European Diplomacy Research Articles

RISORGIMENTO'S ECHOES IN THE SOUTHWESTERN KRAI DURING THE 1860s IN THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE

The article emphasises that during the nineteenth century, the processes of the rise of national movements in Europe, which led to large-scale transformations in international relations, were reflected in the territory of Dnipro Ukraine, and of particular interest is their impact on the public life of Kyiv, Podillia and Volyn provinces, where the Polish socio-cultural presence was traditionally significant. After the November Uprising of 1830-1831, Polish political emigration influenced the formation of Polonophile sentiments in Europe and the actualisation of the Polish question in the activities of European diplomacy, parliaments, and press. The echoes of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth's noble democracy were embodied in the Polish national liberation struggle, the uprisings against Russian autocracy in 1830-1831 and 1863-1864, the role of Polish emigrants in the socio-political processes of Western European and Balkan countries, and, above all, in the events of “the Springtime of Nations” of 1848-1849. The study of the documents of the Office of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General at the Central State Historical Archives of Ukraine in Kyiv, which were first introduced to scientific circulation, sheds light on the rise of patriotic sentiments and resistance to Russian autocracy among the local Polish population against the background of intensification of national liberation movements in Europe during the nineteenth century, the emergence of new states on the political map – Greece (1830), Belgium (1830), Romania (1861), completion of the unification of Italy (1871) and creation of the German Empire (1871), and the state and legal transformation of the Austrian (since 1867 – Austro-Hungarian) monarchy. First of all, it is about the influence of information about the events of the Risorgimento and the related intensification of Polish emigration in Europe on the public life of the Southwestern region of the Russian Empire in the 1860s. The unification of Italy was a significant process in the context of the dismantling of the Vienna system of international relations that was initiated by the results of the Eastern War of 1853-1856. In general, it was about a set of international political processes and phenomena that influenced the balance of power on the continent. Italy's geopolitical position determined its key role in the struggle of the great European powers for control over the Mediterranean, powerful military, trade and economic leverage at the intersection of strategically important sea routes between the West and the East.

European diplomats in the MENA region: a two-sided sense of disillusionment

ABSTRACT The ‘Arab Spring’ posed major emotional challenges to European diplomats. Sympathies for the demonstrators’ open embrace of European norms and values merged with discomfort about incalculable consequences following the former rulers’ eventual fall. Focusing on Egypt, this contribution analyses how European diplomats reacted to Hosni Mubarak’s ouster and the following developments. With their reminiscences to Europe’s own history and the European Union’s (EU) self-perception as ‘force for good’, a two-sided sense of disillusionment grew among European representatives: about the regime’s eventual unwillingness to reform, and about their own incapacity to meaningfully support change. Based on extensive research in Cairo and Brussels, this article analyses the emotions that escorted the actions of officials from the EU and its member states in Egypt. From a multi-level perspective, it considers activities by the EU Delegation to Egypt and EU member states’ embassies in Cairo, plus initiatives coming from Brussels.

Austen Chamberlain and the Locarno Treaties revisited

ABSTRACT The approaching centenary of the Locarno conference in October 1925 provides a convenient reason to re-evaluate the significance of the treaties that emerged from it. Often styled as the ‘real’ peace settlement at the end of the First World War, the treaties of Locarno collectively represent one of the most important attempts to ensure lasting peace in Europe in the first half of the twentieth century. Central to the treaties’ reputation as the ‘real’ peace settlement is their role in rehabilitating Germany’s Great Powers status after the humiliation suffered at the Paris Peace Conference six years earlier. The Locarno agreements have been seen as one of the rare highpoints in post-First World War Western European diplomacy. They were viewed by contemporaries as a real diplomatic breakthrough that would allow finally for the ghosts of the enmities that had caused the First World War to be laid to rest, although subsequent generations of scholars have been much more critical about what the agreements achieved in the long-term. This article focuses on the contribution made to the conference by the head of the British delegation, the Foreign Secretary, Sir Austen Chamberlain. It re-examines his diplomatic priorities, especially his reputation as a Francophile. Its central thesis is that Chamberlain himself can be seen to embody the essential reasons why the Locarno agreements were heralded as a success at the time of their conclusion, but less so with the perspective of hindsight. The treaties contained within them two opposing diplomatic forces. On the one hand, the remnants of the pre-war national state system, with its emphasis on diplomatic self-interest, secret, private negotiations, versus the so-called ‘new’ diplomacy: international, open, democratic and accountable. This rendered most of the European diplomatic problems in the post-First World War era intractable; indeed that they were incapable of resolution by anyone. Chamberlain’s entire engagement with the western European security question during the mid-1920s can be seen as evidence not only of those tensions but of the futility of trying to resolve them.

Staging Sovereignty: Ephemeral Architecture and the Entry of Maria Teresa Rafaela into France, 1745

Abstract This article examines the architectural dimensions of the remise, a courtly ceremony that marked the moment when a royal bride departed her homeland to be given into her new husband’s possession. Staged in frontier zones, this ritual was often facilitated by ephemeral structures such as bridges and pavilions that, as part of their ritual function, marked out firm boundaries where none existed before. This study focuses on the remise staged in 1745 on a disputed island, the Isle of Pheasants, for the marriage of Princess Maria Teresa Rafaela of Spain to the French dauphin Louis-Ferdinand. Using state papers, contracts, and ceremonial texts, the article reconstructs the ephemeral spaces in which the handover was transacted. In doing so, this study reveals both the architectural stage management of the Franco-Spanish relationship and, more broadly, the spatial and ritual practices that undergirded early modern European diplomacy.

The Economic, Social, and Religious Activities of European Diplomats in Egypt During the Era of Mohamed Ali Pasha

The Economic, Social, and Religious Activities of European Diplomats in Egypt During the Era of Mohamed Ali Pasha

External Factors’ Influence on Course of the April 25, 1974 Revolution in Portugal

The article examines the Portuguese Revolution of 1974 from 1974 to 1976, focusing on the influence of external forces. The analysis extensively utilizes documentary materials published by the U.S. State Department during the period under consideration, as well as memoirs by Portuguese and foreign authors. The study explores the process of shaping the United States' new foreign policy towards Portugal after the revolution, comparing American and European approaches to the events in Portugal. The role of the USSR and other socialist countries is also examined. The research findings indicate that the revolution caught the American leadership off guard. Initially, the U.S. response was restrained, but their attitude changed after members of the Communist Party joined the government. The U.S. adopted a policy of exerting political and economic pressure on the Portuguese leadership to exclude communists from the government, supporting all opposition left-wing parties, and exploiting divisions within left-wing forces. The Soviet Union provided relatively modest support to Portuguese communists, while socialist bloc countries showed significantly greater involvement and enthusiasm. U.S. allies in Europe took more moderate positions. European diplomacy made significant efforts to avoid direct confrontation between the U.S. and the USSR, with the greatest challenge being to prevent the U.S. from demonstrating its power on the European continent.

“The Spanish Adventurer”: Ottoman Surveillance of Aladro Kastrioti, the Pretender for the Albanian Throne

This article delves into the intriguing case of Juan Pedro Antonio Aladro, a Spanish individual whose claims of being rightful heir to the throne of Albania captivated European newspapers in 1902. Through an analysis of historical sources and contemporaneous newspaper articles, this paper explores Aladro’s background, his alleged aristocratic connections, and his self-proclaimed lineage as a descendant of George Kastrioti Skanderbeg. This work investigates the response from the Ottoman Empire, specifically the surveillance conducted by the Ottoman Foreign Ministry in light of Aladro’s claims, and highlights the dismissive view the ministry held towards Aladro’s ambitions, characterizing him as an adventurer driven by personal gain rather than as a credible contender for the Albanian throne. The Ottoman authorities closely monitored Aladro’s movements, from his travels to Corfu where he held meetings with associates to his subsequent journey to Naples, which created a state of uncertainty regarding his exact whereabouts. By examining historical records and newspaper accounts, this article attempts to shed light on the perception of Aladro and the broader context of the Albanian situation at the time. It also explores the intricate interplay between European diplomacy and Aladro’s quest for an independent Albania, as well as the skepticism foreign powers expressed towards his claims.

“I ask Your Excellency most humbly to pardon me for writing in a foreign language”: French in Russian and Swedish internal diplomatic correspondence, c. 1720s-1740s

To fully comprehend the rise of French as a “professional” language within European diplomacy in the century following the Peace of Westphalia, a comprehensive examination of diplomatic communications, both external and internal, is necessary. The essay explores the role of French in internal diplomatic correspondence, a topic far less studied than the language’s role in external exchanges. By comparing sources from Russian and Swedish archives, dating roughly from the time frame between the 1720s and the 1740s, we highlight the various reasons why French was used alongside the domestic languages: on the one hand, for a range of pragmatic reasons connected to the francophone working milieus of diplomats; on the other, there was a need for an informal language choice enabling diplomats to code-switch between Russian/Swedish and French. In the latter case, French was used to distinguish different contents or different levels of formality. This internal use of French, we argue, should be distinguished from the use of French in external diplomatic correspondence, where it was progressively becoming a standard medium of diplomatic communication, replacing, not complementing, other languages.

Benjamin Franklin and the Poetics of the New Diplomacy

Abstract: This essay interprets the literary means Benjamin Franklin used in establishing a novel style of diplomatic representation. This style dispensed with much, but not all, of the ritual of what was then regarded as the old, European diplomacy in which diplomatic actors performed the dual role of representation, being both representative and representational; that is, as both spokespeople for, and emblems of, their national cause. Through them one is able to detect the interweaving of existing diplomatic standards and protocols in a self-consciously New World vocation with its own demands for recognition from the imperial center.

A Report to the Ottoman Court about the Russian Army and Navy in the 1730s–1740s.

Since the beginning of the 18th century contradictions in Russian-Turkish relations were becoming more acute; the number and intensity of military conflicts between the two states was noticeably increasing, and their results were becoming more and more unsuccessful for the Ottoman Empire. In this regard, the Sultan’s government preparing for combat operations, had a growing need for information about the state of the Russian troops. One of the channels for obtaining such information were European diplomats who sought to use the weakening Turkish military machine to promote political interests of their own countries. This article deals with the report acquired by the Ottomans, which had been compiled by Woldemar von Löwendahl, a European military commander, lieutenant general of the Russian army in 1735–1743, and later (1747) Marshal of France. The text of the report, which according to its title, had been received from a Swedish ambassador, was translated into Ottoman-Turkish and placed in the document miscellany presumably compiled by the 18th century Ottoman financial official Kesbî (d. after 1798). Kesbî, the author of the historiographical work “İbretnümâyı Devlet” (“Edification of the State”), was at one time engaged in the work connected with preparation for the Russian-Turkish war of 1768–1774. The analysis of the mentioned events and dates allowed us to assume that the document was translated into Ottoman-Turkish in 1763. By that time, its information had already lost relevance. However, it could still give the Ottoman military command the idea of the organization and actions of the Russian army and navy during the war of 1735–1739. From academic point of view, the text is interesting as a source on the history of Turkey’s international relations as well as on the history of the Russian armed forces. In addition, its very presence among Kesbî’s documents is important for describing the personality of this Ottoman official and historiographer.

We All Fall Down: The Dismantling of the Warsaw Pact and the End of the Cold War in Eastern Europe

Abstract Using new evidence from Czech, German, Hungarian, Polish, and Romanian archives, a reconstruction of Eastern European diplomacy at the end of the Cold War shows that it was not just the superpowers that shaped events during this pivotal period: the non-Soviet members of the Warsaw Pact also had agency. From 1989 to 1991, these states recognized that the world was changing and that their relationship with the Soviet Union, codified in the Warsaw Pact politico-military alliance, would impede their success in the post–Cold War world. Eastern European policymakers resolved to destroy the Warsaw Pact that bound them to the Soviet Union, and they decided to align with Western Europe. They also sought to exclude the Soviet Union from the European security architecture, including the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. They sought security and wanted to hedge against a hard-line takeover in the Soviet Union; but their primary aim was to reap the West's economic benefits.

Newspaper reports about the Polish uprising of 1863 in the perception of L.N. Tolstoy

During the Polish uprising of 1863, L.N. Tolstoy expressed a desire to go to war again, as is known from his letter to A.A. Fet dated May 1-3 and from S.A. Tolstoy's diary dated September 22, 1863. As a result, the very military-political context of 1863, in which this desire was formed, remained practically unexplored. It remained unclear which Polish or pan-European events could actualize Tolstoy's desire in May and September 1863, why this desire is now escalating, then, obviously, retreating. In this article we will fill this gap by recreating the foreign policy context of 1863 on the basis of newspaper reports about the Polish uprising in April-May and September. In the early 60s, the Polish uprising entailed the intervention of Western powers in the conflict. This led to a diplomatic struggle between the Russian Empire and the Western powers. The focus of our attention will be publications from the "Moscow Vedomosti" edited by M.N. Katkov, which Tolstoy most likely followed. The main method of research is comparative and cultural-historical. Using these methods, we analyze in detail what exactly happened in May and September 1863 in the theater of operations in Poland and in the diplomatic spheres of Europe. Recreating the international situation of that time, we will prove that Tolstoy's desire to "take the sword off the rusty nail", about which he wrote to Fet, arose at the most critical moments for European diplomacy, when a new war between Russia and a coalition of Western states (like the Patriotic or Crimean) seemed almost inevitable. And the disappearance of his desire is connected with the elimination of this military threat. This proves that at the time of the beginning of work on "War and Peace", the writer was still quite closely following the modern political agenda, although he refused to participate in the war, the thought of it did not pass without a trace and left an imprint on his artistic imagination. Tolstoy then offered the reader of War and Peace a generally peaceful view of relations between peoples.

Russian-Swedish Diplomatic Communication in the Petrine Era: The Chronicle of Language Choice

The languages of Russian-Swedish negotiations, congresses, and peace treaties of the reign of Peter I have rarely been mentioned in the works covering the history of Russian-Swedish relations or foreign policy, and they have never become the subject of special research. Based on a vast set of sources deposited in the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA), the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AVPRI), and the Swedish National Archives (Riksarkivet), the article provides an overview of major diplomatic events of the Russian-Swedish relations of 1718–1724, paying close attention to the language of negotiations, peace treaties, ratifications, and correspondence. At the time, when both sides used their national language, the traditional bilingualism of the Russian-Swedish diplomatic documents coexisted with the active use of the German language as a neutral one. More particularly, this was due to the lack of Swedish translators in Russia and the fact that both Russian and Swedish diplomats were of German descent or spoke German. However, the author argues that the use of German was not obvious and had limits, as languages of diplomacy retained their symbolic meaning. Traditionally, the formation of the Petrine diplomatic system is described as a departure from tradition, the inclusion of Russia into the eighteenth-century state system, and its adaptation to the diplomatic customs of European diplomacy. A review of the Russian-Swedish diplomatic language practices shows that each side employed its language, and Swedish diplomats refused outright to communicate with Russian authorities in German. The author assumes that studying early modern European diplomacy requires a micro-perspective and regional focus. This approach could be more productive for understanding the formation and functioning of early modern diplomacy than the traditional framework of Russian integration into the uniform European diplomatic system.

France’s Migration Policy under President E. Macron: A European Dimension

This article explores the current approach of France to the issue of regulating migration in the context of Emmanuel Macron’s European diplomacy. Today the French government believes that taking part in the elaboration of a common EU migration and asylum policy is a necessary addition to the measures at home, paying particular attention to this topic since 2017. On the basis of public speeches, international documents and the elements of comparative analysis, the article summarizes the main initiatives put forward by France at European level and the challenges they faced. It points out that a part of Emmanuel Macron’s proposals regarding the governance of the Schengen area and the strengthening of the external borders control was implemented to some extent (taking into account the buildup of border capacities or the establishment of the “Schengen Council”), even if these proposals did not fully correspond to his initial project. On the contrary, France’s bilateral relations with its major neighbors (Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom or Italy) demonstrated a generally controversial dynamics because the partnerships on migration issues clearly depended on the political parties in power. In this regard, Italy, with the pro-European periods quickly followed by sovereignist shifts, looks like a particularly illustrative example. Moreover, numerous steps proposed by Paris to deal with the migration fl ows outside Europe often lacked any details and common ground with the partners. This is particularly noticeable in the African direction where French eff orts, from settling regional confl icts to restoring dialogue with Maghreb countries, produced insuffi cient results. The article concludes that from 2017 to 2023, France continued to seek balance between “responsible” and “solidarity-based” approaches to migration policy at the European level, and this would be the case until the end of current presidency. Yet, in 2027, the situation could change according to ideological preferences of Macron’s successor.

King Henry VII and the case of the missing treaty: Anglo-Hungarian crusading diplomacy reconsidered

Abstract Henry VII of England has never been considered a ‘crusader king’; his monetary contributions towards anti-Ottoman crusading have been characterized by his biographers as little more than bribes designed to constrain the ambitions of would-be pretenders to the English throne. However, an unpublished Anglo-Hungarian treaty of alliance calls such simplistic explanations into question, showing that after the death of his son Arthur, prince of Wales, in spring 1502, Henry VII attempted to insert England into a pan-European platform of anti-Ottoman alliances using the provision of crusade financing as a diplomatic lever. This article shows just how Henry VII’s ‘crusade diplomacy’ worked in practice, arguing for a reassessment of what has long appeared to be the settled question of Henry VII’s foreign policy aims and demonstrating the centrality of the ‘Turkish question’ to early sixteenth-century European diplomacy.

Determining the status of prisoners of war in customary law and legislation of the Muscovite kingdom of the 15th-early 18th centuries

The article is devoted to highlighting the processes of formation of the specifics of the status of captives according to the norms of customary law and legislation of the Muscovy kingdom (Moscow state) during the 15th - early 18th centuries. The relevance of addressing these issues is due to the fact that the customs and views developed at that time, as well as the norms of positive law, still determine the peculiarities of the attitude of Russians towards prisoners, which is largely determined by the specifics of the national mentality and legal tradition.
 It is shown that the attitude towards captured foreigners, the legal basis of their status in the Muscovite Empire were laid down in the course of the formation and development of customary law, which was formed long before the period considered in this article. It is emphasized that since in the 15th - at the beginning of the 18th century. before there was a division into combatants and non­combatants, the terms "prisoners" and "captives" meant both captured soldiers of the enemy army and representatives of the civilian population who were deprived of personal freedom and found themselves under the complete power of the enemy. Captives were divided into "state” and "private”, although specific subgroups can be identified within these groups depending on the peculiarities of their legal status.
 The status of prisoners in the Muscovite Empire was determined primarily by customary law, although over time, acts of legislation appeared that contained norms aimed at regulating the legal status of prisoners. A vivid example of such legislation is the Senate decree of November 27, 1717 "On the prohibition of baptizing and marrying Swedish prisoners of war.”
 It is noted that a valuable source for elucidating the complex of customs regarding the treatment of captives can be considered the works of European diplomats, merchants, and soldiers who had been in the Moscow state for a long time and were well acquainted with local orders. They contain interesting information on ethnopsychology, the history of diplomacy, as well as the history of law. The value of this historical source is enhanced by the fact that the observations, facts and considerations given in it are confirmed by other sources. A conclusion was made about a certain continuity in the national character of the population of modern Russia, customs that, even now, under the conditions of the spread of legal nihilism in Russian society, largely regulate the behavior and activities of citizens of the Russian Federation, in particular, military personnel, mercenaries of private military companies, etc.

The main stages in the development of Western European diplomacy in the early Modern period

The author relies on the thesis that the main factor in the development of Western European diplomacy in the early Modern period was the emergence and formation of the resident diplomacy. The article proposes a periodization of the development of diplomacy, based on an understanding of the development of Western European diplomacy in the 15th –16th centuries in the context of the transformation of the medieval socio-political model.Under the conditions of permanent internal and external political pressure, the medieval hierarchical model of the socio-political structure did not fulfill the function of legitimizing the new regimes on the Apennine peninsula. The peace of Lodi in 1454 consolidated the heterarchical or polycentric model of the socio-political structure, which assumed mutual recognition of the subjects of interstate relations as a source of legitimacy.In the second half of the 15th century this model, based on a network of stable diplomatic relations, was adopted by most of the major Italian states. Italian wars of 1494–1559 influenced the spread of the new style of diplomacy with its resident envoys to the leading states of Western Europe.Despite the crisis of the second half of the 16th century the model of a resident diplomatic representation has become the basic one in the European diplomacy of Modern age.

The British Program for the "Reconstruction in Europe" in 1922: Political and Diplomatic Aspects

The article examines the process of formation of the British program for the "reconstruction of Europe" and the diplomatic efforts of Prime Minister D. Lloyd George to promote it on the eve and during the Genoa Conference of 1922. The Conference was one of the key events of European diplomacy between the two world wars. In 1922, thirty four nations met to restore peace between victors and vanquished, reestablish ties between Soviet Russia and the West, and promote the economic reconstruction in Europe. The relevance of the problem under study is due to the controversial assessments of the Genoa Conference in modern foreign and domestic historiography. Considering the content of these discussions, the authors of the articles proceed from the fact that Lloyd George proposed to hold a major economic and political conference to re-energise the European economy and revive the flagging fortunes of his coalition government. He believed that if Russia was opened to world trade, this would enable Germany to prosper and pay reparations to Britain and France, who could then repay their American war debts. Germany's agreement with the new principles of relations with the winners would abate France’s security fears, thus contributing to the stabilization of the Versailles world order. However, the British program was not implemented, because Soviet Russia and Germany concluded the Treaty of Rapallo. Analyzing the reasons for the failure of D. Lloyd George, the authors come to the conclusion that they stem from the basic contradiction between the large-scale plan and the diplomatic miscalculations made by the British delegation on the eve and during the conference.

The influence of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the development of the European diplomatic service

The article is devoted to the analysis of the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the functioning and development of the European External Action Service. The authors investigated the main stages of the evolution of the European diplomatic service from the time of the establishment of the first information offices of the European Coal and Steel Association in the fifties of the twentieth century to the formation of the European External Action Service in 2009 as part of the reform defined by the Treaty of Lisbon.
 From the moment of the establishment of the European Communities until the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, the European diplomatic service was carried out by information missions of the Communities and missions of the European Commission, and later by the Directorate General headed by the European Commissioner for Foreign Affairs and Neighborhood Policy. The competence of these bodies was derived from the powers of the European Commission, therefore the sphere of activity of the European diplomatic service was limited mainly or exclusively to economic issues, and defense and military-political issues remained outside the attention of common European diplomacy.
 After the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the European External Action Service was headed by the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Their formal powers extend to all aspects of foreign policy, but in fact, until 2022, European diplomacy focused on economic issues and was not ready to effectively counter Russian aggression by diplomatic means. Therefore, the needs of guaranteeing the military-political security of the European Union itself, its member states and partners require a review of the institutional mechanism of the European External Action Service in terms of strengthening its role in solving military-political, defense and security issues, in particular, regarding the introduction of centralized models of adoption joint decisions.

The EU Public Diplomacy in the United States under the D. Trump Administration: Challenges, Key Projects and Outcomes

Public diplomacy is one of the key foreign policy instruments of the European Union for strengthening its international stance. In that regard, Brussels pays special attention to ensuring trust-based relations with the United States, which traditionally acts as the EU’s leading trade and military partner. The apparent cooling in transatlantic relations provoked by harmful rhetoric and practices of D. Trump administration forced the EU to focus on non-traditional channels of interacting with the American audience. In this context, the analysis of the EU’s attempts to adapt its public diplomacy programmes in the United States to the new realities is of particular interest. The first section outlines the political, economic, administrative, and image risks faced by EU diplomats in this area during the presidency of D. Trump (2017−2020). The second section examines the main thematic priorities, mechanisms and projects of the EU public diplomacy aimed at the American audience. The author argues that during the period under review the EU placed special emphasis on advocacy, cultural diplomacy, and exchange programmes for young people. The author concludes that, although European diplomats failed to achieve a qualitative improvement in transatlantic relations during D. Trump’s tenure, the EU public diplomacy demonstrated resilience and flexibility in the face of adverse circumstances. Indeed, the EU diplomats proved their creativity in developing innovative programmes which can be instrumental for future development of the EU public diplomacy in general.