European Party Systems Research Articles

Holding Their Own

In his seminal work, Kirchheimer (1966) argued that as larger parties transformed into catch-all parties we would see the disappearance of small parties. We know, however, that Green parties are one example of small parties that have persisted in many European party systems. In this article, I seek to explain this inconsistency. I argue that Kirchheimer did not anticipate the development and growth of the New Politics agenda or of Green parties. These parties, moreover, have endured because of their desire to gain electoral representation and maintain their distinct policy positions. To test this argument, I examine the electoral strategies and policy preferences of the British and French Green parties over the past decade. The results confirm my hypotheses. The findings not only update Kirchheimer’s theory, but also have important implications for our understanding of Green party behaviour and potential for longevity more generally.

The Social and Attitudinal Basis of Political Parties: Cleavage Politics Revisited

As a result of various political and non-political developments, the socio-culturally anchored and well structured character of European party systems has come under strain. This article assesses the overall social embeddedness of modern party politics and identifies newly emerging conflict-lines. It draws attention to phenomena that do not fit into the trend of dealignment, and discusses the relationship between group-based politics and democratic representation.

Representation in New Democracies: Party Stances on European Integration in Post-Communist Eastern Europe

The preponderance of scholarly literature has suggested that East European party systems remain fairly unstructured. As a consequence, the process of party representation does not appear to work adequately yet in these new democracies. In this paper, we systematically examine how well the party representation process works by analyzing party stances towards European economic and political integration. This is an important topic in its own right. But it also provides an opportunity to examine how well parties meet three requirements of the process of party representation in an issue area that is salient in all countries in the region: to supply policy alternatives, to provide coherent policy packages, and to offer programs that are congruent with voter preferences. We draw on a new data set from an expert survey of party stances in 10 post-communist accession states. Our results indicate that East European parties do a remarkably good job in meeting three minimal criteria. In theoretical terms, our study s...

A New Winning Formula?

In an updated version of his well-known work on the radical right, Kitschelt attributes the persistent success of this type of party to a new winning formula. Where the radical right first campaigned on a neo-liberal and authoritarian programme, it now presents a more centrist economic position. The article tests this idea through a reconstruction of the positions of the French Front National, the Flemish Vlaams Blok and the Dutch Lijst Pim Fortuyn, and establishes that some, but not all, radical right parties make use of the new winning formula. Moreover, innovative analysis of the positions of radical right parties in West European party systems reveals that Kitschelt's theory needs to be improved on several points, most notably when it comes to the definition of concepts and the operationalization of dimensions.

Eurosceptics Among Euroenthusiasts: An Analysis of Southern European Public Opinions

This article analyses the factors leading to Eurosceptic views among the publics of three Southern European countries (Greece, Portugal, and Spain). Analyses in this article show that Eurosceptic views are strongly conditioned by sociotropic judgements and by fears that the European Union (EU) threatens national cultures. General associations between the EU and other positive objects (such as prosperity, democracy, and national influence) also affect the probability of holding Eurosceptic orientations. By contrast, party cues affect Eurosceptic opinions only in the case of Spain. Analyses on the causes of sociotropic judgements show that these perceptions are affected by egocentric views, social class (working class individuals being more Eurosceptic than members of the upper classes) and, in Spain and Portugal, by left–right preferences (individuals leaning to the left being more Eurosceptic than those leaning to the right). The fact that Euroscepticism can be traced to both culturally exclusivist and economically redistributive preferences suggests that there are strong constraints on the political articulation of Eurosceptic orientations in the Southern European party systems.

Immigration and the radical right in Switzerland: ideology, discourse and opportunities

ABSTRACT Skenderovic's article focuses on the relationship between the issue of immigration and parties of the radical right. Immigration serves as the primary focus for these parties, mirroring their exclusionist world-view in which nationalism, neo-racism and xenophobia are the most prominent features. As powerful competitors in most European party systems, radical-right parties have played an influential role in the struggle that has taken place over the way in which immigrants have been defined and perceived in the last twenty years. Their strategy of presenting immigration as a contentious and menacing development appears to bring some electoral success, since voters support these parties on account of their immigration agenda and their view of immigrants. As Skenderovic shows, Switzerland serves as a particularly interesting case study. Since the 1960s, radical-right parties have used the issue of immigration to appeal to voters and have contributed to the fact that the theme of immigration has remained at the centre of the Swiss political stage. With their exclusionist agenda, Swiss radical-right parties have sought to present immigration as a threat to the country. Instruments available in the system of direct democracy have allowed effective opportunities for these parties to expound on immigration-related issues and to have considerable influence on immigration policymaking. In addition, the alleged danger of Überfremdung, ‘over-foreignization’, a longstanding discursive frame in Swiss immigration policy, has been consistently evoked by radical-right parties seeking to bolster their anti-immigration campaigns. By primarily drawing attention to the supply side of political mobilization, the Swiss case conspicuously demonstrates the significant roles that a favourable institutional and discursive environment and a concise immigration agenda can play both in the efforts of radical-right parties to gain popular support and in pushing through their demands on issues related to immigration.

An approximation problem in computing electoral volatility

This paper is focused on an approximation problem which often arises when volatility is computed from electoral databases. Volatility is a key dimension in studies on electoral change or stability in party systems [M.N. Pedersen, The dynamics of European party systems: changing patterns of electoral volatility, European Journal of Political Research 7 (1979) 1–26]. Though the volatility formula offers no mathematical complexity, its application to real data often presents several problems. The present paper is inspired by the guidelines proposed by Bartolini and Mair [S. Bartolini, P. Mair, Identity, Competition and Electoral Availability: The Stabilization of European Electorates 1885–1985, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1990] for the approximation problem of volatility. Once a general formulation for this problem is provided, Bartolini and Mair’s (BM) approach is justified through the analysis of its approximation error. This leads to suggest a class of approximations of volatility whose errors are also analyzed. One of the goals of this paper is to prove that these new approximations are an improvement of the BM approximation. Finally, the performance analysis of the considered approximations is illustrated through examples with data.

The Cocoon of Power: Democratic Implications of Interinstitutional Agreements

Abstract: This article assesses Interinstitutional Agreements (IIAs) in terms of democratic theory. It starts from the premise that democratic rules as developed in the national context may be used as a yardstick for supranational governance as well. Thus, parliamentarisation of the Union is defined as an increase in democracy, although relating problems such as weak European party systems, low turnouts, and remoteness are not to be neglected. The article evaluates several case studies on IIAs in this vein and asks whether they strengthen the European Parliament or not, and why. It arrives at conclusions that allow for differentiation: empowerment of the European Parliament occurs in particular when authorisation to conclude an IIA stems from the Treaty or from the power that the European Parliament has in crucial fields such as the budget and is willing to use for this purpose. Success is, however, not guaranteed in every case, and is sometimes more symbolic than real. However, a democratic critique must also stress negative consequences of IIAs in terms of responsivity, accountability, and transparency.

Ethnic Identity and Party Competition. An Analysis of the Electoral Performance of Ethnoregionalist Parties in Western Europe

The study of ethnoregionalist parties, therefore, allows us to explore an aspect of the Western European party systems that is of primary importance but to which so far the academic literature has not paid due attention. Specifically, as it will be illustrated more thoroughly over the next few pages, the image that these parties are bound exclusively to their function as representatives of a peripheral ethnic minority is utterly inadequate, whichever way one defines it. A closer look at their recent evolution and programmes will show instead that ethnoregionalist parties are much more dynamic and ready, on many occasions, to review their collocation in the political space as well as objectives, short and long-term strategies. This results in frequent raids on political territories normally under the control of major parties and in the taking away of a portion of disaffected or disappointed voters, with varying degrees of success. In other words, we will show that ethnoregionalist parties act (at least in specific cases, at specific moments) as protest or challenging parties as they provide an alternative to the traditional established ones.

Competition and Coalescence in European Party Systems: Social Democracy and Christian Democracy Moving into the 21st Century

Party systems in Europe have been in transition since the 1990s. New parties have emerged and appear more successful in gaining representation in parliament and government than before. Conversely the established party families in many postwar West European party systems - Social Democracy and Christian Democracy in particular - seem to have lost ground. We argue that an ideological convergence is developing between these two party families towards the ‘centre of gravity’ of their respective party systems. This may help to explain why ‘new’ parties of the Left and the Right have competed more successfully since the 1990s: they have bypassed Social and Christian Democratic parties in terms of both Left/Right and Progressive/Conservative dimensions and differences. These developments are explored by analysing party programmes. It appears that many Social and Christian Democratic parties are indeed often moving closer to each other. In fact, we conclude that being in the centre of a party system or in government is hardly an electoral asset any more in most West European polities.

Populism and National Identity

Populism became a signi! cant factor of political debates in Eastern and Western countries of the EU and a new force in European party systems in the nineties. The frame for the discussion on populism is made by the representative form of democracy and responding to it dual system of media of communication. The popularity of populist parties and movements nowadays reflects the crisis of representative democracy. It is accompanied by the growing role of media in politics, which might be seen as the result of citizens’ dissatisfaction with the existing models of intermediation. The media also play a crucial role in the process of identity creation, at the same moment they illustrate the dificulty of defining identity anew.

Federalism and the European party system

Applying a framework from comparative federalism to the European party system requires examining the ways in which the European and national party systems are linked, through congruent or incongruent party system structures and through party organizations that either integrate or separate the two arenas of political competition. The European party system exhibits two forms of incongruence. The first is a high degree of party strength in some national party systems for parties that lie outside the ideological range of the core party families in the European Parliament. The second is the emergence of parties that compete only in European parliamentary elections on European issues, signalling the politicization of a European integration cleavage.

Russian parties and the political internet

Russian parties and the political internet

Old and New Divisions in Polish Politics: Polish Parties' Electoral Strategies and Bases of Support

This article attempts to shed light on the evolving Polish party system and the changing relationship between Polish parties and their voters. It examines both party electoral strategies (whom they were trying to get to vote for them) and their bases of support and electoral profile (who actually voted for them). The focus is on the six parties and groupings that secured parliamentary representation following the September 2001 election: the SLD-UP coalition, PO, Samoobrona, PiS, the PSL and LPR. The article argues that there appears to be one large truly 'catch-all' political grouping on the centre-left, the SLD-UP coalition, that is able to win over a substantial number of voters in virtually every segment of the electorate, including those previously considered 'out of bounds'. There are also two right-wing groupings, the PiS and LPR, with very similar, fairly heterogeneous (and in some ways broadly complementary) socio-economic electoral profiles and electorates that appear to be more ideologically rooted, although this is somewhat clearer in the case of the LPR. At the same time there are three groupings with somewhat more clearly defined socio-economic electoral profiles: the liberal PO, which appears to have basically taken over from the UW, and the agrarian-populist Samoobrona and the PSL, which appeal to similar rural-agrarian electorates. The article also argues that there is clearly some evidence of the old political divisions based on attitudes towards the past and moral-cultural issues giving way to voting based on socio-economic class, as some commentators predicted that they would, but that the extent of this should not be overstated. The old divisions are still there, if only in terms of defining the 'core' left and right electorates. Rather than socio-economic class or interest-based voting (which traditionally structured West European party systems), there appears to be a movement towards a pattern of party competition based on what might be termed 'valence' issues associated with competence and an ability to achieve shared objectives and goals.

In Defence of Sartori

In a recent re-evaluation of developments in European party systems, Paul Pennings has criticized Sartori for inaccurately predicting trends in party competition in his original typology, particularly as evidenced by indicators such as ideological polarization, electoral volatility and systemic stability. In this article I argue that many of these criticisms are unfounded as, firstly, they misinterpret Sartori's assumptions and predictions; and secondly, they employ invalid indicators to measure such party system traits. Furthermore, whilst the polarized pluralist type in particular needs clarification in many respects, focusing on voter preference distributions reveals that the fundamental arguments about the direction of competition are correct. I conclude that if a better understanding of contemporary party systems is to be reached, greater attention needs to be given to electoral demand and its interaction with party supply whilst retaining the principal features of Sartori's model.

The Influence of Romanian Campaign Finance Laws on Party System Development and Corruption

While East European party systems have received considerable attention, little research has been conducted on the influence of campaign finance laws on party system development. It is surprising that this issue receives such little attention given the widespread use of these laws in East Europe and that the requirements and especially the enforcement mechanisms of these laws have an influence on corruption. This article examines the logic behind public campaign financing and its implementation in Romania. The first section of the article explores the rationale behind party campaign finance, notes some of the criticisms of state campaign subsidies and addresses how party campaign finance generally influences the party system. The second section examines the Romanian campaign finance system and addresses how party campaign finance has influenced the development of parties, the party system and corruption.

The politics of opposition and European integration in Scandinavia: Is Euro‐scepticism a government‐opposition dynamic?

Scandinavian party competition has incorporated divisions over European integration to a greater degree than most West European party systems, but with considerable variation in Norway, Sweden and Denmark. From a comparative politics perspective this raises questions about the relatively high salience of Euro‐scepticism in Scandinavian politics, the differences between the three cases and changes over time. The central argument in this article is that Europeanisation of party politics ‐ the translation of issues related to European integration into domestic party politics ‐ is driven by the dynamics of long‐ and short‐term government‐opposition competition, and the key driver of change is party strategy. Whether at the centre or extremes of the party system, Euro‐scepticism is a product of party competition — and is, both in its origins and development, ‘the politics of opposition ‘.

‘Small Steps’ or ‘Great Leaps’: How the Swedish Greens Are Learning the Lessons of Government Participation

As Green parties have solidified their positions within the Western European party systems, they have increasingly faced opportunities and pressures to participate in government at varying levels. This has raised significant questions regarding both how the Greens should progress strategically in relation to other longstanding political parties and also whether participation in government represents a process of ‘institutionalisation’ and a loss of the Greens’‘new politics’ credentials. This paper examines the strategic changes and developments within the Swedish Green Party (Miljöpartiet de Gröna) as it has come to terms with opportunities to participate in government. It argues that the decisions within the party have reflected not only internal ideological debates, but also external pressures and opportunities. It also demonstrates that the experiences of the party at local and municipal levels have played a major role in encouraging the national party to consider negotiating with other parties. The paper attempts to draw lessons from the experiences of the Swedish Greens which may prove useful in trying to comprehend the future challenges and pressures facing the continued development of Europe’s Green parties.

Evolving or conforming? Assessing organisational reform within European green parties

This article provides a comparative analysis of organisational change within three European Green parties. By utilising an adaptation of Harmel and Janda's party change model, the author identifies the key factors impacting upon processes of organisational change within the Greens. It is argued that these changes reflect a process of evolution within the Green parties during which they have attempted to maintain a commitment to key ‘green ‘ goals and objectives whilst also seeking to become effective competitors within European party systems.

Electoral Volatility in Brazil

The study of electoral stability or volatility in Latin America calls attention to profound differences between most Latin American party systems, which are quite volatile, and West European party systems, which remain comparatively stable notwithstanding a trend toward greater volatility in recent decades. The examination of Latin American party systems poses interesting questions about why they differ so markedly from West European systems along this important dimension and what the consequences are for democracy. This paper focuses on volatility in one country, Brazil, in order to examine these issues. I make four arguments: that the Brazilian party system was moderately volatile during Brazil's first democracy (1946-64); that the party system has been highly volatile since 1982; that Brazil's volatility is much higher than that in the advanced industrial democracies; and finally, that the high volatility of the post-1985 period was caused by a combination of structural and institutional factors inimical to strong ties between citizens, political elites and parties, and further boosted by the dismal economic results of 1987-94.