Federal Europe Research Articles

Perroux's 1949 Note sur la Politique Économique du Fédéralisme

L'Europe sans rivages, published in 1954 mostly as a reaction against Monnet's idea of functional Europe, is considered Perroux's most relevant (critical) contribution to European integration. Its final section contains critiques to unionism, functionalism, and federalism. His skepticism towards a functional strategy towards a federal Europe, though, was dependent upon the specific attitude of the most renown (especially French) federalist intellectuals to build a supranational actor that might become, in Perroux's eyes, protectionist and inward-looking, thus jeopardizing the perspectives for a genuine world integration. Perroux's book was allegedly targeting the Coal and Steel Community established in 1951 and the process towards a European Defense Community that, although unanimously agreed upon, would soon be failing the ratification process. An unpublished typewritten Note on the Economic Policy of Federalism dated February 9th, 1949, addressed to Alexander Marc (Secretary General of the Union of European Federalists) challenges this interpretation, and helps understanding that Perroux had been working on these arguments much earlier. Together with a letter that Perroux sent at the end of 1949 to Ambassador Eirik Labonne and Jacques Racine (both reproduced at the end), such archival material further highlights the role that federalism played in Perroux's reflection on the economics of dominance.

OA19 Self-reported prevalence and impact of clinical signs, symptoms and events in adults with osteogenesis imperfecta

OA19 Self-reported prevalence and impact of clinical signs, symptoms and events in adults with osteogenesis imperfecta

All Roads Lead to Rome? Pope Pius XII and Non-Confessional Internationalism During and After the Second World War (1944–1948)

Religion is the great absentee in the history of internationalism. Earlier studies have begun to highlight the critical role played by religious internationalism in the making of the modern world, but the relations between non-confessional internationalism and religious actors have, to date, been completely overlooked. This article explores the relationship between non-confessional internationalism and Catholicism, with the intention of enriching both the history of internationalism and that of Catholicism in the twentieth century. Specifically, it focuses on the relationship between a number of non-confessional internationalist actors – from the Paneuropean Union and other world and European federalist movements to war refugees – and Pope Pius XII, between 1944 and 1948. Based on the recently opened Vatican archives, the following pages address three fundamental issues: (1) What did the Pope represent in the internationalist imagination? (2) Why did non-confessional internationalists seek contact with him? (3) How did the Pope respond to the requests for support that he received? As a whole, the requests for support examined in this paper clearly show the centrality of Pius XII in the imagination – and strategies – of non-confessional internationalism in the 1940s, including popular internationalism. Between 1944 and 1948, all roads really seemed to lead to Rome.

Nationalist Tendencies in the Foreign Policy of Central European States on the Example of Poland and Hungary. Implementation of the Idea of a Sovereign State

Central Europe is associated with several cultural, economic, and geopolitical processes undergoing considerable intensification in the 21st century. The emergence of nationalist sentiment in this region of the continent coincides with it. This is particularly evident in countries politically dominated by radical right-wing ruling parties (e.g., Poland, Hungary), aiming to reshape the EU, opposing the system of liberal democracy in favor of social solidarity and a Europe of Homelands, rejecting the concepts of a federal Europe, and supporting the idea of national sovereignty. These concepts are taken up by conservative formations of a populist nature, which explain their activities with Eurorealism. The consequence of this policy is the emergence of new visions of Central Europe and the desire to increase the region’s role in international relations. An essential role in these processes is played by the politics of memory preferred by the ruling regimes.

Corporate tax reform in the European Union: are the stars finally aligned?

Abstract Are the stars finally aligned as far as corporate tax reform in the European Union (EU) is concerned? Tax reform in the EU has always been a contentious issue, as taxation was always considered one of the last bastions of national sovereignty. This article examines whether this is still the case or whether, in light of recent initiatives and proposals in this area, conditions are now ripe for comprehensive reform. The article begins by reviewing the historical trajectory of EU corporate tax law. It is shown that whilst early harmonization proposals were very ambitious, the overall constitutional set-up and the fiscal veto were not conducive to comprehensive reform. What followed these early initiatives was an era of pragmatism and slow progress, which, nevertheless, laid the foundations for important developments. Apart from the ad hoc legislative tax instruments that were agreed upon in the last 30 years to further the internal market and remove obstacles to cross-border movement, this article focused on the Commission’s ongoing work on a common tax base and consolidation, as well as other recent legislative initiatives such as the now enacted Directive on a Minimum Effective Tax Rate and the Unshell proposal. In light of these crucial developments, with all their strengths and weaknesses, it is argued that what was once considered as far too ambitious a proposal indicative of a federal Europe, now has high chances of materializing in the context of the BEFIT initiative (Business in Europe: Framework for Income Taxation). This is to be welcomed, as it is the next organic step to take in the process of EU integration. Whilst the stars may not yet be fully aligned, it is argued that what is needed at this point in time, is a change of mindset and a realization that Member States’ tax sovereignty has long been eroded.

Depicting European federalists in fiction: Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi in Bernhard Setzwein’s Der böhmische Samurai (2017) and Heinrich Mann in Colm Tóibín’s The Magician (2021)

This article analyses the representation of Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi in Bernhard Setzwein’s Der böhmische Samurai (2017) and Heinrich Mann in Colm Tóibín’s The Magician (2021). This discussion is situated in a number of wider contexts, including literary European Studies within German and Irish Literary Studies; existing representations of European federalists/Europeanists; the actual European thought of Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi and Heinrich Mann; and the oeuvre of the novelists Bernhard Setzwein and Colm Tóibín. It is argued that the representation of European federalists in recent novels enables us to analyse common attitudes and understandings of Europe and Europeanness in the current environment of Euroscepticism, self-questioning, and self-doubt at the institutional as well as constituent levels. It is also argued that the European federalists Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi and Heinrich Mann are represented as European cosmopolitans: Both are depicted as existing within a wide variety of transnational links, as remaining deeply sceptical of nationalism, especially in its violent form, and as arguing for the extension of the space of the political, beyond the national. Their depiction is, thus, of intellectual figures who laid some of the ideational groundwork for the creation of later European institutions, undertaking this reflective task from the perspective of an idealistic, pacifist and deeply democratic cosmopolitanism.

„In Vielfalt geeint“ – eine „Ode an die Quadratur des Kreises“

The former Italian Prime Minister Alcide De Gasperi was one of the great architects of European integration. His commitment after the Second World War to German-Italian friendship, the Coal and Steel Community and the idea of a federal Europe will be traced here. The motto of the European Union "united in diversity" will serve as the leitmotif of the observations, thereby examining its current significance in more detail.

European Press – Press Organ of the Central European Federal Youth Movement and the Central European Federalists

European Press was a periodical coming out in the years 1951–1980, published by the Central European Federal Youth Movement (since 1959 the Central European Federalists). It was an organisation of federalists-emigrants from Central European countries who considered it necessary to establish a Central European federation. Such a federation was supposed to be a way to improve the development of Central European countries and also a method to free them from the yoke of communists. European Press was a press organ which propagated this idea. The information contained in the journal remains valid today, especially in relation to the ideological layer of European integration and its political and social foundations.

“O.I. Wish Orthopaedic Surgeons Had Better Strategies to Help with …” Results of a Patient- and Parent-Based Survey

Purpose: Osteogenesis Imperfecta (OI) is a rare genetic disorder caused by a mutation in type I collagen, characterized by bone fragility and deformity. Current treatment methods aim to decrease fracture rates and improve bone density and mobility. Recent orthopaedic surgery research has focused primarily on fracture fixation and outcomes of intramedullary rodding procedures. While surgical techniques continue to evolve, recent trends are focusing on patient-reported outcomes measures (PROMs). Methods: The authors created a 12-question survey in conjunction with the OI Foundation (OIF). The survey was titled, “O.I. Wish Orthopaedic Surgeons Had Better Strategies to Help with . . .” and sought to gather information regarding the aspects of orthopaedic care OI patients and families would most like to see improved. The survey was electronically administrated to members of the OIF and the OI Federation Europe (OIFE). 341 individuals completed the survey. The final question of the survey indicated, “Please include any comments you would like to pass along.” To report on the responses for this question, the answers were grouped into themes. Results: Many of the survey questions we asked were related to childhood orthopaedic surgical interventions. However, 75% of the respondents who answered the age question (254/335) were adults. Regarding surgical intervention for long bones, 16% of respondents recall that they have been told that they could not have surgery because they were too young. Of the 16%, 37.8% were told that <5 years was too young, 13.4% <4 years was too young, and 48.8% <3 years of age was too young for surgical intervention for fractures or deformity. Nearly 22% of respondents were told that their bones were too small to have intramedullary fixation. For the free text response, the most frequent comments were to focus future research on OI adults (14.9%), focus on pain management (11.8%), and focus on improving rodding surgery techniques (11.3%). Conclusion: The information collected helps reveal trends of the typical orthopaedic advice patients and families with OI are receiving. The patient and family responses help elucidate the topics requiring focus for the improvement of OI orthopaedic care. Patient concerns and insights most powerfully drive the research questions we should ask to advance the orthopaedic care of OI patients. Significance: This survey highlights variability in OI treatment for patients of all ages. The responses guide future OI research with a focus on patient-reported areas for improvement of care.

The European Union and diminished state sovereignty

ABSTRACT In A Republican Europe of States, Richard Bellamy embraces neither the anti-internationalism of the sovereign statist, not the unbounded trust in international institutions of the European federalists. He proposes instead a model for the European union he calls ‘republican intergovernmentalism.’ This model seeks to preserve internal state sovereignty while arguing that mutually agreed rules for regulating external sovereignty are necessary and beneficial. I argue instead that creating a supranational structure like the European Union cannot be accomplished without a reduction in the internal sovereign authority of member states. This a potentially legitimate reduction of sovereign authority for states, but a reduction nonetheless. The most important consequence of the conceptual claim that state sovereignty is diminished is that the delegation of authority to supranational institutions which has this cost ought to be publicly discussed and negotiated at the national level in member states to avoid misunderstandings and backlash against the legitimate authority of the EU.

Against Great Russian Imperialism

Russia is waging war against Ukraine with the aim of destroying it as an independent state and Russifying Ukrainians. The Putin regime is thus following in the tradition of Russian and Soviet imperialism. In 1977, the Polish exile magazine Kultura published a “Declaration on the Ukrainian Cause”. It was an appeal to international public opinion to support Ukrainians and other nations in Eastern Europe in their efforts to gain independence and to work together to create a free, federal Europe. The warnings, positions, and visions contained within this declaration are of unexpected topicality. They form the intellectual basis of the broad support found in Poland for the Ukrainians’ struggle to defend their right to self-determination and freedom.

Peuples et Frontières: a Europeanist Journal against the Europe of the Treaties (1936-1939)

From 1919 some voices were raised in Brittany to claim the right of the Breton people to dispose of themselves. Grouped around the newspaper Breiz Atao, a team of young activists pretends to lead Brittany to autonomy within the framework of a federal Europe, even to independence, which requires a redrawing of borders. Very quickly it was the Europe of the Treaties which was criticized, in a logic of rapprochement with other regional nationalisms, and with Germany, some nationals of which stirred up local claims. This Breton and European activism finds its most complete expression in two reviews: the Bulletin des minorités nationales en France, created in 1936, and quickly renamed Peuples et Frontières (Peoples and Borders). Why and how did a few Breton activists without an audience pretend to get involved in European geopolitics? What interest did their journal defend? After being disappointed by Panceltism, these Breton nationalists first turned to the oppressed minorities of France, who gathered in 1927 in a committee without a future. The federalism promoted by this committee finds new life in the Bulletin des minorités nationales en France, which soon spread to Europe under the name Peuples et Frontières, in accordance with the wishes of some German activists, including Gerhard von Tevenar. Consequently, the review defends German interests in Central Europe, since asking for the revision of the Treaties would make it possible to defend Breton interests in France. Largely, this monthly was moderated by Yann Fouéré, whose network extended to central Europe, that was considered as a laboratory.

A roadmap to surgery in osteogenesis imperfecta: results of an international collaboration of patient organizations and interdisciplinary care teams

Background and purpose — Involvement of patient organizations is steadily increasing in guidelines for treatment of various diseases and conditions for better care from the patient’s viewpoint and better comparability of outcomes. For this reason, the Osteogenesis Imperfecta Federation Europe and the Care4BrittleBones Foundation convened an interdisciplinary task force of 3 members from patient organizations and 12 healthcare professionals from recognized centers for interdisciplinary care for children and adults with osteogenesis imperfecta (OI) to develop guidelines for a basic roadmap to surgery in OI. Methods — All information from 9 telephone conferences, expert consultations, and face-to-face meetings during the International Conference for Quality of Life for Osteogenesis Imperfecta 2019 was used by the task force to define themes and associated recommendations. Results — Consensus on recommendations was reached within 4 themes: the interdisciplinary approach, the surgical decision-making conversation, surgical technique guidelines for OI, and the feedback loop after surgery. Interpretation — The basic guidelines of this roadmap for the interdisciplinary approach to surgical care in children and adults with OI is expected to improve standardization of clinical practice and comparability of outcomes across treatment centers.

The New European Parties without Registration in the EU

This article presents an analysis of the activities of ten new European parties that do not yet have official registration in the European Union: the Europe-Democracy-Esperanto, the New Europeans, European Party of Individual Freedoms, the European Pirate Party, the European Party for Animal Rights, the European Federalist Party, Volt Europe, the Movement for Democracy in Europe 2025, and Now the People, which have appeared on the European political arena in the last 15-20 years, do not yet have official recognition, Nevertheless, their representatives participate in pan-European and national elections, sometimes quite successfully. A brief historical overview of the emergence and formation of each of these parties is given, their ideological platforms and membership base are presented. The results of their participation in the European elections are considered and it is noted with which factions of European parties in the European Parliament the MEPs elected from these parties cooperate. In conclusion, an analysis of the future prospects for the development of these parties is presented.

Berlin Rules: Europe and the German Way by Paul Lever

Reviewed by: Berlin Rules: Europe and the German Way by Paul Lever Randall E. Newnham Berlin Rules: Europe and the German Way. By Paul Lever. London: I.B. Tauris, 2018. Pp. xiv + 274. Paper $15.95. ISBN 978-1788314138. The premise of this book by the former British Ambassador to Germany is clear from its title: Germany is in charge of the European Union and thus clearly the dominant power in Europe. Is this merely an alarmist argument? There are, after all, those in Britain whose views about Germany seem to be frozen in 1940, when the heroic RAF fended off waves of Nazi bombers. Lever strives to be seen as more thoughtful, as one would expect from an author with many years of experience with Germany, including as British Ambassador to that country in 1997–2003. Lever has written a comprehensive book on Germany's role in the EU in recent years. It focuses first on Germany's economic strength, then turns to the views on federalism held by successive governments, and finally to German history. In these chapters, Lever argues convincingly that German support for the EU is strengthened by two factors. First, Germany itself is federal, so a federal Europe seems familiar and nonthreatening to German leaders. Second, Germany's negative view of its own history makes it more willing than some other states (notably Britain) to leave national history behind and embark on a pan-European project: "As Germans they [End Page 440] are constantly reminded of their past. As Europeans they can escape from it" (122). Lever next focuses on Germany's relations with its major European partners, especially France and Poland. Finally, he addresses the EU's progress toward greater unity and the possibility of an EU army. All of this seems initially to be part of a reasonable discussion of Germany's place in Europe. Indeed, Lever is not entirely negative about what he sees as Germany's leading role. He argues that Germans are safely democratic and that their current influence is much closer to the ideas of "soft power" than the "hard" power exercised by Germany before 1945. For example, when discussing Germany's leading role in the EU, Lever notes that this role is rooted in ideas, not threats. When Volker Kauder of the CDU famously said in 2011: "Jetzt auf einmal wird in Europa deutsch gesprochen," he did not mean this literally (1). He meant that Germany's ideas now seemed to be widely shared in the EU. In Lever's view, the size of the German economy and its large role within the European Commission and Parliament enable Berlin to be "first among equals" in EU decision-making: "others may propose," he writes, "but in the end it is the German government which will decide" (viii). Nevertheless, Lever clearly still sees this situation as a serious threat, and this gives his work a very polemical cast. His book is dominated by bottomless cynicism about both Germany and the EU. Lever seems utterly convinced that European politics is a zero-sum, state-centered game, where clashing state interests are the only explanation for EU policy. The EU has little or no independent worth, in his view. German and EU leaders are regarded as hypocrites, who preach unity and common values while promoting a purely self-centered agenda. As Lever puts it: "Is there anything more to Germany's leadership of the EU than a simple wish to get results which are good for Germany? German politicians like to pretend that there is. They pontificate about the need for a so-called 'political union'" (27). Lever does not think it possible that Germans can sincerely believe in the EU as a project. Similarly, he does not think that they have any real interest in the environment or social rules of the EU. Lever claims that "they use lofty European rhetoric about social progress and environmental stewardship, [but] in reality they want to ensure that Germany's competitors are not able to benefit from laxer rules than apply in Germany itself" (187). Indeed, he claims that Germany's entire economic model is based on the premise that "It is not enough...

“Soft Power” as a Political Instrument of the European Union (1990s – 2020s)

"Soft power" is the ability to change someone else's values, ideas, interests. Successful use of soft power leads to a change in attitudes and behavior. "Soft power" can be seen as managing the mass consciousness by indirect means that do not encounter conscious resistance. "Soft power" resources belong to civil society networks. Following the British referendum on June 23, 2016, the EU's global power of influence diminished. Traditionally, the European Union is seen as a stable center of material wealth, high social status, social optimism and justice, spiritual and physical comfort. However, as a rule, they forget about the fact that there is no permanent dependence between subjective well-being and changes in economic conditions of life. Until now, European optimists are pushing European integration as the only effective answer to the challenges of globalization, while European pessimists have said that federal Europe would be too centralized, inflexible and wasteful. The European Union is not so much a generator of European peace, as its result. The EU has emerged as a unique conglomerate of democratic states. This is not a federation or collective bargaining agreement, and it is not a classic nation-state, and most importantly not an empire with a metropolis at its center. It is an experimental form of peace-based integration as a norm. Instead, the empire is usually a centralized militarized state, the possession of which is a conglomerate of national territories of subjugated peoples. The EU is a social institution that implements collective action based on democratic approval and consent to their adoption. Despite governance weaknesses, the EU remains an important layer of capital regulation in the face of three global crises: the financial, environmental and security crises

ПОЛІТИЧНА СИСТЕМА ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО СОЮЗУ ПІСЛЯ ВИБОРІВ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО ПАРЛАМЕНТУ 2019 РОКУ

The politics of the European Union are different from other organizations and states due to the unique nature of the EU. The common institutions mix the intergovernmental and supranational aspects of the EU. The EU treaties declare the EU to be based on representative democracy and direct elections take place to the European Parliament. The Parliament, together with the European Council, works for the legislative arm of the EU. The Council is composed of national governments thus representing the intergovernmental nature of the European Union. The central theme of this research is the influence of the European Union Political system the Results of May 2019 European Parliament Election. The EU supranational legislature plays an important role as a producer of legal norms in the process of European integration and parliamentary scrutiny of the activities of the EU executive. The European Parliament, as a representative institution of the European Union, helps to overcome the stereotypical notions of a “Brussels bureaucracy” that limits the sovereignty of EU member states. The European Parliament is a political field of interaction between European optimists and European skeptics. The new composition of the European Parliament presents political forces focused on a different vision of the strategy and tactics of the European integration process. European federalists in the “European People’s Party” and “European Socialists and Democrats” consider the strategic prospect of creating a confederate “United States of Europe”. The Brexit withdrawal from the EU could help the federalists win over European skeptics. Critics of the supranational project of European integration do not have a majority in the new composition of the European Parliament. But they are widely represented in many national parliaments of EU Member States. The conflicting interaction between European liberals and far-right populists is the political backdrop for much debate in the European Parliament. The result of this process is the medium term development vector of the European Union.

The uncomfortable history of Britain in Europe

AbstractWhy an increasingly federal Europe has never been right for the UK

A Federal Spain in a Federal Europe

A Federal Spain in a Federal Europe

World and European Federalist Movements: Building a Closer Cooperation to Achieve a Common Goal

World and European Federalist Movements: Building a Closer Cooperation to Achieve a Common Goal