European Union Exports Research Articles

Evolution of Food Trade Networks from a Comparative Perspective: An Examination of China, the United States, Russia, the European Union, and African Countries.

In the intricate landscape of the global food system, a nuanced understanding of dynamic evolution patterns and driving mechanisms of food trade network is essential for advancing insights into the African food trade and maintaining the food security of Africa. This paper constructs a framework for analyzing the food trade network from a comparative perspective by comparing and analyzing the evolution of food trade networks in China, the United States, Russia, the European Union, and African countries. The development trend of food trade between China, Russia, the United States, the European Union, and African countries is relatively good. China, the United States, Russia, and the European Union export far more food to African countries than they import, and bilateral food trade plays an important role in alleviating food supply shortages in Africa. The food trade networks between China, the United States, Russia, the European Union, and African countries exhibit a butterfly-shaped structure centered in Africa, and the overall intensity of bilateral trade linkages is gradually increasing. France has the greatest control over the food trade network between China, the United States, Russia, the European Union, and African countries, and the influence of the United States on the food trade network between China, the United States, Russia, the European Union, and African countries is increasing. China's independence in the food trade network between China, the United States, Russia, the European Union, and African countries is enhanced, but its control ability is limited. The impact of differences in total population, differences in food production, and geographical borders on the trade network between China, the United States, the European Union, and African countries tends to decrease, while the influence of differences in the proportion of agricultural employment, differences in the arable land available for food production, and institutional distance tends to increase.

How Competitive Is the Agriculture in European Union Member States? An Assessment of Changes over the Past Decade

The need to monitor changes in the level of agricultural competitiveness of EU member states necessitates the development of an appropriate set of indicators to answer the question of whether a country is improving its competitive position. This paper proposes a synthetic measure for assessing the agricultural competitiveness in the member states of the European Union (EU) from 2012 to 2021. Statistics on the respective indicators were derived from the Eurostat database and Agri-Food Data Portal. The survey was based on linear ordering using a standardised sums approach. This implies that member states vary in competitiveness in the agricultural sector. From 2012 to 2021, the most competitive countries were Denmark, the Netherlands, and Belgium. Simultaneously, the rankings of agricultural competitiveness changed over the 10 years under review. The highest improvement rates were recorded in Finland, Slovakia, and Ireland. However, the differences between the old and new member states are still explicit. None of the new member states of the EU were in the top ten with regard to their agricultural competitiveness. Many areas associated with agriculture in these countries require considerable improvement. We also carried out a principal component analysis (PCA), which allowed us to identify the parameters conveying relevant information on the analysed phenomenon and unveil the hidden structures in the primary data set. We discovered that the share of the EU’s agricultural output in the EU exports of agricultural products explained variations in the agricultural competitiveness within member states.

The Stabilization and Association Agreements in the Western Balkans as a tool for trade promotion and regional reconciliation

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the impact of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) on the economic development of the Western Balkans. The basic aim of this agreement was the economic development of the countries of this region. Many firms would benefit from trade and contractual relationships with the European Union (EU). The methodology used is the gravity model, which predicts bilateral trade flows based on the economic sizes and distance between the EU and the Western Balkans. The model has been used in international relations to evaluate the impact of treaties on trade, and it has been used to test the effectiveness of trade agreements on the economy. Statistics of export, import, economic growth, etc. have been provided for a ten-year period 2007–2017. This paper is based on the research of Qorraj (2016), Qorraj and Jusufi (2018), and Leka et al. (2022). The relevance of the paper depends on that, within the ten years, there was no significant increase in the exports of these countries to the EU market. This paper concludes that the SAA has not ensured the export growth of these countries because products originating from this region are not competitive in the EU market, EU exports to this region have increased more than the other way around.

Numerous uncertainties in the multifaceted global trade in frogs’ legs with the EU as the major consumer

The commercial trade in frogs and their body parts is global, dynamic and occurs in extremely large volumes (in the thousands of tonnes/yr or billions of frogs/yr). The European Union (EU) remains the single largest importer of frogs’ legs, with most frogs still caught from the wild. Amongst the many drivers of species extinction or population decline (e.g. due to habitat loss, climate change, disease etc.), overexploitation is becoming increasingly more prominent. Due to global declines and extinctions, new attention is being focused on these markets, in part to try to ensure sustainability. While the trade is plagued by daunting realities of data deficiency and uncertainty and the conflicts of commercial interests associated with these data, it is clear is that EU countries are most responsible for the largest portion of the international trade in frogs’ legs of wild species. Over decades of exploitation, the EU imports have contributed to a decline in wild frog populations in an increasing number of supplying countries, such as India and Bangladesh, as well as Indonesia, Turkey and Albania more recently. However, there have been no concerted attempts by the EU and present export countries to ensure sustainability of this trade. Further work is needed to validate species identities, secure data on wild frog populations, establish reasonable monitored harvest/export quotas and disease surveillance and ensure data integrity, quality and security standards for frog farms. Herein, we call upon those countries and their representative governments to assume responsibility for the sustainability of the trade. The EU should take immediate action to channel all imports through a single centralised database and list sensitive species in the Annexes of the EU Wildlife Trade Regulation. Further, listing in CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) can enforce international trade restrictions. More joint efforts are needed to improve regional monitoring schemes before the commercial trade causes irreversible extinctions of populations and species of frogs.

Toward achieving zero-emissions in European Union countries: The contributions of trade and overseas direct investments in consumption-based carbon emissions

<abstract> <p>To achieve the ideal emissions reduction goals, several studies have suggested that carbon emissions should be examined in the framework of both territorial and consumption-based emissions. Nevertheless, the European Union (EU) SDGs targets aimed at mitigating carbon emissions based on the United Nation (UN) Kyoto Protocol structure, only appears to be concerned with the reduction of territorial-based emissions whilst emissions embodied on imported goods and services receive very little attention. To this end, this study examines the contributions of outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) and disaggregate trade flows toward consumption-based sustainability in twenty-one (21) EU countries for the period 1995–2019. The study utilizes the STIRPAT model (Stochastic Impacts by Regression on Population, Affluence, and Technology) and battery of advanced econometric techniques such as the Cross-Sectional Autoregressive Distributed Lag (CS-ARDL), Common Correlated Effects (CCE) and the Cross-Sectional Distributed Lags (CS-DL) to examine the short-and long-run dynamics of OFDI and trade on consumption-based emissions. Finding reveals that EU exports and OFDI spillover reduces consumption-based emission, whilst import of goods and services promote emissions both in the short-run and long-run. This suggests that the progress report on carbon emissions reduction for most EU countries under the greenhouse gas accounting systems are merely carbon emissions outsourced to low-income countries whilst consumption-based emission continues to increase. These findings are robust to several econometric problems with set of policy implications provided for policymakers and governments to formulate more efficient strategies toward the mitigation of consumption-based carbon emissions among EU countries.</p> </abstract>

Determining how almond (Prunus dulcis) harvest and processing contributes to low levels of glyphosate and glufosinate residues in almonds

AbstractCalifornia is the top producer of almonds [Prunus dulcis (Mill.) D.A. Webb] worldwide, generating more than $6 billion in revenue in 2020; the European Union (EU) is the primary importer of California almonds. Weed control in almond orchards is an important part of the preharvest process, because weeds can interfere with harvest equipment and host diseases. Glyphosate and glufosinate are broad-spectrum herbicides commonly used for preharvest weed control. Global differences in maximum residue limits (MRLs) and regulated compounds can pose a challenge for growers who rely on broad-spectrum herbicides such as glyphosate and glufosinate for preharvest weed control. The EU MRL for glyphosate and total glufosinate is currently 0.1 mg kg−1. The U.S. MRL for total glyphosate is 1 mg kg−1, and total glufosinate is 0.5 mg kg−1. An 8-wk field experiment, from spray to harvest, was conducted in an 8-ha commercial orchard to evaluate the potential contribution of the preharvest herbicide treatment to low levels of herbicide residue in almonds. Then, the same batch of almonds was followed through a commercial processing facility to evaluate the potential movement of herbicide residues from soil, debris, and hulls to almond kernels during processing. Glyphosate was not detected in any almond kernel samples at the end of processing. A glufosinate metabolite, 3-(methylphosphinico)propionic acid (MPP), was detected in kernels at the end of processing at about 0.1 mg kg−1, which is above the EU MRL for total glufosinate. Almonds sampled directly from the tree, without any contact with soil, were found to have elevated MPP residues. This indicates glufosinate or MPP translocation may be a factor in low-level glufosinate residues detected in almonds in some EU exports.

Borderlands: Europe and the Mediterranean Middle East

Europe's southern neighbours, stretching along the Mediterranean coast from Morocco to Turkey, have directly influenced the socio-political fabric of the European continent. Since the turn of the century, terrorism, Islamist radicalism and a massive influx of refugees have emerged as significant challenges for European governance. Europe has attempted to target the root causes of these challenges by exporting its way of life, embedding its desirable order and prioritizing regional stability over good governance—largely to no avail. In Borderlands, Raffaella A. Del Sarto sheds light on these three European policy responses and evaluates their successes and failures. The book borrows the framework of core–periphery to describe Europe's relationship with its southern Mediterranean neighbours as a form of empire. By imagining the European Union (EU) and its member states as an empire, Del Sarto argues that one ‘may conceive of the EU's export of its rules and practices to neighbouring states as the modus operandi of an empire in pursuit of its own interests’ (p. 25). Through the prism of constructivism, Del Sarto examines this bilateral relationship from 1995, when the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (also known as the Barcelona Process) launched, until 2015. According to the author, these ties are best understood through the notion of borderlands: areas that are connected to the European core through shared rules and practices and within a relationship that remains asymmetrical. The transfer of European rules and practices to the peripheral states in the Mediterranean Middle East embodies ‘a cost-efficient means of pursuing Europe's economic and security interests, for which the stability of the periphery remains key’ (p. 146).

Trade strategy of European Union and the impact of EU-South Korea FTA

When the global financial erupted, European Union (EU) had suffered from unprecedented economic downturn. Unemployment soared and consumption declined, causing negative effects on Europes per capita income growth. EU then started to realize the need for the utilization of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), to alleviate the low growth trend of European economy. As the first initiative of EU Global Strategy, which was intended to significantly expand EUs export markets to offshore countries through FTAs, South Korea was selected as one of the first targets. After eight rounds of FTA negotiations started from 2006, FTA between EU and South Korea came into effect in 2011. Using UN Comtrades export and import data from 2000 to 2017, this paper discusses about changes in trade patterns of EU and South Korea before and after the EU-South Korea FTA, and empirically analyzes the impact of EU-South Korea FTA. The results of our regression models show that the FTA indeed has positive effects on growth of both trade volume and trade share in the world, between South Korea and the EU, with significance. The fact that there were increases not only in commodity trade, but also in service goods trade and foreign direct investment suggests that the virtuous cycle of EU-South Korea FTA can expand to related areas. Furthermore, as South Korea is East Asias FTA-centered country which signed FTAs with both US and China, the two largest economies in the world, the indirect benefits from the EU-South Korea FTA will become greater for the EU. This advantage is expected to help creating a virtuous cycle that induces economic growth of EU through increases in trade, productivity, and job creation.

The impact of COVID-19 on European global value chains: Some concerns about diversification and resilience

The disruptions and supply problems caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in the European Union (EU) have raised several issues concerning the EU’s participation in Global Value Chains (GVC). One of the most discussed points in the current debate is the need to increase economic and productive resilience. This paper describes the participation of the EU in GVC and the possibilities of geographical and productive diversification by analyzing the European export basket similarity with China and the relative technological advantages. Furthermore, building up on previous works, we propose a regression equation which allows us to analyze formally the impact of the pandemic on EU exports, and to examine the individual contributions of the domestic supply, international demand, and GVC disruptions shocks. Our findings suggest that the new member countries that joined the EU in 2004, have a more similar export basket with China. Also, we find that the fall in EU exports was mainly due to the international demand shock and the GVC disruption shock; while the EU dependence on the GVC networks is confirmed, disruptive effects are less severe for more technologically sophisticated products.

A scoping review of the EU's impact on access to medicines in low- and middle-income countries

The European Union (EU) has a potential major influence on patients' global access to medicines. Historically, this influence most notably came through the EU's trade and aid agendas that intentionally targeted foreign markets. Now, the EU's own internal pharmaceutical policy appears to indirectly shape global access to medicines (ex. EU's large-scale Covid-19 vaccine procurement and export bans). To understand the ways the EU's internal and external policies impact on global access to medicines, this Scoping Review synthesises evidence of the EU's global regulatory influence and its impacts on access to medicines in non-EU low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). By searching 8 databases and grey literature, documents published in English, Spanish, Portuguese, or Russian between 1995-2021 that addressed an EU law, regulation, or policy in relation to access to medicines in LMICs were included. This review identifies three mechanisms through which EU action impacts on medicines in LMICs. One, the EU's external, treaty-based agreements with LMICs can affect their pharmaceutical trade, sales, and use. Two, EU's internal market regulation, standards, and methods are used as models or sources of inspiration for pharmaceutical governance in LMICs. Three, ‘soft' forms of EU influence manifest through the EU's technical assistance, its research and development (aid) funding, and its ‘capacity building' activities towards LMIC actors in the field of pharmaceuticals. Examples of impacts of EU action ranged from the development of new medicines primarily for LMICs, to changes in the availability of generics and on medicines spending in LMICs, and the potential for a more efficient yet less autonomous local market approval process. Most evidence of impact was not peer reviewed. This study raises the question of how to support resilient and efficient global pathways for drug development and regulation while still being responsive and accountable to the local public interest.Key messages There are 3 mechanisms through which EU action impacts on medicines in LMICs: treaty-based agreements, EU internal market regulation, and ‘soft' EU influence.EU decision makers need a reliable understanding of how the EU’s internal and external policies impact on pharmaceuticals globally.

Dual-Use Regulation 2021/821: What’s Old & What’s New in EU Export Control

Regulation 2021/821 of 20 May 2021, which sets up a European Union (EU) regime for the control of exports, brokering, technical assistance, transit, and transfer of dual-use items, enters into force on 9 September 2021. While the main features of the EU’s dual-use regime remain the same, Regulation 2021/821 introduces some novelties. Export control is extended to technical assistance. Member States are granted more options to use local controls applicable to non-listed items, particularly in the case of cyber-surveillance items being used for repression or serious human rights violations, and generally in the case of a Member State creating national controls. In addition to the new authorization for large projects, two new EU authorizations are created: the intra-group software authorization (EU007) and the encryption authorization (EU008). The role of an internal compliance program (ICP), now clearly defined, is strengthened: an ICP is a legal necessity for holders of general global export authorizations and for applicants of the intra-group export of software and technology authorization. Finally, administrative provisions are added to improve cooperation between customs authorities and dual-use authorities at the national level, as well as to improve the exchange of information among the Member States, including with regard to the coordination of enforcement, at EU level. Dual-Use, EU Export Control, Regulation 428/2009, Regulation 2021/821

Analysis of Virtual Water Trade Flow and Driving Factors in the European Union

The inefficient application of water resources has become an urgent problem restricting the world’s sustainable development. Virtual Water Trade opens a new perspective on improving water resource utilization efficiency. Based on a multi-regional input–output model and the logarithmic mean Divisia index, the virtual water flows between 2000–2014 in 43 countries and regions have been evaluated, and the driving forces of changes in virtual water flows for the European Union were revealed. During the study period, the total amount of virtual water flow continued to increase. The United Kingdom is a net virtual water importer that depends on the European Union significantly. There was a large amount of virtual water flow from the European Union to the United States during 2000–2012. However, China gradually seized the share of virtual water from European Union exports after 2012. Economic effects and virtual water intensity effects are the most significant drivers of virtual water flows. The difference is that the economic effect positively drives virtual water flows, while the virtual water intensity effect negatively influences. The results reveal the nature of the United Kingdom in the virtual water trade and can provide post-Brexit recommendations.

Congruence-building on multiple fronts: Indian elite perceptions of EU rule promotion in India during the EU-India FTA negotiations (2007–2013)

How does the European Union export its rules and regulations to its partners during free trade negotiations? While the research fields on EU foreign policy promotion abroad and external perceptions seem to have settled on the notion that the success of EU rule export increases with the internalization of the negotiation partner’s wants, this article challenges this academic consensus. Scrutinizing the EU-India free trade negotiations (2007–2013) where the perception of EU norms turned from positive to inherently negative, the article shows that the Commission successfully constructed the notion of congruence between European and Indian standards on multiple (international, bilateral, regional) fronts during an initial “honeymoon phase” (2007–2011). Yet, once the negotiations’ focus shifted to hard bargaining over core interests, the notion of congruence gave way to tensions and discrepancies, so that perceptions turned negative over the “cooldown” (2011–2013). Analysing claims made by EU and Indian policy officials in four Indian English-speaking quality newspapers—Times of India, Hindustan Times, Hindu Business Line and the Business Standard—the article suggests that the discursive construction of congruence with the local context, however successful, cannot prevail against battles over core interests. Hence, this article provides starting points for new academic junctures in that it introduces a more nuanced understanding of the EU’s approach to rule promotion abroad.

The future EU–UK partnership: a historical institutionalist perspective

ABSTRACT This article takes a comparative perspective to identify the likely parameters of the future partnership between the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU). It asks why and how the EU exports institutional norms to its neighbouring countries, and what this implies for the EU–UK relationship. Drawing on historical institutionalism, the authors argue that as a specific legal-institutional order, the EU exports not only regulatory norms and values but also institutional norms into its partnerships with neighbouring countries, mainly through the mechanism of reproduction. For the UK this means that the nature of its future partnership with the EU is likely to be influenced more by established practices in and precedents from the EU’s relations with European neighbours than by any sense of privilege emanating from the UK’s position as a former member state.

On the Free Trade Zone between Vietnam and the European Union

On February 12, 2020, the European Parliament officially ratified a free trade agreement with Vietnam — at a time when an infectious disease caused by COVID-19 is actively spreading around the world, which can significantly affect the European economy, investment, and social sphere. Aim. The presented study aims to demonstrate that implementation of the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA) has the potential not only to increase the volume of trade, but also to activate new mechanisms of comprehensive cooperation between Europe and Vietnam while maintaining their mutual interest. Tasks. The authors summarize structural changes in the exports and imports of goods in the medium term; show a reduction in the interest rate on tariffs for goods exported from Vietnam to the European Union (EU) and goods coming from the EU to Vietnam; examine the growth dynamics of Vietnamese exports in 2020, 2025, and 2030, the dynamics of the EU exports to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) in the same years, and the growth of trade balance surplus. Methods. This study uses general methods to analyze free trade zones in a multilateral and bilateral format, which will be reflected in the study of the Eu-Vietnam free trade zone. Conclusions. Vietnam has accumulated significant experience in organizing free trade zones during the transition from a command economy to a market economy in 1986-2019, thus creating conditions for sustainable economic growth and becoming a country with many advanced and new technologies, higher income and living standards of the population. Based on a high level of strategic partnership with advanced countries, including the EU, United States, Republic of Korea, Japan, and Russia, Vietnam has ensured its economic security and has become a guarantor of peace in the East Asian region.

Will a No‐deal Brexit Disturb the EU‐UK Agri‐food Trade?

SummaryThe UK's decision to leave the European Union (EU) marks a turning point in the history of the EU. We analyse the impacts of an exit with no deal on agri‐food trade using the temporary customs duties on imports announced by the British government. We focus on three product groups highly traded between the EU and the UK: wine, cheese and meat preparations. First, we show that a no‐deal Brexit will put pressure on EU food producers exporting to the UK, Ireland being the most exposed. Second, impacts differ across products. The EU is a key wine supplier to the UK, but the expected removal of import tariffs may permit New World suppliers to grab market shares. The UK is also highly dependent on the EU for its imports of cheese. In the case of a no‐deal, EU producers will face increased competition from third country producers of cheese varieties without geographical indications. The EU exports of meat preparations seem the most affected by a no‐deal Brexit. In addition to the strong position of some non‐EU suppliers on the British market, which will continue to enjoy a preferential market access, the UK's tariffs on meat products imported from the EU will rise sharply.

EU-Africa and Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) – Revisited

Il est largement admis que le commerce favorise la croissance économique et réduit la pauvreté dans les régions développées et en voie de développement du monde, y compris en Afrique. Le commerce est censé servir de relais par lequel les pays participants utilisent les avantages comparatifs de leurs ressources et capacités de production pour tirer parti de leurs atouts. Bien que le commerce entre pays puisse générer de la croissance à l’échelle mondiale, il arrive souvent que les avantages globaux ne soient pas répartis équitablement entre les partenaires commerciaux. Cela est évident dans le cas du continent africain, qui dépend entièrement de l’exportation de matières premières non transformées et de ressources minérales vers les pays développés et émergents d’Asie qui alimentent leur croissance économique. Cet article examinera, en termes généraux, les relations économiques et commerciales qui existent actuellement entre l’UE et l’Afrique. La position commerciale de l’Afrique est foncièrement fragile, caractérisée par une dépendance à l’égard des matières premières pour les exportations (avec une chute des prix sur les marchés internationaux) et un effondrement du secteur manufacturier qui nécessite l’importation de biens de consommation essentiels. L’Afrique a signé l’Accord de partenariat économique (APE) intérimaire sur les biens matériels avec l’Union européenne (UE) négociés dans le cadre de diverses RECs : par exemple, les blocs Afrique orientale et australe (ESA), CEDEAO, et CDAA. Les APE sont censés faciliter la mise en œuvre du libre-échange dans la mesure où l’UE offrira à l’Afrique un accès non assujetti aux droits de douane et aux quotas aux marchés de l’UE et lui concédera également son marché aux exportations européennes (réciprocité). Ainsi, les accords de partenariat économique constituent une menace pour la stratégie d’industrialisation des pays africains. La sortie britannique (BREXIT) de l’Union européenne a surpris les partisans de l’intégration régionale et du libre-échange. Les pays africains restent incertains quant aux impacts probables du BREXIT tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur du contexte des APE de l’UE. Le Brexit va sans aucun doute réduire l’accès au marché et l’aide au développement des pays en développement signataire de l’APE.

Gıda ve Yem İçin Hızlı Alarm Sistemi (RASFF) 2009-2016 Türkiye Raporu

RASFF (Gıda ve Yem için Hızlı Alarm Sistemi), gıda ve yem konularında ortaya çıkabilecek tüm risklere karşı Avrupa Birliği‘ne üye ülkeler arasında hızlı bilgi alışverişinin sağlanmasını, gerekli önlemlerin alınmasını ve bu sayede gıda ile yem güvenliğinin sağlanmasını amaçlayan uluslar arası bir sistemdir. Üye ülkelerce gönderilen bildirimlerin raporları, haftalık olarak sistemin web sitesinde yayınlanmakta ve hızlı alarm sistemi ile ürün pazara girer girmez herhangi bir risk söz konusu ise üye ülkelerin haberdar olması sağlanmaktadır. Bu çalışma, hızlı alarm sisteminin raporlarında yer almış 2009-2016 yılları arasındaki ülkemiz kaynaklı bildirimleri içermektedir. Sistemden elde edilen veriler, ürün ve tehlike gruplarına göre sınıflandırılmış ve her bir yıl için bildirim çeşitleri de göz önüne alınarak ürün ve tehlike ilişkileri değerlendirilmiştir. Bu değerlendirmelere göre, söz konusu yıllarda Avrupa Birliği‘ne yapılan ihracatların ülkemiz kaynaklı temel sorunu, ürünlerdeki yüksek aflatoksin düzeyidir. Bu sorunun en çok görüldüğü gıda grupları meyve-sebzeler ile kuru yemiş ve tohumlar olarak belirlenmiştir. Pestisit kalıntıları ve patojen mikroorganizmalar ülkemiz ihracatında sorun yaratan diğer önemli tehlike gruplarını oluşturmaktadır. Bu çalışmadan elde edilen sonuçlar, ülkemiz gıda ihracatında karşılaşılan temel sorunların tespiti ve bu sorunlara yönelik alınması gereken tedbirlere dikkat çekmek bakımından önem taşımaktadır.

EU Exports and Uptake of Preferences: A First Analysis

More focus is increasingly being put on implementation of the free trade agreements (FTAs) the European Commission has negotiated on behalf of the European Union (EU). Based on data gathered by EU Delegations from competent authorities in partner countries, this article is the first of its kind to analyse the uptake of preferences by EU exports in these markets. Overall, the preference utilization rate (PUR) stood at about 75% in 2013, up from 63% in 2009, albeit with a changing country coverage over the years. The PURs vary significantly by originating EU Member State (MS) and by broad product group. EU export flows of low values make relatively good use of preferences as opposed to low value exports from developing countries to developed countries, which is something the literature has pointed to. Similarly, the figures challenge a commonly held view that the preferential margin needs to be in the range of 3%–6% for preferences to be used. The empirical analysis examines the extent to which the PUR is influenced by the preferential margin, the value of exports and potential duty savings.

The China-Russia Trade Relationship and Its Impact on Europe

This paper analyses empirically how increasingly close trade relations between China and Russia might affect the European Union (EU). We show that EU countries are complementary to Russia on the Chinese market. However, Chinese exports are increasingly relevant substitutes for EU exports on the Russian market. This means that an increase in China-Russia economic cooperation should have a negative impact on European exports. We simulate a scenario in which trade tariffs between Russia and China are eliminated, which is found to reduce EU exports to Russia. Finally, a more granular approach to the question analyses which sectors in Europe will be more affected by the increasing economic links between China and Russia, and finds that electronic machinery, equipment and machinery, and nuclear reactors will be particularly affected. Such findings obviously show quickly China is moving up the ladder in terms of export structure and how strategically important it is for Europe to continue upgrading its industry to compete at the highest level of that ladder.