European Union Engagement Research Articles

Interest groups and EU-Turkey relations: a focused analysis on TÜSİAD and MÜSİAD

ABSTRACT This study conducts a critical discourse analysis on Turkey’s European Union (EU) accession, focusing on the narratives of TÜSİAD and MÜSİAD. Employing the Discourse-Historical Approach within Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the research explores how economic, political, and social factors shape these groups’ stances on EU accession. The findings reveal TÜSİAD’s advocacy for economic integration and democratic reforms, in contrast with MÜSİAD’s emphasis on economic sovereignty and pragmatic EU engagement. These perspectives reflect the interplay of interests within Turkish society and broader EU policy trends, highlighting these groups’ roles in shaping Turkey’s EU accession discourse.

EU Engagement in the Arctic: Challenges to Achieving Ambitions in an Area outside Its Jurisdiction

The European Union (EU) has underscored its will to heighten its engagement in the Arctic region. Beyond traditional areas of interest – such as tackling climate change, supporting research and developing cooperations – critical resources and security emerged as new topics in the EU’s most recent policy documents. These have become even more critical since February 2022 following Russia’s all-out war against Ukraine. The Circumpolar North is the subject of many challenges caused by climate change and its fragile biodiversity, which, combined with the region’s importance for scientific research, access to natural resources, tourist activities, and military security, places it in a geopolitically strategic position. By focusing on EU ambitions in the Arctic, this article analyses the EU’s potential to implement policies and set consequential trends in an area of political interest outside its jurisdiction. It concludes that core political priorities and sector-specific regulations that directly guide the behaviour of EU members may have more influence than Arctic policy statements.

Case C-632/20 P, Spain v. Eur. Comm'n (C.J.E.U.)

On January 17, 2023, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) delivered its judgments in case C-632/20, P Spain v. Commission (Kosovo), ruling that notwithstanding the European Union's non-recognition of Kosovo as a state, Kosovo may participate in an EU agency, namely the Body of European Regulators for Electronic Communications (BEREC). The judgment is significant for several reasons: (1) for the European Union's growing engagement with non-recognized territorial entities since it clarifies the meaning of the concept of “third country” and confirms that such entities may participate in EU agencies; (2) for the European Union's engagement with Kosovo—particularly in the light of Kosovo's 2022 bid for EU membership; and (3) more broadly, in the context of the burgeoning debate regarding the CJEU's approach to international law.

Whose policy coherence counts? Assessing sustainable fisheries in Ghana and the European Union's engagement

AbstractMotivationPromoting coherence for sustainable development (PCSD) is a key means of implementation for the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, yet it has been overlooked as policy discussions have focused predominantly on the financing of the agenda. The literature and policy debates about PCSD largely focus on processes and on OECD countries, and they neglect their political and normative dimensions. This article complements recent literature on PCSD by elaborating and testing a relational perspective on the concept.PurposeTo address these issues, this article elaborates a relational perspective that responds to the misrepresentation of third countries as passive recipients of (in)coherent OECD policy preferences.Methods and approachThe analysis presented summarizes the literature on the related concepts of PCSD and Policy Coherence for Development (PCD). On this basis, the article articulates a relational perspective on policy coherence that complements other critical perspectives in the literature. Subsequently, it explores the potential and relevance of this relational perspective by analysing how the fisheries policy preferences of the European Union interact with those of Ghana.FindingsOverall, the analysis shows that a commitment to sustainable fisheries cannot be assumed for either the EU or Ghana. Furthermore, assessing the responsibilities of the EU and Ghana around sustainability and degrees of adherence is difficult due to the presence of other fishing nations and influences. In the context of the EU's ambitious policy framework, the continued overfishing in Ghanaian waters negatively affects the credibility and justification of its continued involvement. Policy dialogue between the EU and the Ghanaian government and accompanying EU technical assistance have supported changes to Ghanaian fisheries policies, but overfishing continues.Policy implicationsDiscussions on promoting PCSD should be supported by more empirical research into the extent and manner that policy preferences consider by policy‐makers to be coherent with the 2030 Agenda contribute to advancing the agenda in different country and regional contexts.

The European Peace Facility in action: rethinking EU-Africa partnership on peace and security?

The European Union (EU) and the African Union (AU) have had and continue to maintain a long-standing partnership on peace and security, which dates back to the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) at the beginning of the 2000s. However, in 2021, the EU embarked on a different pathway of financing its activities in the field of peace and security by establishing the European Peace Facility (EPF). This new financial instrument allows the EU to directly finance (bypassing the AU) national and sub-regional military initiatives on the African continent, to finance lethal equipment for African armies and expand its scope globally. While the vast majority of current debates and research focus solely on the „train and equip“ provision of the EPF and its implications in the Ukrainian war, the EU engagement in Africa through the instrument mentioned above is scarcely assessed. Therefore, drawing on the theory of interregional security cooperation, this paper considers how establishing the EPF impacts the EU‘s engagement on the African continent in the security field. Empirically assessing the instances in which the EPF has been implemented on the African continent, this paper aims to answer the research question: how does the establishment and implementation of the EPF impact the EU-AU partnership on peace and security? This paper employs a qualitative research design, namely a case study approach of inquiry and process tracing methods. The results of this approach show two distinct tendencies. First, while implementing the EPF in Africa can solve certain operational and technical aspects of the EU engagement on the continent, the EU-AU partnership must be reinforced on the political and strategic levels. Moreover, considering the plethora of international and regional actors involved in managing the security dynamics on the African continent, it is essential to prioritise the political dimension of the EU-AU partnership.

EVOLUTION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION’S ENGAGEMENT WITH CENTRAL ASIA

The European Union (EU) is one of the most important partners for Central Asia, which includes five post-soviet Republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. For a long time, the EU has actively attempted to promote its standards and values across the area. This article investigates the evolution of the EU engagement with Central Asia, giving a document analysis of 2007 and 2019 EU Strategies for Central Asia. The purpose of the article is to compare the main objectives of the 2007 and 2019 Strategies, tracing an evolution of the EU priorities in the texts of two documents, using a quantitative content analysis, conducted manually. Theoretical framework of the article includes the external government concept in EU foreign policy, giving a literature review on the EU’s Strategies for Central Asia, and highlighting the background on the EU-Central Asia relations. In result, according to the empirical method of the content analysis of two strategies, the article concludes the EU’s priorities in Central Asia have been evolved revising European relationship with Central Asia from the focus on energy towards regional cooperation within Central Asia and security issues.

Help your neighbor, help yourself: The drivers of European Union's climate cooperation in trans‐governmental networks with its neighbors

AbstractClimate change mitigation and adaptation are among the policy areas covered by the European Union (EU) in trans‐governmental cooperation with the neighboring countries. Although this cooperation is open to all European Neighborhood Policy countries and Russia, there is significant cross‐country variance. This article maps the EU's climate networks in the neighborhood and, building on time‐series cross‐sectional data analysis, explains the cross‐country differences. The study contributes to Europeanization and network governance literatures by demonstrating that the main driver of EU engagement in climate networks in the region is interdependencies stemming from geographic proximity. Meanwhile, state capacity is an important condition for establishing climate cooperation: climate cooperation develops more with closer neighbors that have stronger state capacity. Importantly, contrary to the logic of its international climate commitments, climate vulnerabilities do not define the extent of the EU's engagement in climate networks with its neighborhood.

Strengthening the Development Partnership between the EU and South Asia: A Contemporary Analysis

The relations between European Union (EU) and South Asia are not new. However, South Asia is one of the fastest growing economies of the world; the EU’s development policy has given less attention to this region. This paper aims to elucidate and evaluate the EU engagement towards South Asia through development policy and generate an argument on reasons for the EU to strengthen its strategy in the region. Pursuing its comprehensive attention towards the region, the EU intends to address different development- related challenges under its ‘Agenda for Change’ initiation. The main question addressed in this research is ‘Why South Asia is important for the EU?’ The discussion below attempts to incorporate empirical analysis regarding challenges and prospects for the EU in the region. In terms of theoretical approach, this paper follows a neoliberal perspective to analyse the EU development policy. The main findings of the research is that however the EU has strengthened its development partnership with South Asia, the EU is still not considered as a main actor in the region.

Trauma, Emotions, and Memory in World Politics: The Case of the European Union's Foreign Policy in the Middle East Conflict

This article focuses on the impact of emotions on the European Union (EU)'s international identity and agency in the context of the memory of trauma. Emotions are understood as performances through which an actor expresses itself to others while constructing its identity, creating its agency, and potentially affecting the social order. It is argued that the memory of trauma is translated into EU foreign policy practice through emotional performances of EU representatives. Empirically, we explore this impact in relation to the EU's engagement in the Israel‐Palestinian prolonged conflict that has many underlying emotions linked with past traumatic experiences. By doing so, we aim to instigate a discussion between the emotions literature in International Relations and the European Union studies literature to nuance understanding of the politics of emotions that increasingly constrain what kind of a global actor the EU actually is or can become.

Europeanisation, Sovereignty and Contested States: The EU in northern Cyprus and Palestine.

Combining the literature on sovereignty and Europeanisation, this article investigates the engagement and impact of the European Union (EU) on contested states (states lacking recognition) through a comparative study of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and Palestine. We find that characteristics of contested statehood mediate EU engagement and impact: the lack of international recognition limits EU’s engagement but encourages development promotion, international integration and assistance of local civil society. Lack of territorial control limits engagement, but ineffective government offers opportunities for development promotion and state-building. As such, and in addition to offering a rich empirical account of two prominent contested states, the article contributes to the discussion of international engagement by developing an innovative conceptual framework for understanding EU’s impact on contested states—a topic neglected within a literature dominated by conventional statehood or conflict resolution themes but very important given extensive international engagement in contested states—and related conflicts.

From "Normative Power" to "Global Governmentality": An Assessment of European Union's Engagement of Civil Society in Indonesia

This article develops a theory of European power as ‘governmentality’, with a particular reference to European Union (EU)’s engagement of civil society in Indonesia through a package of “civil society strengthening programs”. In contrast to some arguments of ‘normative power’ or ‘civilian power’ in the European Union, that put emphasis on EU’s normative framework in explaining EU’s diplomatic engagements in world politics, this article argues that European Union’s global outreach is best seen as the politics of governmentality, which comprises the spread of norms to the “global south” through various developmental strategies in order to form particular subjectivities based on European Union’s “normative framework”. This argument will be applied to empirically explain the role of EU’s engagement of civil society in Indonesia. To substantiate the argument, this article will analyse (1) the debate on recent theorisation of “European power” in EU and International Relations studies, with a reference to Ian Manners’ conception of “Normative Power Europe”; (2) the snapshot of European Union’s key policies on International Development Assistance in Indonesia; and (3) the case of some projects related to “civil society strengthening programs” in Indonesia.

The price of success, the benefit of setbacks: Alternative futures of EU-Ukraine relations

This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU’s neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU’s approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.

The effectiveness of interregional security cooperation: evaluating the joint engagement of the EU and the AU in response to the 2013 crisis in the Central African Republic

ABSTRACTAfrican Union (AU)–European Union (EU) interregional security cooperation has not so far been analysed systematically with regard to its effectiveness despite the substantial support of African capacity building by the EU and joint peacekeeping of the partners. Assessing AU–EU cooperation in the Central African Republic (CAR), this paper examines to what extent and under which conditions EU–AU efforts are effective. Concerning the dependent variable, the presented conceptualisation of effectiveness includes both internal (goal attainment) and external (problem-solving) perspectives. The independent variable draws on two strands of literature that barely speak to each other: interregionalism and inter-organisationalism. It focuses on the conditions of effectiveness which include both internal (RO-specific) and interregional factors. The findings suggest that AU–EU engagement in the CAR was effective in the medium term. Strong incentives of the partners, the French leading role and the convergence of the partners are identified as factors conducive to a medium to high effectiveness of the engagement.

Comparing United States And European Union Approaches To Engagement With Asia

The United States (U.S.) and the European Union (EU) have attempted to project themselves as important actors in Asia. They made official announcements of shifting more attention to Asia in 2011-2012. This paper aims to examine and compare their approaches to engagement with Asia and put forth policy recommendations for them to engage with Asia effectively. As their engagement with Asia is becoming multidimensional, this paper places an emphasis on security, economics and diplomacy. Drawing mainly on scholar analysis and official documents regarding the U.S.' and EU's engagement wit Asia, this paper has found out there that there are both similarities and differences in the U.S. and the EU approaches engagement with Asia. It also highlights the core ideas underpinned the U.S. and the EU engagement with Asia.

EU Engagement in the Arctic: Do the Policy Responses from the Arctic States Recognise the EU as a Legitimate Stakeholder?

The Arctic states are bound in an institutional relationship by means of their actions through the Arctic Council (AC) - an organisation created by the eight Arctic states. Although a number of its European Union (EU) states are both members and observers in the AC, the EU is not, despite its clear stake in the Arctic, for of a number of reasons. The AC twice postponed the application of the EU in 2013; however, it granted the EU the right to observe the AC meetings as an ‘‘observer in principle.’’ In addition to the significant resource and commercial interests of the EU in the Arctic, it assumes a stewardship role in the Arctic. As the leader in combating global climate change, for example, the EU is committed to assuming responsibility for protecting the Arctic environment given that climate change does have a devastating impact in the Arctic. Moreover, the EU is also concerned about its and continental Europe’s only indigenous people, the Sa´mi, a significant proportion of whom live in its Arctic member states of Finland and Sweden. Thus, in recent years, the EU has endorsed a series of policy documents concerning the Arctic. Against the background of this development, this article examines whether the policy responses of the Arctic states with regard to the EU’s increased ambition to engage in Arctic matters make it a legitimate actor or stakeholder. The article concludes that even though the Arctic states, as the primary actors, determine the region’s governance approach, they see also a general partnership role for the EU with regard to the common goals of knowledge-based responsible governance and sustainable development of the Arctic.(Published: 6 November 2015)Citation: K. Hossain. ‘‘EU Engagement in the Arctic: Do the Policy Responses from the Arctic States Recognise the EU as a LegitimateStakeholder?.’’ Arctic Review on Law and Politics, Vol. 6, No. 2, 2015, pp. 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.17585/arctic.v6.97

The European Union and its energy security challenges: engagement through and with networks

Energy security remains a vital issue for the European Union (EU), even more so in the wake of the events that unfolded in early 2014 in Ukraine. The EU's already fragile position in the international energy arena in terms of security of supply appears to be more uncertain than ever after its umpteenth fallout with its historic energy supplier, Russia. This situation is untenable and calls for swift and decisive action to adequately tackle the issue once and for all. The article looks at the creation of a single EU energy market through the integration of energy networks in the EU. This article then examines various ways to diversify its energy supply, whether through increasing the import of liquefied natural gas or through its relations with the Eurasian Union. It then explores the International Energy Charter as an example of the EU's engagement with transnational policy networks. It concludes that from energy transit, to technology transfer, to investment protection, energy and trade present interplays across various fields. Improvements can be made to the EU trading system to ensure greater energy security and more efficient energy markets.

Setting the scene: the European Union's engagement with transnational policy networks

This article serves as a tool to set the scene in this special issue on the manner in which the European Union (EU) engages transnational policy networks (TPNs). It paints a canvas of the main themes to be treated in articles that span a variety of thematic areas. Six main lines of inquiry are developed to better feed into the various themes covered by the specific articles. The lines of inquiry used include modalities or ways in which the EU influences TPNs around the world, TPNs’ influence of policy and decision-making within the EU, conditions under which engagement between the EU and TPNs can be considered successful, the identity and location of the TPNs, and the utility or otherwise of an EU strategy to weaken or strengthen engagement with TPNs.

Assessing the European Union's engagement with transnational policy networks on conflict-prone natural resources

Transnational policy networks (TPNs) are attracting greater scholarly interest given their impact on the contemporary conduct of international affairs. While this has been a welcome development for International Relations scholars and provided some preliminary insights, there is a need for more scholarly studies of TPNs that delve into specific issue-areas on a comparative basis. The paper addresses the above need by providing analyses of the role of European Union (EU)-based actors – the European Commission, member states, civil society organizations, and firms – in regulatory frameworks on conflict-prone natural resources such as oil, diamonds, coltan, tin, tungsten, and gold. To that end, the paper draws upon participant observations, interviews with state and non-state actors, and access to primary documents in order to provide a comparative examination of EU-based state and non-state actors within the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and draft EU legislation that seeks to prevent the trade of conflict-prone minerals.

Europeanize for Welfare? EU Engagement among Swedish Civil Society Organizations

This article explores how and why Swedish-based civil society organizations (CSOs) in the welfare area engage with the European Union (EU). Europeanization is understood as a two-sided process in which the EU influences national actors while national actors are engaged in usage of the EU. The data collection was conducted through a systematic study of the websites of organizations that participated in the Swedish Compact, and through subsequent e-mail interviews with representatives from 56 of those same organizations. The assumption was that organizations with a privileged position vis-à-vis the Swedish government would be affected by EU influences. The results show that these Swedish CSOs indeed signalled Europeanization in terms of attention to the EU, cooperation, ‘projectification’, professionalization, and transformation of organizational identities and interests. The EU engagement was analysed in relation to organizational origin and the historical development of the Swedish welfare state, and the conclusion is that the national sociopolitical context influences the scope and strategies of EU engagement.

Civil security in the EU: national persistence versus EU ambitions?

Noting that European Union (EU) institutions are increasingly engaged in civil protection in the member states, security governance is used as an analytical framework to assess the depth of EU engagement in delivering civil security. It is shown that a state-centric approach is no longer adequate to understand the provision of civil security across Europe. To varying degrees, the EU has acquired responsibilities to facilitate, coordinate, manage, and regulate civil security, whether before or after a civil crisis occurs. The analysis demonstrates that, whilst intergovernmental practices and inter-state cooperation remain salient features of civil security, the responsibilities undertaken by the EU institutions across the entire policy spectrum are more substantial than a strictly intergovernmental perspective would suggest.