European Union Institutions Research Articles

Organizational forms of cross-border cooperation of healthcare institutions

The article examines the organizational forms of cross-border cooperation of healthcare institutions. It has been established that currently, it is essential not only to restore the destroyed infrastructure of the health care system but also to restore the health of war victims, as well as the development of an appropriate health care system in connection with the integration of Ukraine into the European Union. It was determined that in such unclear and risky conditions, it is necessary to strengthen the ability to develop cross-border cooperation of healthcare institutions in Ukraine with the relevant healthcare institutions of neighboring states, member states of the European Union, namely: Slovakia, Poland, Hungary and Romania through various available organizational forms. It was established that there are various organizational forms through which health care institutions can implement cross-border cooperation. It was determined that the use of such a form for cooperation as a European grouping of territorial cooperation on the external border of the European Union will be useful both for the exchange of experience of neighboring health care institutions of the member states of the European Union and health care institutions of Ukraine, as well as for their possible effective participation in programs and implementation of cross-border cooperation projects, which would be aimed at the development of the health care sector in order to provide the population with affordable medical care. It was noted that because of the events taking place due to the full-scale invasion of the russian federation into Ukraine, namely the devastating consequences for the health of thousands of people, then it would be expedient to create such a European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation on the external border of the European Union with Ukraine. It was established when comparing the legislation of neighboring states, the member states of the European Union, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary, and Romania, and analyzing the provisions of European Union regulatory acts regarding the activities of the European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation, it appears that the list of participants of such a grouping may be somewhat wider.

How evaluation is understood and practised in the European Parliament

Over the past 10 years, the European Parliament has stepped up its use of evaluation to inform its law-making activities. This work has been guided in large part by the Inter-Institutional Agreement on Better Law-Making signed in 2016 by the European Parliament, the European Commission (which is the EU executive organ) and the Council of the European Union (representing the EU Member States). This article describes how evaluation is carried out in practice in the European Parliament and how it is shaped by the institutional setting. It argues that evaluation activities are inextricably linked with the law-making process, and that timing is a critical factor in evaluation uptake. Outstanding inter-institutional issues are identified and ways in which future trends and shocks can be integrated into European Parliament evaluation are described. There remain opportunities to better anticipate demands for evaluation, which could increase the time and resources available for such analysis, and for more transparency across the European Union institutions in the underlying data and evidence used to support evaluation findings.

Coalitions in international litigation: a network perspective.

We apply network science principles to analyse the coalitions formed by European Union nations and institutions during litigation proceedings at the European Court of Justice. By constructing Friends and Foes networks, we explore their characteristics and dynamics through the application of cluster detection, motif analysis and duplex analysis. Our findings demonstrate that the Friends and Foes networks exhibit disassortative behaviour, highlighting the inclination of nodes to connect with dissimilar nodes. Furthermore, there is a correlation among centrality measures, indicating that member states and institutions with a larger number of connections play a prominent role in bridging the network. An examination of the modularity of the networks reveals that coalitions tend to align along regional and institutional lines, rather than national government divisions. Additionally, an analysis of triadic binary motifs uncovers a greater level of reciprocity within the Foes network compared to the Friends network. This article is part of the theme issue 'A complexity science approach to law and governance'.

French and language ideologies in a multilingual European Union institution: Re-constructing the meaning of language choice at work

This qualitative study investigates stances in reflective interviews to identify cultural patterns that shape the meaning of language choice within an international unit of an EU institution in Luxembourg. We employ the analytical concept of “language cringe” and propose a complementary concept, “language push,” to showcase the effects and reproduction of language ideologies in day-to-day talk about languages at work. Our analysis reveals that, within a workplace culture that encourages flexible and convivial use of multiple languages, French speakers have to deal with the effects of the “logic of honour,” which is culturally associated with the use of French in France. Based on our findings, we suggest that language choice should be considered a cross cultural dimension in multilingual environments, and that language-sensitive management scholarship should broaden its considerations beyond the traditional issues of language proficiency, namely by inspecting relational and affective factors that shape language use in multilingual workplaces.

Shadowing and gendered fieldwork roles in the Brussels Bubble

This article contributes to wider methodological discussions about gender and undertaking fieldwork in and around European Union institutions, by focusing on shadowing as a particular ethnographic practice and the performance of gendered roles in fieldwork. The article is based on two ethnographic research projects and 16 shadowing placements, which were conducted in and around European Union institutions (2018–2020). As co-authors, we reflect on what our respective shadowing experiences reveal about gendered roles in fieldwork and how these are performed in the ‘Brussels Bubble’. We show how the fieldwork roles emerged at different stages of shadowing, how we performed them dynamically and what they reveal about gendered micropolitics in the ‘Brussels Bubble’. We call on researchers to be intentionally reflexive when doing shadowing as part of their fieldwork, to avoid uncritically performing the types of gendered roles that typically emerge within institutional settings and interpersonal relations.

Reinforcing or moderating? The impact of Brexit on Italian and German Euroscepticism

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on Eurosceptic parties' arguments for leaving (or remaining in) the European Union (EU). Drawing on a comparative design, the article looks at the images and narratives of the EU that Eurosceptic parties in Italy and Germany have advanced in the aftermath of the 2016 Brexit referendum and reflects on the broader implications in terms of the prospects of further states leaving the EU. This research is motivated by two assumptions grounded in the literature on Euroscepticism and EU polity contestation: firstly, that Euroscepticism is fuelled by external circumstances that are exploited by interested political actors; and secondly, that both the Brexit referendum and the UK's departure from the EU have had a profound impact on discourses on the EU within member states, most importantly because this process has highlighted the real possibility of replacing EU membership with trade agreements and other specific arrangements. By means of a comparative analysis of the development of Eurosceptic discourse in Italy and Germany after Brexit, the article reveals that on the structural level, Eurozone membership remains the main obstacle to leaving the EU. Yet on the ideological level, Eurosceptic discourse in the two countries centers on two principles that are at odds with each other. Beyond the alleged lack of democratic representation within EU institutions that is pointed out by Eurosceptic parties in both countries, the main criticism of the EU project in Germany is that the country shares the costs of states with lower economic outputs. In Italy, on the other hand, the criticism is that the EU benefits wealthier states while constraining the country's opportunities for development.

The EU's Autonomous Sanctions Against Russia in 2014 Versus 2022: How Does the Bureaucratic Politics Model Bring in the Institutional ‘Balance of Power’ Within the EU?

AbstractThe European Union (EU) has been more incensed over Russian aggression towards Ukraine in 2022, when compared to Russia's invasion of Crimea in 2014. This article questions this shift by looking at the EU's sanctions towards Russia. It argues that the relative unwillingness of the European Commission, and accordingly the imbalance or lopsided distribution of power within and amongst the relevant EU institutions, was one of the factors internal to the EU that prevented an effective response in 2014. Although external and contextual factors have been crucial, the EU has adopted harsher sanctions against Russia since 2022 because the Commission is not unwilling to act as it was in 2014, and dissenting members have found it difficult to obstruct the process in the Council of the EU. This article also extends the analytical repertoire of the bureaucratic politics model by demonstrating that it retains explanatory power even when the traditional parameters remain constant over time.

Engagement against All Odds? Navigating Member States’ Contestation of EU Policy on Kosovo

ABSTRACT Disagreements between European Union (EU) member states constrain the Union’s capacity to manage conflicts such as Kosovo-Serbia. While Kosovo has long received EU support, five EU member states do not recognise its independence. How does the EU manage to work around member states’ vetoes and mitigate contestation? In contrast to previous scholarship, the analysis of the EU enlargement process and visa liberalisation, the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue and the EULEX mission illustrate how institutional, technical and diplomatic solutions have allowed the provision of support to Kosovo, despite internal disagreements. EU member states have delegated to EU institutions the responsibility of overseeing day-to-day conflict management and integration policies concerning Kosovo and Serbia. EU institutions also use technical and constructively ambiguous language to manage conflicts and navigate the absence of political consensus regarding Kosovo’s statehood. Additionally, the EU has fostered diplomatic collaboration with the United States (US) and with actors from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to navigate through the Kosovo-Serbia conflict.

EU Policy towards Ethiopia amidst the Tigray War: The Limits of Mitigating Fragmentation

ABSTRACT The Tigray war illustrates how the European Union (EU) often fails to act effectively and consistently in a highly fragmented context. During the 2020-22 conflict, the EU failed to address a number of challenges emanating from the internal fragmentation of Ethiopia. These pertained to the EU’s lack of contextual knowledge about local conflict dynamics and actors and, relatedly, the legacy of its relations with Tigray’s leadership; the inconsistent approach of EU institutions and member states that initially led to an normative outlook, which later evolved into a more balanced and pragmatic one when it was arguably too late; and the inability to mitigate competition with other external powers who backed the Ethiopian federal government. As a result, the EU adopted an inconsistent and ineffective approach toward the conflict.

Rechte Wahlgewinne, rechte EU-Politik? Die Europäische Union am Wendepunkt

This contribution analyses possible consequences of the expected gains of far-right parties in the election year of 2024 on the politics of the European Union (EU). It discusses what goals far-right parties pursue and whether they might gain influence because of the elections. The main argument is that far-right parties seek an authoritarian and institutionally fragile EU. Yet, the EU institutions will still have the majorities necessary to design policies without far-right parties. Therefore, the key question is rather how the institutional norms of the EU will develop. Here, the Parliament and the Council face different challenges: Will the cordon sanitaire in the Parliament hold? Should the consensus norm of the Council apply to far-right governments? The Commission must decide whether it should act more proactively against far-right actors and autocratization. In all institutions, continuity is the most likely outcome. However, the cordon sanitaire in the Parliament could come to an end.

Polish system of business insurance in agriculture and related areas during the accession processes and EU membership. Selected aspects. Part II: The period of Poland’s EU membership

The preparation period for Poland’s membership in the European Union, which lasted nearly 15 years and involved both the transposition of EU legislation, including insurance legislation, and the structuring of the national insurance system for the broadly defined agriculture and rural areas, failed (despite the adoption of the European model) to effect changes that would sufficiently help the agricultural insurance system recover from the long-lasting crisis it had faced since 1990. The opportunities offered by the Community policy, related i.a. to the expansion of the insurance portfolio to include modern types of insurance covering various types of risks, as well as the traditional form of risk transfer well-known from earlier periods in the history of Polish insurance, such as insurance mutuality, were not fully utilised either. In the post-accession period, it has been accompanied by a significant expansion of the group of structural tools for agricultural risk management, which extend beyond the area of insurance. The reasons for the structural crisis of business insurance in agriculture and related areas (in the years 1990–2004) lay both in statutory reasons (abolishment of the statutory agricultural insurance system) and mistakes in the implementation of the market insurance model in Poland. The latter were particularly manifested in the dogmatic and selective approach to the underlying principle of systemic freedom of contract in agricultural insurance, with a simultaneous approval of the legal and economic obligation to conclude such contracts in other types of insurance cover. The subject of the issues included in the present study (Parts I and II)2 is the analysis of the establishment and implementation of the insurance model of the indicated sectors against the background of legislation and practice in the unified agricultural insurance market during the implementation of processes preparing Poland’s accession to the European Union (EU) – Part I of the study, and then the implementation of the new insurance system in the market model – Part II of the study. The authors’ analysis of the legal and organisational regulations of the agricultural insurance system in force in the years 2004–2022, taking into account the regulations and other instruments of influence offered/implemented by the EU authorities and institutions, proves and confirms the claim that the negative effects of political and market transformations of the early period of market economy have been evident throughout the entire period of Poland’s membership in the EU to date. These were further aggravated by external natural and social phenomena and a range of internal causes3. The latter, related to the conclusion and execution of insurance contracts, are marked by a profound commercialisation of the contractual relationship and imbalance between the parties to the contracts under civil law (in favour of the supply side), which is characteristic of the liberal economy system. By analysing selected legal acts, available reports and scholarly literature on the subject, as well as drawing on their own experience as participants in the business insurance market in Poland, the authors of the study point first and foremost to systemic and, consequently, organisational solutions as one of the basic sources of the crisis of the business insurance system in Polish agriculture and related areas. In view of the above, the aim of Part II of the study is, therefore, first of all to identify the symptoms of irregularities causing increasing exposure to risk, and located in insurance legal relationships established in the agricultural insurance sector after Poland’s accession to the EU. They invariably demonstrate the need for a continuous modernisation of the system, taking into account both the benefits and the problems associated with common agricultural policy and agricultural risk management in the single European market. Key words: insurance crises, Polish agricultural insurance system, agricultural insurance system in the EU, agricultural insurance, risk management in agriculture.

Optimal allocation of the EU carbon budget: A multi-model assessment

The European Union (EU) has pledged to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions until the year 2030 by 55% compared to 1990. Recently, the EU institutions decided to introduce a new Emission Trading System for road transport, buildings and fuels for additional sectors (ETS2) in addition to the current EU ETS. Contested design features were the split of the carbon budget between the EU ETS and the remaining sectors regulated under the Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR), and the carbon price level of the ETS2. Conducting a multi-model assessment, we find that the agreed allocation of the carbon budget between EU ETS and ESR sectors seems almost optimal from an economic efficiency point of view. We also find that if carbon prices are the only instruments used, the prices necessary to reach the emission targets range from 130 to 286 €/tCO2 in the EU ETS and from 175 to 360 €/tCO2 for the energy-related ESR (ESR-E) emissions – depending on technology development and baseline assumptions of the different models. Our results imply that when the ETS2 price does not go above the “indicative cap” of 45 €/tCO2, the abatement target will not be reached with a carbon price alone. The remaining abatement needs to come from complementary policies like technology standards or subsidies. As abatement costs from these policies are above 45 €/tCO2, effective costs for consumers could well exceed the costs of carbon pricing alone due to inefficiencies that arise from the lack of flexibility to mitigate emissions where it is cheapest.

Care on the move: the gender care gap and intra‐EU mobility

AbstractThe structure, interpretation, and implementation of the European Union (EU) free movement of persons rules mean that when one's circumstances involve caring responsibilities, the quality of one's rights and protections under EU law diminishes. The consequence of this, in the context of the gender care gap, is that women who are exercising their free movement rights and living in another EU member state are exposed to a disproportionately increased risk of legal and physical precarity, poverty, destitution, and exploitation. They face challenges in attaining and retaining rights and are at risk of falling through gaps that exist between legal rules. Furthermore, the gender care gap is not visible. The connection between the gender care gap and the EU free movement rules has not been made by EU policy makers and civil society; there is currently no strategy among EU civil society organizations to represent the lived experience of EU citizens and lobby the EU institutions for progress on gender equality in this regard.

The coalitional politics of the European Union Regulation on deforestation-free products

This paper analyses the belief- and interest-driven coalitional politics of the new European Union Regulation on deforestation-free products (EUDR) by applying the Advocacy Coalition Framework and Baptist & Bootlegger Theory. Our results first show how two PRO-Regulation Coalitions advocated for new European Union (EU) trade rules: key members of a Sustainable Development Coalition and an Environmental Coalition include key sustainability- and environmentally-oriented EU institutions, import-dependent EU Member States, non-governmental organisations, civil society groups, and some food and forest certifiers. Second, a PRO-EUDR Business Coalition – mainly composed of multinational business actors such as consumer goods companies and retailers, import-dependent European companies, some EU domestic producers from the agricultural sector, and their respective associations – joined the PRO-Coalitions in a strategic cross-coalitional PRO-Regulation Alliance to pursue business-oriented pro-regulatory interests. Third, the building of this Alliance facilitated political momentum for the EUDR's agenda-setting, drafting and adoption despite opposition from a weaker CONTRA-Regulation Coalition of status-quo-oriented policy advocates among some EU institutions, forest-rich EU Member States, agricultural certifiers, tropical producer country governmental authorities, as well as European and non-EU companies and their associations from the forest, agricultural and food sectors. Fourth, the EUDR's final legislative text is a compromise solution, institutionalising different core beliefs and interests of pro- and contra-regulatory state and non-state actors. Pro-change actors were more powerful in institutionalising their beliefs and interests.

Are the Windfall Profit Taxes Introduced by Regulation 2022/1854 Compatible with the Objectives of the European Green Deal?

To alleviate the pressure on households and businesses in the European Union (EU) caused by the recent energy crisis, EU institutions and Member States have implemented exceptional measures aimed at reducing electricity costs for consumers, and redistributing excess revenue from the energy sector to end customers. At the EU level, these measures have been implemented through European Council Regulation 2022/1854 that establishes a temporary income cap for ‘inframarginal’ electricity producers and a temporary solidarity contribution on windfall profits in the oil, gas, coal, and refining sectors. This goal of this article is to analyse these measures in terms of their impact and alignment with the objectives of the European Green Deal. Specifically, it will examine whether the ‘windfall profit tax for energy providers’ can be considered an environmental tax. Since this does not appear to be the case, the study will also evaluate whether the remaining measures outlined in the regulation can compensate for or mitigate the lack of a true environmental component in the ‘temporary solidarity contribution’. It will assess whether the compensation mechanisms provided by the EU Regulation are sufficient for reconciling the social and redistributive objectives with the environmental objectives of the European Green Deal. Windfall profit tax, regulation 2022/1854, European Green Deal, temporary solidarity contribution, excess profit tax, environmental taxation.

From qualified to conspirative Euroscepticism: how the German AfD frames the EU in multiple crisis

ABSTRACT Research on Euroscepticism tends to portray parties opposing European integration or criticising the European Union (EU) as a family of Eurosceptic parties (either hard or soft). Recent literature, however, offers empirical evidence on the ambivalence and diversity of the EU critique. What is still unclear are the reasons behind the chameleonic nature of Euroscepticism and the implications that this may have for the EU critique and the changes proposed about EU policy or institutions. The present article addresses this question exploring the role of EU crises to capture the changing nature of Euroscepticism and suggests that it is related to contextual pressures on the political debate around the EU. The paper develops this argument and illustrates it through the analysis of the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, covering the EU crises of the last decade, including the recent period of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine invasion. Drawing on a corpus of party manifestos and speeches between 2013 and 2022, this study shows that there are three main frames used by the party to criticise the EU. It also concludes that these frames involve distinct political implications for the EU critique and the alternative proposals presented by the party.

The principle of solidarity and hydrogen markets in the European Union

Abstract With the OPAL-Judgment, the CJEU stated very clearly that the principle of solidarity—implemented in Article 194 TFEU with reference to a ‘spirit of solidarity between Member States’—has legally binding effect on EU institutions and EU Member States in the field of energy law. This ruling marks the end of a long and controversial academic discussion on the nature of the solidarity principle. At the same time, the ruling is just the beginning of further legal research on what exactly the content of the obligations and possible conflicts with Member States sovereignty under Article 194(2) TFEU is. The following article analyses the effects of the principle of energy solidarity on the nascent regulatory framework on hydrogen markets in the European Union (EU). It is common sense that those markets shall evolve swiftly to achieve emission reduction goals. There is no European regulation on pure hydrogen markets in force yet, but some EU Member States have already taken legislative action. Against this background, the article will particularly assess the impact of the principle of solidarity on national measures regarding network planning and hydrogen import.

Wzrastające znaczenie polityki klimatycznej w Unii Europejskiej po wejściu w życie traktatu z Maastricht: główne przyczyny, skutki i wyzwamia

Climate policy is a new area of European integration, although there were no exact references to the issue of climate change in the Maastricht Treaty. However, this article draws attention to the interesting coincidence of the creation of the European Union (EU) in the 1990s and the consequences of the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro which started the process of greening the EU Member States’ foreign policies and enhanced the importance of environmental and climate protection issues on the international agenda. The Member States and EU institutions, acting within the institutional framework defined by the Maastricht Treaty, in the face of the limitations resulting from unanimous voting in taxation policy, started to develop climate policy (in particular, the EU Emissions Trading System), mainly based on environmental law, enabling decisions to be taken by a qualified majority. The growing importance of climate policy in the EU was influenced by many factors and the different motivations of individual Member States and other European policy actors. After depicting the main causes and effects of the growing importance of EU climate policy, the article discusses the most important challenges facing the EU with regard to the implementation of an ambitious climate policy. In recent years, one of the main reasons for this increase is the fact that each of the successive overlapping crises (concerning migration, pandemic, Russia–Ukraine war or spiking energy prices) is a suitable opportunity to strengthen EU climate policy.

How Sovereign Boundaries of Regional Alliance Member States Are Determined: The Case of the European Union

This essay explores the complex relationship between the sovereignty of the European Union (EU) and its member states. The concept of sovereignty is the base of political science, and the EUs foundation has created tension among its member states regarding the balance between pooling sovereignty and preserving it. The essay uses the case study of Brexit to examine the extent to which EU member states can achieve sovereignty within the current political climate. Theoretical frameworks such as neo-functionalism and intergovernmentalism are used to analyze the relationship between member states and the supranational EU institutions. The essay aims to provide insight into the complex dynamics of sovereignty in the EU and offers potential solutions for balancing member-state sovereignty with the need for collective decision-making within the EU.

Dynamics of EU Central and Eastern European donors’ development cooperation

The article deals with both qualitative and quantitative aspects of development assistance provided by the 11 Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries that are members of the European Union (EU). The aim is to answer the question of what are the major determinants of their involvement in development cooperation. It also aims to understand the controversy surrounding the development policies of these donors and to assess the impact of past determinants on the current situation. Our study employs a combination of data analysis (based on Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development – OECD – statistics) and a literature review. In order to allow the examination of trends, constant prices have been applied throughout the study. Our research operates both on absolute (volumes of development aid given to and offered by the countries in mind) and relative data (bilateral to total ODA ratio and regional distribution of bilateral aid). The analysis reveals that the CEE EU donors’ spending on development assistance grew 463% over the 2004–2021 period. In 2021, they accounted for 2.4% of global aid, which was not a significant share globally, though noteworthy at the level of EU development aid spending. We found a clear dominance of the multilateral channel in the distribution of CEE EU aid fluctuating between 65–90%, mainly through EU institutions. In terms of bilateral activities, CEE donors chose their poorer European neighbours as their main aid recipients, with the share ranging from 24% to 76%. There are two main types of factors that determine the aid activities of the actors analysed: interests, which set the course of bilateral flows, and institutional factors (i.e., EU development policy and countries' accession to the OECD Development Assistance Committee), which played an equally important role. The relative importance of the two determinants has varied with changing circumstances over time.