decisions on sanctions, energy security and military assistance to Ukraine is used. Expert assessments of the geopolitical situation and economic consequences of the war are also taken into account. The article contributes to understanding the role of the Russian-Ukrainian war as a catalyst for the EU's political and strategic awakening. In particular, it highlights the development of the EU's strategic autonomy in response to its energy dependence on Russia and the growth of defence cooperation between member states. The author also explores how the war has contributed to the consolidation of European identity and the strengthening of the desire for global leadership in the face of current international challenges. The author notes that the Russian-Ukrainian war has accelerated changes in the EU's approach to foreign and security policy. The EU has strengthened its strategic autonomy, increased economic sanctions against Russia and mobilised resources to support Ukraine. At the same time, the war has shown the need to develop energy resources independent of external suppliers and to increase the EU's internal defence capabilities. Ukraine's integration into the European space has become an important strategic direction of the EU's policy. An important aspect has been the strengthening of European defence cooperation, which demonstrates the EU's desire for greater independence in security matters. Ukraine's integration into the European space is becoming one of the key directions of the EU's foreign policy, which may accelerate the process of Ukraine's accession to the Union in the future. The author also draws attention to the fact that the issue of strengthening the EU's defence capabilities affects the problem of the international security system, which today, as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian war, is undergoing the greatest transformations since the Second World War.

SOME ASPECTS OF ACTIONS TO RESPONSE TO EXTERNAL SECURITY THREATS AND CRISES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

The European Union is taking action in various areas of security to improve its ability to respond to crises and increase its resilience to future challenges, so this article examines the evolution of crisis response actions of the European Union countries in the face of challenges and threats in a rapidly changing geopolitical environment in relation to European security. This, in turn, is reflected in the speed of decision-making by the competent associations of the European Union regarding legal regulation that corresponds to the current situation. The authors identify and analyze the main directions of action and response measures of member countries in the legal field. In this context, the authors pay special attention to the consideration of the European Union's security policy in relation to hybrid threats from neighboring states, ensuring cyber security, the use of modern information communication technologies, as well as mediation tools in the prevention of these threats. The authors analyze issues of cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations in the field of peacekeeping and military missions. The authors also touched on the specifics of lessons learned from addressing the consequences of crisis situations and the impact of the EU countries’ integrated approach to responding to crisis situations in the context of the past pandemic, as well as the impact of hybrid threats. The results of this study show that the relevant institutions of the European Union skillfully, promptly and effectively coordinate decision-making on response and management in crisis situations, and as part of improving the anti-crisis management strategy, taking measures to prevent the consequences of crisis situations in the EU area (hybrid threats, illegal migration, terrorism, organized crime, etc.)

EU space security-An 8-Step online discourse analysis to decode hybrid threats.

Space security has emerged as a concern for the European Union (EU), given that space systems have become integral to ensuring the safety of all European society. This strategy reflects the interaction of geopolitical dynamics and the rising specter of hybrid threats. However, grappling with hybrid threats targeting the EU space presents distinct challenges, primarily owing to their elusive nature. Hence, our objective is to develop practical methodologies to identify and mitigate such threats effectively. To meet this objective, we propose an innovative 8-step process. This approach streamlines the systematic identification and analysis of discourses of hybrid threats within online platforms dedicated to EU space discussions. Our methodology underwent rigorous scrutiny, including a comprehensive literature review that prioritized peer-reviewed manuscripts from sources such as Web of Science and Elsevier Scopus. Additionally, we selected documents from Google Scholar to ensure comprehensive coverage of diverse scholarly contributions, enriching the depth of our analysis. Our research yielded a conceptual framework for Online Discourse Analysis (ODA) tailored to evaluate hybrid threats targeting EU space defense and security. The results highlight the importance of leveraging advanced ODA techniques to deepen our understanding of emerging threats. In conclusion, we advocate for the adoption of these innovative methods to enhance the robustness of EU space defense strategies in the face of evolving security scenarios. The establishment of the 8-step ODA framework marks a pivotal milestone, offering a structured approach to deciphering hybrid threats. Looking ahead, we aim to empirically validate this framework by creating and deploying custom-tailored software designed to identify potential hybrid threats jeopardizing the security of European space assets. Through continued research and practical implementation, we endeavor to fortify the EU's defenses against emerging threats in the space domain.

Finally coming of age? EU foreign and security policy after Ukraine

ABSTRACT The war on Ukraine is the most severe security crisis that Europe, and the European Union (EU), has faced since World War II. Contrary to what many expected, the EU responded quickly and comprehensively to the Russian invasion. How, if in any way, does the EU’s response to the war on Ukraine suggest that the EU is coming of age in the foreign and security domain? By exploring EU policies and actions across three key maturation processes, our analysis finds that the EU has become a more mature foreign policy actor, in a process that started well before the Russian full scale invasion but has escalated since then. With its broad response to the war on Ukraine, the EU has shown an increased ability to take quick decisions, provide resources and combine various instruments in response to a crisis (increased decision-making ability); it is taking on a clearer foreign policy role/identity as a principled pragmatist and crisis manager (more stable identity status); and this plays out in its relations with the US, in NATO and bilaterally (more salient and defined relations).

Normative power at its unlikeliest: EU democratic norms and security service reform in Ukraine

This article traces the effects of European Union (EU) normative power on security sector reform in Ukraine. We argue that to get a better grasp of how normative power works in practice, we need to scrutinize more closely the domestic journey of EU norms. This local lens allows us to uncover the inherent contestation involved in the transnational travel of norms, emphasizing the importance of local agency and local conceptions of normativity. We reveal the internal struggle between liberal democratic norms and deeply ingrained attitudes, institutions and behaviours linked to the Soviet legacy. We show how EU democratic norms gradually empower domestic constituencies and overcome domestic structural resistance to change, leading to democratic advances in a sector least likely to reform.

Small‐State Influence in EU Security Governance: Unveiling Latvian Lobbying Against Disinformation

Small‐State Influence in EU Security Governance: Unveiling Latvian Lobbying Against Disinformation

The Ideational Power of Strategic Autonomy in EU Security and External Economic Policies

AbstractThis article undertakes a comparative analysis of European Union security and external economic policies to explore the different trajectories of strategic autonomy (SA) in these two domains. In so doing, it contributes to a better understanding of endogenous drivers of policy change in response to geopoliticising pressures. Drawing on discursive institutionalism, it analyses three dimensions of ideational power: power in, power through and power over. The evidence, based on documentary analysis and interviews, demonstrates that though SA presented a more significant challenge to pre‐established paradigms in external economic relations, the role of the Commission as an ideational entrepreneur, supported by its coercive power, facilitated the adoption of the idea of (open) SA. Conversely, French President Emmanuel Macron was unable to persuade others of the adoption of a sovereigntist conception of SA in security, with the exception of defence industrial policy, where the Commission enjoys budgetary power and competences.

Organizational Overlap and Bureaucratic Actors: How EU–NATO Relations Empower the European Commission

AbstractOrganizational overlap is a ubiquitous feature in regional governance. Most studies have focused on member states, demonstrating that overlap enables states differently. We still know little about whether and how overlapping organizations impact international bureaucracies and how this shapes the relationship between bureaucratic actors within organizations. We argue that overlap can empower international bureaucrats, but not equally. Those with autonomous resources from member states are the most attractive interlocuters for bureaucrats from other organizations and, hence, likely to become most empowered. Substantive expertise and formal competence are less consequential in this context. We unpack this argument by looking at a policy domain understood to be heavily guarded by member states, security and defence policy. Based on primary documents and interviews, we show that the European Union (EU)–North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) overlap has enabled the European Commission to leverage its position within the EU to its advantage and further encroach on the EU's security and defence activities.

Re-imagining EU Foreign and Security Policy in a Complex and Contested World

ABSTRACT The European Union (EU) increasingly formulates and implements foreign and security policy under the constraints of internal contestation, regional fragmentation and multipolar competition. While such contextual challenges can inhibit the EU from adopting an ambitious foreign and security policy, this Special Issue shows that the EU and its member states have developed ways of mitigating their impact. Through institutional, functional and diplomatic measures, the EU has managed to reduce the adverse effect of the contextual factors on its foreign and security policy towards conflicts and crises.

ENHANCING EU'S RESILIENCE AGAINST TERRORISM: A LEGAL APPROACH

The growth in amplitude and frequency of the terrorist phenomenon at both the European and international levels, in the past years, makes terrorism one of the most significant challenges for European Union's security. Given EU's international ambitions of a significant actor in the field of security (European External Action Service, 2016), this paper approaches EU's responses to terrorism, from a legal point of view. Arguing in favour of the legal instruments as the most appropriate tools to counter the terrorist phenomenon, the aim of this research is to analyse if and how Europe can become more resilient against the terrorist threat, by resorting to legal means. Specifically, the paper seeks to explore how the regulation of the crime of terrorism in international law might foster the resilience of the EU in an increasingly challenging international context. Addressing the issue of terrorism is of high importance taking into consideration the current international context, when Europe is facing again a war and the terrorist offences have significantly increased along with the conflict in Ukraine that started in February 2022 (Institute for Economics & Peace, 2022).

The Economic Security of Ukraine and the European Union in the Context of a Military Crisis

Year 2022 brought increasing uncertainty and new challenges around the world, including in the European Union (EU), mainly related to the Russian aggression against Ukraine and its direct and indirect effects for all EU Member States. Europe finds itself in a difficult situation which provokes reflection on the current shape of the EU’s security policy and the need to rethink and structure its stipulations. Faced with Russian aggression against Ukraine, the EU has implemented a number of new foreign policy initiatives and measures to support both the economy of Ukraine and of its member states. This article explores the issue of EU and Ukrainian economic security in the context of the financial and economic intervention measures taken by the Union to maintain sustainable development in the region. The EU support is helping Ukraine to survive, while on the other hand the EU has certain demands regarding Ukrainian reforms and certain aspects of its policies. These sensitive issues regarding the inadequacy of the EU’s role in relation to recent challenges are topical in the debate in Ukraine.

Multipolar Competition and the Rules-based Order: Probing the Limits of EU Foreign and Security Policy in the South China Sea

ABSTRACT Deepening multipolar competition has imposed constraints on European Union foreign and security policy (EUFSP). In the South China Sea (SCS), the European Union (EU) faces a complex foreign policy terrain for three reasons. First, the EU’s geographic distance from – and relatively limited capabilities in – the region may lend itself to a de minimis mitigating strategy, especially when considered against the backdrop of the broader imperative to mitigate the impact of multipolar competition on its foreign policy more generally. Second, multipolarity can be compatible with the preservation of a rules-based international order (RBIO) if the latter term is interpreted less stringently. And third, rather than being a factor purely to mitigate, multipolar competition in the wider Indo-Pacific theatre offers the EU certain opportunities – albeit not without risks – to strengthen the character of its foreign and security policy by actively participating in a competitive dynamic. Together, these facts should encourage us to rethink whether ‘mitigation’ always captures the entire essence of the EU’s response to multipolar competition.

Rescuing the liberal international order: crisis, resilience and EU security policy

Abstract This article reflects on how European Union (EU) narratives of the crisis of the liberal international order (LIO) have reshaped its resilience approach and its foreign and security policy more broadly. Drawing on qualitative textual analysis, we trace the evolution of the EU's resilience approach over time and the way it has been shaped by crisis narratives. While the idea of resilience was introduced in EU foreign policy to foster the resilience of crisis-affected societies from the bottom up, the perception of an increasingly contested world first led to a reinterpretation of resilience in pragmatic ways, with values and interests combined selectively to protect the rules-based international order. More recently, on the grounds of a worsening crisis of the LIO, resilience has taken a defensive turn, adopting a more geopolitical stance to strengthen the EU's own resilience and that of the LIO. We argue that EU crisis narratives about the LIO thus serve to sustain and to rescue it. Furthermore, we conclude that the defensive reinterpretation of resilience is eroding the normative character of EU foreign and security policy. It also challenges the persistence of the LIO in the long term.

What do ‘local elites’ seek from EU security policies in the Sahel? Re-thinking the agency of non-European actors

The European Union (EU) has been attempting to promote stability in the Sahel since 2011 through capacity-building missions in the security and defence sectors. These policy instruments have been criticised for their limited effectiveness. To explain it, a common argument claims that ‘local elites’ lack ownership and political engagement. This article opposes such rationale and suggests that we need to rethink the agency of non-European actors beyond a Eurocentric conceptual toolbox (‘resistance’, ‘fragility’, ‘ownership’). Building on an ethnography of the European capacity-building mission in support of security forces in Niger (EUCAP Sahel), this article shows that Nigerien elites regard the EU as an economic resource rather than a genuine security actor. Therefore, they primarily seek economic profits, material advantages, and professional opportunities from EU security policies. The argument proceeds in three steps. The first part intends to refine the broad category of ‘local elites’. I suggest an inductive distinction that helps simplify our understanding of the agential practices of non-European actors. The second part uses this inductive distinction to foreground different strategies of Nigerien elites to make the most out of EU security policies. Third, the article discusses both the theoretical and policy implications of these empirical findings.

Problematising EU Cybersecurity: Exploring How the Single Market Functions as a Security Practice

AbstractThis article furthers the debate between European Studies and Critical Security Studies by demonstrating how European Union (EU) single market integration functions as a security practice in the area of cybersecurity. It explores how the EU has rendered digitisation as a security concern and cybersecurity emerged as an object of EU governance by developing an analytical approach based on problematisation. Situating the problematisation approach in the genealogical tradition of Foucault, it argues that it provides us with an analytical toolbox enabling inquiry into the conditions that make contemporary security problems possible, powerful and changeable. Tracing EU security problematisations of digitisation over four decades, it shows how the single market has come to function as a security practice and stresses the political implications of it. The final part of the article re‐problematises the findings to afford insights into how they can be rethought at the intersection of European Studies and Critical Security Studies.

Las políticas de seguridad y defensa como valor público y bien común

In the current risk scenario, security policy is increasingly developing beyond what some have called the strictly security-oriented. In this sense, commons theory is a key conceptual framework for understanding the transformation and paradigm shift in security policy. The questions raised in this monograph revolve around the theoretical-conceptual framework of the commons, or some of its elements. From the perspective of the commons, security and defence, and their public policies, take into account the value created by the dynamics between different actors. Thus, firstly, maritime security is approached from a military perspective and, at the same time, it is understood as a common good. This means recognising the fundamental importance of the sea for the development of nations, as well as for international well-being. Then, with regard to the European Union's security and defence policy, it discusses how to enhance the value of this common good, which is international security. And it does so by addressing the issue of the European Armed Forces, first by explaining the reasons for the consolidation of the F-35 aircraft. Subsequently, focusing on the approach of tackling security from the perspective of the common good, we learn first-hand about the study that combines an educational and cultural policy for the Prevention of Violent Extremism, by entering into a pioneering educational experience of the dialogic space in the Master's Degree in Global Security Policies: Prevention of Violent Extremism at the University of Barcelona, in which the Holocaust, the Gulag, feminicide and jihadist terrorism are addressed. Security is then analysed in relation to citizen coexistence. And as it is part of a monograph on security as a common good, public space is explained, not only from the idea of public property or ownership that the public domain entails, but also from its conception as a common good. Next, urban security is explained with a three-dimensional assessment that allows for the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of municipal security policies with a specific case study. Finally, all of the above studies are underpinned by the theorisation of security and defence as common goods.

Implementation of the Projects of Permanent Structured Cooperation in the European Union Security and Defence: Problems and Challenges.

The article clarifies the key features of the implementation of projects within the framework of PESCO and their prospects, taking into account the coronavirus pandemic and the fact that the Russian-Ukrainian war since 2014 has gone beyond the regional framework and affected the foundations of international and European security. It also analyzes the PESCO Strategic Review 2020 and the guidelines for the PESCO next phase (2021–2025) in terms of overall purpose, key policy objectives, processes, and incentives to improve the implementation of more pressing commitments. The paper emphasizes that, according to the Strategic Review, 26 out of 46 projects will have been fully completed by 2025. These projects include a cyber academy and innovation centre, chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear surveillance, crisis response operations, secure software-configured radio communications, medical command, military mobility, a network of logistics centres, and rapid response teams in cyberspace. The author has singled out the challenges on the way to the implementation of PESCO projects. It is about the disparity and inconsistency of such projects, the duration of their implementation and the need for coordination, financial challenges for the security and defence of the EU caused by both, the pandemic and the full-scale invasion of Russia into Ukraine. It is important that PESCO needs a clear transition to eliminate the shortcomings of strategic potential and openness for the full participation of non-EU members, including the UK. The establishment of PESCO is related to an ultimate need of a more effective defence of Europe, as well as significant results providing enhanced actions’ coordination and cooperation in the field of investment, capacity building and operational readiness. Expanded cooperation in these areas will allow reducing the number of different weapon systems in Europe and, as a result, will strengthen the operational interaction among the member states of the European Union. At the same time, these projects should be flexible and provide the opportunity for a growing number of states (mainly, associated ones or candidate countries including Ukraine) to fully participate.

CONTEMPORARY TRENDS IN DEVELOPMENT OF THE EUROPEAN DEFENSE CAPABILITIES IN THE LIGHT OF CARD -22

The aim of the article is to highlight the problems of development of the European defense industry, and the attempts to reform it. The presented text was prepared on the basis of documents of the European External Action Service, in the structures of which they function, and among others the EU Military Staff and the European Defense Agency. In 2017, several institutions were established to modernize and integrate several hundred dispersed European defense companies and equip them with competitive technologies. The European Defense Fund and the Coordinated Annual Review on Defense (CARD) play an important role in this area. In 2022, integration processes in the field of defense were accelerated due to Russia's aggression against Ukraine, as well as after the adoption of a new European Union security strategy called the Strategic Compass. The European Defense Agency has also published the results and conclusions of CARD 2022.

The conflict in Ukraine – a turning point for security and defence of the EU?

On 24 February 2022, war returned to the European continent. However, the Russian aggression did has not only affected Ukraine and its people, its negative consequences are being felt by the whole world, including the European Union, its Memeber States and their citizens. Under the influence of the ongoing conflict, the continental security environment and the security situation in the immediate vicinity of the borders of the European Union continue to deteriorate and interstate tensions between states are further deteriorating. At the same time, there is a threat to European values, democracy, freedom, security and prosperity. The aim of the authors' article is to point out the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war on the current Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU).The article uses the scientific method of critical analysis of the CFSP of the EU and its basic strategic documents in the context of its application in the member countries. The results of the analyses are synthesized in the form of recommendations, mainly concering the timely response of the EU institution to the needs presented by individual member countries in the area of security and defence; investments spent on defence; compatibility of military means and systems; greater cohesion in the field of research and development of the EU member countries.In the conclusion, the author presents the opinion that the shock of the Russian invasion of Ukraine has certainly brought several significant changes, but only a broader transformation of the EU's foreign and security policy can support truly positive developments in this area. Therefore, the question remains unanswered whether the conflict in Ukraine will prove to be a turning point or whether it will remain only an impetus for the accelerating programmes and the developing new formats and initiatives without creating any breakthrough plan for deeper European security and defence integration.