European States Research Articles

Towns and Princely Rebellion in Fifteenth-Century France: The War of the Public Weal, 1465

Abstract The historiography of fifteenth-century France overwhelmingly finds that towns worked with the monarchy against rebellious princes in pursuit of a centralised royal state. Focusing on the War of the Public Weal of 1465, this article demonstrates instead that urban communities played a central role in the rebellion and that there was considerable urban support for the league. This evidence suggests both that we need to re-evaluate the view that the princes lacked popular support in their rebellions against the Crown in fifteenth-century France and that we need to reconsider the current model of town–Crown relations. The article begins by highlighting regional patterns of support for the king and the princes during the war, before moving on to examine ideology and the reasons why towns favoured one side over the other. It then goes on to consider what townspeople hoped to gain from their actions during the War of the Public Weal, taking particular account of the presence of urban factions and the competition for urban privileges. A study of urban participation in the War of the Public Weal thus contributes to debates on the wider narratives of European state formation in the later Middle Ages, when increasingly powerful monarchs sought to break the power of their overmighty subjects by co-opting urban populations to join their cause, and highlights the ongoing limitations of French royal power at the end of the Middle Ages.

Abkhazia "issue" and Western European states (England, Fra-nce, Germany) in 1918-1920

Abkhazia "issue" and Western European states (England, Fra-nce, Germany) in 1918-1920

The European response to Russian disinformation in the context of the war in Ukraine

AbstractDisinformation and propaganda directed at foreign countries is an important tool in Russia's geopolitical power ambitions, including its war against Ukraine. The European Union and individual nation states, both inside and outside the Union, have developed complex responses to this multifaceted phenomenon. This article focuses on just one of them: the EU embargo on the RT television channel. It will review media analyses of RT, some of the legal action taken against it, and analyse the background and rationale behind the EU's blocking regulation. It points out that, while international media law literature has examined the issue from the perspective of freedom of expression, the European Union has treated the channel as a political weapon. The article argues that democracies need to take decisive action to defend their structures, and that this may require unconventional measures in times of disruption to the international order.

Environmental ratification moves

For over 60 years, International Environmental Law has produced hundreds of texts aimed at protecting the environment at global to regional scales. Most of these texts do not gather the support of all the states concerned. The reasons for this are analysed here. This retrospective look provides a striking panorama of the current situation. The international and domestic motivations that lead a state to the sovereign decision to ratify or not a treaty, are first recalled and put into perspective in their interdependencies. The analysis of thousands of ratifications of 51 major treaties draws lines of divergence between leading states, follower states, and states reluctant to enter into environmental commitments. On a global scale the latter form a large majority, including most African and Asian states. The states of Northern and Western Europe are among the first to ratify these treaties, followed by other European states. G7 member states occupy vey contrasting normative positions. Overall, three major moves emerge from this global panorama. First, historical and persistent inequalities in the development of countries have cast an indelible shadow on environmental international multilateral treaties which do not bring the expected fruits of development. Second, in environmental matters, over the past 15 years the trend consists in establishing agreements of more restricted range (regional, bilateral), with commitments from states on fairly flexible objectives, adaptable to their social and economic context. Third, these agreements are set within the broadly negotiated and thematically inclusive principles of sustainable development.

Political intolerance in comprehensive welfare states: Evidence from Sweden

AbstractPrevious research has shown that comprehensive welfare states are effective at bridging ethnic divisions and promoting political tolerance of marginalized groups. Do these results hold up in the face of the great influx of migrants into European welfare states following the 2015–16 refugee crisis? In this case study of Sweden, we map the general level of political tolerance and test various individual‐level explanations for it. Based on a survey of about 3500 citizens, our results show that the level of ethnic antipathy in Sweden is low. Other groups, however—such as supporters of the Sweden Democrats, a radical‐right party—are widely disliked, as are abortion opponents and anti‐vaccinationists. The individual‐level explanations we have tested—in connection with threat perceptions, civic and political engagement, and socio‐economic factors—turn up mixed results. Our conclusion is that the results we have found reflect something of a liberal‐democratic backlash, whereupon a certain kind of political intolerance has become widespread.

The Results of the War of the Augsburg League and Representation of the Peace of Ryswick 1697

From the perspective of a systematic approach and the method of event analysis, the author of the article set a goal to consider the international and legal significance of the congress in Ryswick in 1697, which summed up the results of the War of the Augsburg League (1688–1697), and to show its role in the broadcast of subsequent international forums. Based on the analysis of the results of the war and peace treaties, the following conclusions were drawn. The Ryswick agreements were of a phased nature. France, against which almost all of Europe opposed, gained nothing, but the coalition of European states failed to return this state back to its borders. However, for the first time since the beginning of the Louis XIV’s European wars, the international situation swung towards balance. Despite the fact that the congress in Ryswick did not resolve all the pressing problems, it prepared the international and legal basis for further diplomatic discussions at the congresses in Utrecht (1713) and Rastatt (1714), which for the first time recorded the metaphor of the «balance of power» in international law. Finally, after the conclusion of the Peace of Ryswick, Europeans began to regularly receive information about wars, negotiations, meetings of monarchs and diplomats, and dynastic alliances in special international publications.

The European Semester as a Policy Instrument in Education—The Cases of Spain and Sweden

ABSTRACTIn this article we examine the European Semester as an innovative form of policy coordination, with distinct effects on education and skills policies for Member States. We analyse the Semester's framing of education policy, and examine its manifestations in Spain and Sweden, two countries considered to be different in their approach to education. Drawing on a policy instrumentation approach and interviews with policy actors and documentary analysis, our research suggests that while the Semester has given education policy a significant place within the EU's governance, economic rationales for education are clearly dominant in the process. Still, we identify underpinning logics that strengthen the social and educational perspectives represented in the Semester, although these are still treated as productive forces for labour market integration. In addition, there is a strengthening of collaboration between the European Commission and Member States, but also tensions between different parts of the Commission over the definition and direction of education policy.

The New European Development Scoreboard for SDG11 at the European Level

Urban development is a current priority in terms of improving the sustainability of cities amid demographic pressure and intensive economic development in the European Union. In this context, we aim to critically analyze the progress achieved by the European Member States in the period of 2010–2022 from the perspective of Sustainable Development Goal 11—Sustainable Cities and Communities—and conceptualize the new development scoreboard from the perspective of SDG11. The methods used consist in applying principal components analysis for a set of 15 sustainability indicators related to the studied objective and designing the new sustainability index from the perspective of the ODD11 and the European ranking. The results of the study will allow for the formulation of public policies useful for European decision makers to improve the progress made relating to this objective, and we believe that their implementation could support the transformation of European cities in a sustainable and equitable way.

Is high-intensity conflict escalation inevitable in the future? A two-level game analysis on the causes of US-Iran risky rivalry

In recent years, there appears to be a growing consensus among policymakers in both the East and the West, that the decades of global peace after the Cold War has now come to an end, and that the world is facing mounting security risks to the future of humanity. Among those challenges, the ongoing U.S.-Iran conflict poses particularly significant risks to regional and global security, and is closely related to many other contemporary international crises involving European states and their allies, particularly the Russo-Ukrainian War, the nuclear proliferation in Europe, and the military disputes between the Iran-backed Houthis and EU forces. But why has the U.S.-Iran relationship deteriorated so dramatically over the past years, and what are the future risks its presents to the international community? While extensive scholarly works have been conducted to examine the ideological, historical, and geopolitical variables that fuel this observed escalating antagonism, no study to date has formal-modelled the complex interactions between Tehran and Washington into a two-level game. Utilizing an infinitely-repeated game theory approach, this research presents a comprehensive analytical framework that explains how interrelated political factors at both the international and the domestic level jointly shape the dynamic of this bilateral relationship. We contend that the domestic rally effect created by risk-oriented diplomacy, incompatible ideological stances and political values, the increasing polarization within U.S. Congress, and the mounting rivalry between Israel and the Iran-led Axis of Resistance convince policymakers from both sides that their utilities can be maximized in a non-cooperative game. Based on our models, it can be forecasted that there is hardly any chance Washington and Tehran will concede to the other’s security demands in the foreseeable future. Thus, the risks of high-intensity conflict escalation due to miscalculation will continue to upsurge in the future.

Climate change and extremes in the Mediterranean island of Cyprus: from historical trends to future projections

Cyprus is a European island state in the eastern Mediterranean climate change hotspot. Despite being a relatively small island, it has diverse climatic zones, ranging from semi-arid to subhumid in the mountains and humid on Mount Olympos. Given the accelerated rate of environmental change in the region, the present study aims to identify, and update observed trends of critical climate parameters, highlighting vulnerable climatic areas within the island. Moreover, since nationwide multi-model assessments of future climate conditions are limited or outdated, we aim to investigate the range of future climate projections using a 21-member EURO-CORDEX ensemble under pathways RCP2.6 and RCP8.5. Besides mean conditions, we analyze various extreme climate indicators relevant to socio-economic activities such as agriculture, biodiversity, tourism, energy and water resources. Our historical analysis revealed a statistically significant increasing temperature trend (0.4 °C–0.6 °C per decade), which is more pronounced during the summer and spring. Concerning precipitation, the observed trends are not as robust, nevertheless, the southeastern coast and the central regions near the capital city of Nicosia are substantially drier and more prone to further changes in precipitation regimes. The projections for the end of the 21st century, according to the high radiative forcing scenario (RCP8.5), indicate that Cyprus is likely to experience an annual temperature increase of over 4 °C and an approximate 20%–30% reduction in annual rainfall, relative to 1981–2000. These projections highlight an alarming trend that requires urgent attention and proactive measures to mitigate the potential impacts of climate change on the island.

Ecological risk assessment of heavy metals from application of sewage sludge on agricultural soils in Europe

AbstractThe present European Union (EU) Sewage Sludge Directive (86/278/EEC) is undergoing modifications aimed at enhancing its applicability in the agricultural sector. The Directive's existing limit values for heavy metal concentrations in soils are in the process of being revised. However, to comprehensively understand their effects on EU agricultural lands, additional evaluations are necessary. This is particularly important given that ecological risk assessments are often performed on a site‐specific basis, potentially overlooking broader regional implications. The main objective of the current work is to introduce a methodological approach to quantify the impact of sewage sludge (SS) application on agricultural soils in the EU and the United Kingdom. Concentrations of heavy metals (HMs) (Cd, Cu, Hg, Ni, Pb and Zn) in agricultural land from Land Use/Land Cover Area Frame Survey (LUCAS) 2009 topsoil database were used as a baseline. Maximum quantities of SS that can be safely applied to agricultural lands were obtained by a modeling procedure was used to determine the maximum safe quantities of SS that can be applied to agricultural lands for each country within the European Member States and the United Kingdom. Accumulation of HMs in soils was modelled by using a representative SS composition, distributed over 10 successive years at 5 Mg ha−1 year−1 rate. Ecological risk impact was assessed by using both the single ecological risk index (Er) and the integrated potential ecological risk index (RI). Maximum quantities of SS applied on agricultural soils in EU + UK were estimated to be 45 Mg ha−1 at the country level. We found that 19% of agricultural land (around 28,471,900 ha) in the EU + UK shows a higher RI than moderate risk after long time application of the representative SS. We show that the combination of the HM concentrations from the LUCAS topsoil survey and assumptions on the SS composition and soil HM partitioning can be used to define the actual and potential soil pollution rate in EU + UK. We demonstrate that the proposed methodology can be used by policymakers, farmers, regional authorities and other stakeholders, with possible adaptions based on local in‐depth soil and SS knowledge.

The exclusion of Russia from Council of Europe: initial reflections on the effects

Abstract The new situation related to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine led to Russia’s exclusion from the Council of Europe and the European regional human rights protection system in March 2022. This article aims to examine the legal and political consequences of the Russian Federation’s exclusion from the Council of Europe and the European human rights protection system. The research objective was achieved through the analysis of normative acts (hard law, soft law) of the Council, a review of domestic and foreign literature, and the analysis of statistical data provided by the Council and the European Court of Human Rights. The article seeks to answer the following research questions: 1. What are the actual and potential consequences of excluding Russia from the Council for both Russia and other member states?, 2. What impact will Russia’s exclusion from the Council of Europe and the European human rights protection system have on the citizens of Russia and those under its jurisdiction? Membership in the Council of Europe entails mandatory participation in the European human rights protection system, based on the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights. The primary consequences of Russia’s exclusion from the Council are: 1. exclusion from the family of European states, 2. denunciation of the Convention and other agreements adopted within the organisation, and 3. the inability to file individual and interstate complaints against Russia.

Historical and legal analysis of the institute of necessary defense

Within the framework of the article, it is substantiated that the necessary defense is the basis of human dignity, inextricably linked to natural rights, and in the context of a full-scale war in Ukraine, the analysis of the prerequisites for its occurrence acquires special importance in order to guarantee the effectiveness of the norms of international law. It is emphasized that Greece, India and Egypt were among the first states whose scientists analyzed necessary defense, but necessary defense acquired the greatest development as a natural human right under the influence of the lawyers of Ancient Rome. It was revealed that one of the first among the ancient scientists who carried out important work on the application of the necessary defense on the basis of equality, but within the limits of the same social status, was carried out by Marcus Tullius Cicero. Legal confirmations and interpretations of the institution of necessary defense in Slavic history that are important for Ukraine and modern events are analyzed, including in the treaties of princes Oleg and Igor with the Greeks, as well as «Ruska Pravda».Significant transformations of the legal foundations of the institution of necessary defense in the legislation of European states under the influence of German philosophers of the 17th and early 18th centuries have been analyzed. A comparative analysis of the main principles of the positivist and natural theory of law was carried out. After the declaration of independence by Ukraine, a key stage took place, when the natural right to self-defense was enshrined in the state. This process contributed to the transition to a democratic form of government, requiring a revision of social values, reform of the legal system, and respect for civil rights. It has been proven that in the modern conditions of a full-scale war in Ukraine, the institution of necessary defense should be based on the principles of the rule of law, equality and legal certainty as much as possible. In the conditions of digitalization, the institute of necessary defense also needs analysis in the context of the effects of digital technologies on it, recognition of acceptable forms of protection.

The moral and strategic clarity of supporting Ukraine’s self-defense: Why accepting Russian colonialism should remain a taboo

In response to Toal’s article “The Territorial Taboo: Explaining the Public Aversion to Negotiations in the Ukraine War Support Coalition”, I argue that the alleged silencing of those who push for Ukraine’s territorial concessions to Russia is an exaggerated problem. The reason why such voices are not gaining traction is because, as of summer 2024, neither Ukraine nor key European states had a majority in favor of territorial concessions. This is reassuring: it means that there is little appetite for endorsing Russian colonialism and abandoning Ukrainians on the occupied territories to Russian terror in the hope of an illusory “peace”. In contrast to the majority opinion, Toal calls for sacrificing (a part of) Ukraine in order to freeze the conflict and reduce great power tensions. To make such a colonial proposition seem palatable, Toal tries to shift the blame for the continuation of the war from Russia, the aggressor, to Ukraine, the victim. In reality, Ukrainians want peace, just not on Russia’s terms. Any settlement that does not involve the restoration of Ukraine’s territorial integrity is unjust and likely unsustainable. It would give Russia an opportunity to re-arm, extracting resources from the newly occupied Ukrainian territories. Russian officials showed no intention of abiding by any potential agreements with Ukraine, reiterating their goal of destroying the Ukrainian nation and state. Since aggression against Ukraine did not attract widespread opposition within Russia and garnered quite a few enthusiastic supporters, a change in Russian policy seemed improbable as of summer 2024. The continuation of armed resistance against the Russian invasion is Ukraine’s only choice.

‘Antigenderism’ as Russian Soft Power? Comparing Discourse on Sexual and Gender Minorities in Russia and Norway

Can Russian antigenderist discourse constitute an illiberal soft-power potential for the Russian government even in a West European state such as Norway? We define ‘antigenderist discourse’ as discourse rejecting equal rights, visibility or the very existence of all or some sexual and gender minorities. Despite some important differences regarding content and actors, both Norwegian and Russian media contain discourses where the freedom to be conservative, children’s safety and identity collectives, such as nation states, are constructed as being under attack from ‘gender ideology’, an umbrella term used by some conservatives for liberal ideas on sexual and gender minorities. This discursive overlap gives Russia some soft-power potential over antigenderist circles in Norway, but this potential appears weakly realised in practice, as the Norwegian texts examined here contain few explicitly positive references to Russian antigenderist policies.

Dynamics of protest mobilisation in the European poly-crisis

ABSTRACT Using an original protest event dataset covering 30 European countries and the period 2000–2021, this paper studies the nature and drivers of protest mobilisation across three major crises that have hit European Member States (the Eurozone, refugee, and Covid crises). Contributing a crisis-comparative perspective to social movement research, we explore crisis mobilisation in three steps. First, looking at general protest trends throughout the past decade, we find that the overall level of protest declined significantly, and especially so after the Eurozone crisis. Second, we characterise crisis-specific protest in terms of the action forms and the actors involved. We find a high involvement of institutional actors in the Eurozone crisis, a high share of radical events in the refugee crisis, and a generally non-confrontational protest organised by civil society actors in the Covid crisis. Finally, we explain crisis-specific protest levels by examining the mobilising effect of grievances. More specifically, we study the impact of problem pressure (how hard countries were affected using economic, migration, and public health indicators) and political pressure from public opinion (the salience of crisis-specific issues) and show that both were important drivers in the three crises.

A web intelligence information system to support the production of EuroGroups Register (EGR) statistics

There is a growing demand for statistics to better understand the globalisation that is accelerating due to the removal of barriers in international trade and to technological progress. Key players in globalisation are the multinational enterprise (MNE) groups that have increased in number and complexity and need to be properly represented by macroeconomic and business statistics. To deal with this need, the European Union Member States, the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) countries and Eurostat have collaborated to create the EuroGroups Register (EGR). This paper explores the use of web intelligence to improve the accuracy and completeness of the EGR, which makes use of tools for extracting and exploring information from the World Wide Web. Additionally, it presents a methodology to assess the quality of the information retrieved from the web, based on an ex-post comparison with the official information contained in the EGR. The results provide indications about the possibility of using web intelligence tools to support MNE group monitoring and to complete the EGR data in cases where this information is missing. Finally, it dives deeply into the approach to harness Wikipedia as a data source and into the techniques and methodology used to extract data from this source.

An Effective protection against unemployment for self-employed and platform workers? The intriguing case of Denmark

This article discusses whether self-employed and platform workers in Denmark have effective access to the unemployment insurance scheme. The Danish case is intriguing in a comparative context. Unlike other European States, it has been possible in Denmark for the self-employed to formally access the unemployment scheme since 1976. The system is also interesting as it is rather flexible, and was recently adapted to meet the challenges of changing work patterns and an increase in atypical forms of work, such as platform work. Yet, it is argued that important barriers to effective coverage remain. Some barriers, such as the voluntary character of the insurance and its eligibility criteria, are common to all persons with low and irregular work. Other barriers are specific to the self-employed and relate to the conditions for proving the closing down of business, and to waiting periods.

Questions of conscience in a confessional state: From ‘Freedom of conscience’ to ‘Objections of conscience’ in Malta

ABSTRACT While there is an ample body of literature in the anthropology of moralities there is a surprising dearth of research on conscience per se. In Malta over the last ten years there has been a proliferation of a public discourse of ‘conscience’ – its affordances, freedoms and its legal safeguards. This has been the result of debates over reforms leading to the liberalization of sexual and family life, including most recently debates over the legalization of abortion. While the language of conscience in various human rights instruments claims a universal character its meanings, inflections and significance can vary in important ways. There is a blurred boundary between conscience and religion. This paper examines the ways in which conscience is deployed and the significance of the appeals to a national conscience in a European confessional state. It looks at the specific meanings of conscience in Malta and a brief lexical and political history It then moves on to look at the ways objections of conscience are framed in contemporary Malta in light of theological debates and their ramifications in Catholic Malta.

The trust-transparency matrix as a comparative tool: developing a research framework

ABSTRACT Though the link between trust and transparency is a central concern of social science, the relationship between the two concepts has remained a ‘black box’. Many empirical studies concentrate solely on verifying whether transparency impacts trust and do not elaborate on the mechanisms that facilitate this relationship. Trust and transparency need to be qualified to be understood and captured in a meaningful sense by empirical research. Hence, the article proposes an interpretative matrix for exploring relationships between types of trust and transparency. It presents a framework of analysis that is sufficiently precise to make sense of complex interactions in six European regions in three European states (the UK, Germany, and France) and sufficiently generic to have a heuristic value as a tool for comparative study. It also contributes to broader discussions of the role of trust and transparency as factors of public management. The framework might equally be applied to evaluating trust and transparency as modes of public action in fields such as health or the environment.