European Defence Research Articles

Supranational Self‐Empowerment Through Bricolage: The Role of the European Commission in EU Security and Defence

AbstractThis article provides a novel conceptualization of bricolage as a strategy for incremental supranational self‐empowerment. It argues that the cumulative effects of different bricolage tools employed by the Commission have been central for progressively strengthening its role in EU security and defence, which culminated in the establishment of the European Defence Fund (EDF) and the Commission's Directorate‐General Defence Industry and Space (DG DEFIS). Building communication upon communication, the Commission used discursive bricolage to set the conditions for employing existing EU financial and organizational resources to advance its interests. Specifically, with its incremental bricolage approach, the Commission has managed to mitigate sovereignty concerns of member states, progressively nudging them towards deeper integration. Overall, our article shows how the Commission has strengthened its influence through the cumulative bricolage tools even in the intergovernmental domains of security and defence.

Strategic Autonomy: The Legal Contours of a Security Policy Construct

Following-up on the many academic analyses of strategic autonomy over the past decade, this special issue aims to take a more comprehensive perspective on ‘security’ by analysing the notion of strategic autonomy from a legal vantage point. After two more general contributions – on the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union and on the ‘supranationalization’ of security despite the key role of EU Member States in this area – the focus turns on specific policy areas. Subsequent contributions thus address strategic autonomy in the context of EU defence-industrial spending, sanctions, data autonomy, energy and investment and economic measures. Together, these contributions highlight different dimensions of the challenges the EU is currently facing. The question that is central to this Introduction –and to the special issue as whole – is to identify and shed light on the important legal contours of an essentially political concept. strategic autonomy, comprehensive security, EU external relations, security and defence, EU competences

World Practice of Applying State Support Measures for Organizations of the Military-Industrial Complex

The article is devoted to an analytical review of the best global practices in the implementation of measures of state support for organizations of the military-industrial complex (MIC). The purpose of the research was to study international experience in this area and determine its applicability in the context of the development of the Russian Federation’s MIC. The relevance of this work is determined by the need to ensure the solution of operational and strategic tasks of the Russian Federation’s military-industrial complex in the conditions of sanctions pressure from certain countries and the importance of assessing the available measures of state support for organizations of the complex. The study analyses the American Defense Manufacturing Community Support Program, which has been implemented in the United States since 2019. The program is based on the development of cooperation between public and private organizations, including enterprises of the military-industrial complex, scientific organizations, as well as local governments. The structure of the program provides for the formation of a community that brings together stakeholders to ensure sustainable development and competitiveness of the defense industrial complex. As part of the study of European experience, the activities of The European Defense Fund, established in the European Union in 2021 on the initiative of the Commission for the Support of Defense Cooperation of the European Union, were examined. The fund is focused on supporting and developing the European defense-industrial complex by financing innovative research, development and joint projects of international importance. The main objectives of the fund include increasing autonomy and competitiveness in the defense industry, as well as promoting integration and cooperation between the member states of the European Union. Within the framework of the article, each practice was analyzed, and conclusions have been drawn about what ideas from international practice could be applied in the development of the defense-industrial complex of the Russian Federation. The results of the study can be used by the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, the Government of the Russian Federation, the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, the Foundation for Advanced Studies and other state structures and organizations that determine the policy in the field of defense industry regulation as proposals for further development of state support measures in the Russian Federation.

Strategic Autonomy in Military Production: The EDF and the Constitutional Limits to EU Defence-Industrial Spending Power

The European Defence Fund (EDF) has for the first time enabled the European Union (EU) to fund military equipment development in pursuit of its strategic autonomy. But the EDF was based on competences for supporting industrial and research competitiveness, and not on the Common Foreign and Security Policy/Common Security and Defence Policy (CFSP/CSDP). Since EU legal acts must be based on the functionally most appropriate competence, this choice of legal basis raises questions. This article therefore analyses whether the EDF was correctly adopted under a non-CFSP/CSDP legal basis, and if so, how its legal basis affects its capacity to contribute to EU strategic autonomy. The analysis reveals that the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) grants the EU a competence to support defence-industrial competitiveness which is separate from the CFSP/CSDP, but stands in service to its military-strategic objectives. As the EDF is politically subordinate to the CFSP/CSDP, its defence-industrial impact depends on the Member States’ ability to achieve political consensus on the EU’s defence objectives and to determine strategic research and development (R&D) priorities in line with those objectives. Yet even in the face of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, such consensus seems far off. European Defence Fund, CSDP, strategic autonomy, EU constitutional law

The European Union’s Engagement With Questions of Strategic Autonomy and Security: Do EU Courts Have a Role to Play?

The EU started as a peace project to avoid armed conflicts between its Member States. It rapidly became a success story attracting new members. Its internal market and common policies, especially its trade and common agricultural policies, yielded a power of its own protecting the EU and its Member States in a turbulent world. This unique project relies on the rule of law and innovating legal concepts that both the EU and national courts protect. In the meantime the EU and the international context have changed. Gradually but surely, the EU is becoming more assertive to protect its interests by engaging in new policy areas, including security and defence. This article concerns the question as to whether this development affects the nature of judicial protection that EU courts are supposed to grant to states, legal and natural persons. Strategic autonomy – European security – EU defence policy – EU external competences – Court of Justice of the European Union

NATO and the CSDP after the Ukraine War: The End of European Strategic Autonomy?

Abstract The paper debates the impact of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on the relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). It argues that the invasion has changed dramatically Europe’s security landscape, carrying major implications for both organizations and their relationship. After its withdrawal from Afghanistan and deepening frictions between the US and its European allies about burden-sharing, the war instilled a new sense of purpose into NATO, placing renewed emphasis on its core functions of territorial defense and deterrence. However, the war was also a reality check for the EU, raising important questions about the future of the European security architecture, the Union’s role within it, and its relationship with NATO (hereafter also referred to as the Alliance). The aim of this article is to try to answer some of these questions, by providing an initial assessment of the impact of the war on the relationship between NATO and the CSDP, and to sketch out potential avenues for strengthening the EU’s role in transatlantic security. More specifically, the paper will try to answer the following questions: what are the implications of the conflict on the Alliance? How did the war impact on the CSDP and the Union’s aspiration to strategic autonomy? Where is EU-NATO cooperation heading as a result of the war? Will the conflict ramp up cooperation between the two organizations or will European defence efforts be channelled mostly through NATO? Will EU leaders grab the momentum created by the war to further institutional integration also in security and defence and or will the war turn into another missed opportunity to promote a more effective burden-sharing in transatlantic security?

유럽방위공동체(EDC) 창설 실패와 유럽통합의 재도약(relance européenne)

This article aims to examine the relaunching of European integration after the failure to establish the European Defense Community from the perspective of European integration and crisis. The crisis in the early days of European integration in the 1950s, the fiasco to create the European Defense Community and the European Political Community, was a driving force for a new leap forward in integration that led to the creation of the European Economic Community. Case studies from the mid-1950s will present implications for the prospects for the future of the European Union facing crises with new characteristics and the correlation between European integration and the crisis.

전쟁의 위기와 유럽통합

The European Union (EU), which guaranteed peace and prosperity in Europe after the two World Wars, has faced a series of consecutive crises and challenges since the late 2000s. Some analysts have even diagnosed a pessimistic outlook for the future of Europe due to this continuous string of crises. Such a reality has prompted inquiries into the continuity of the EU itself. Is the EU genuinely sustainable? If it endures, can it evolve into a more robust political integration body? Enduring amidst the prevailing ascendancy of nationalism and external pressures, can the EU steadfastly preserve unity within diversity? This study, which discusses the relationship between the crisis of war and the development of European integration, primarily aims to find insights into the current future of the EU and the correlation between crises and the development of European integration.
 Throughout the past 70 years of European integration, Europe has faced numerous crises. In 1954, with the failure of the European Defense Community (EDC) treaty, journalists questioned the uncertain future of integration. Jean Monnet, in response, asserted that Europe would learn about integration through crises. Moreover, the development of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the first institution of European integration, is closely linked to the crises in Europe during the 20th century, including the World Wars and the Cold War. Therefore, Monnet explained that Europe was born out of crises. This study will explore the origins of the ECSC and the significance of supranational European integration methods, examining how crises of war can strongly reinforce the necessity for integration.

Comparison of the noise produced by the polymer and bronze P1566 propellers in the cavitation tunnel

The paper presents the selected results of the international project called Nextprop, carried out in the framework of the European Defence Agency, which main goal was to examine elastic polymer propellers. The article includes the results of the comparative analysis in terms of the noise produced by two propellers: (1) the classical one made from Nickel Aluminium Bronze (NAB) and (2) the novel elastic counterpart manufactured from polyamide. The measurements were taken in the CTO cavitation tunnel in Gdańsk, Poland. The obtained results allow the following highlights to be formulated: the novel flexible propellers seem to be a promising solution for the new ships, especially in terms of energetic efficiency and produced noise, i.e. lower sound pressure level has been obtained for the new polymer propeller and larger advance speed for the same rotational speeds has been received for the new propeller compared to the classical metal counterpart. At the beginning, the introduction with the results of state-of-the-art analysis is presented. Then, the description of the measurement stand and examined propellers with seizing conditions is included. Next, the obtained results are illustrated and discussed. At the end, the conclusions with the draft of the future research are presented.

Assessment of the FIDES Guide 2022 electrical, electronic, and electromechanical reliability prediction methodology

The FIDES Guide is a reliability prediction handbook published by a group of European defense and aerospace manufacturers under the supervision of the French Ministry of Defense. This paper evaluates the suitability of FIDES for predicting reliability. The evaluation is based on the fitness of the model used in FIDES for calculating the failure rate and the accuracy of its reliability predictions. The assessment makes use of the questionnaire in the IEEE Standard 1413, “IEEE Standard Framework for Reliability Prediction of Hardware.” The foundation of FIDES on the erroneous assumption of a constant failure rate for electronics, its omission of critical attributes (e.g., materials and geometry of components), and the subjectivity of certain inputs to the model make it inadequate for producing an accurate prediction.

Arming Fortress Europe? Spaces and Instruments of Economic Patriotism in EU Armament Policy

How does the EU adapt its policies in response to current global changes? Extant scholarship has shed light on the EU’s geopolitical turn by analysing it as either a shift away from neoliberalism or a reshuffling of EU–US relations. This article makes the case for studying how these two dynamics interact. To do so, I draw on the economic patriotism framework, which focuses on the links between types and spaces of economic interventionism. Economic patriotism instruments can take various forms depending on their type (liberal/protectionist instruments) and space of reference (national/EU/transatlantic/international). From this perspective, the EU has responded to global changes by shifting from liberal to protectionist instruments of economic patriotism. However, the design of these policy instruments reflects compromises between the preferences of policymakers who adopt liberal/protectionist and Europeanist/Atlanticist positions. As policy instruments can create room for compromise because they allow various positions to converge, EU protectionist economic instruments cater to Atlanticist and liberal preferences too. This article illustrates this argument by means of EU armament policy. Using official documents and interviews, I analyse changes in EU economic patriotism by looking at the two major policy instruments: the 2009 Defence Procurement Directive and the 2021 European Defence Fund. Whereas the 2009 Directive reflected liberal economic patriotism anchored in the transatlantic space, the European Defence Fund illustrates tensions between types and spaces of economic interventionism in the EU’s geopolitical turn: Some clauses protect the EU from foreign interference, but its political-economic space of reference remains strongly transatlantic.

Dream of European Army: Is It a Feasible Objective or Not?

The European Union’s (EU) defense initiatives have changed over time, reflecting both the pursuit of security and defense goals and the shifting dynamics of European integration. To improve defense cooperation and create a common defense strategy for the EU, several initiatives have been made. The EU’s Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), which strives to strengthen its capacity to handle security concerns and preserve stability, has a significant influence on defense-related operations. We have witnessed new security and military efforts from the EU in the first two decades of the 2000s, such as the European Security Strategy, EU’s Global Strategy and Security Compass. 2013 marked a turning point when the USA deployed its new nuclear weapons in Europe. The announcement of the creation of the European army was made on November 13, 2017. Europe should be able to act independently in areas of defense and security rather than merely relying on the US or NATO. Because of these kinds of reservations, desires to pursue more advanced capabilities on their own have been raised.
 There has been a lot of debate and analysis around the reasons for and against the formation of a European army. Numerous parties have expressed interest in and influence over the notion of a European army. The development of a European army has been heavily debated over the past several years. Why is the idea of a European army so heavily investigated? Is building such an army a realistic goal or not? What are the benefits, drawbacks, and challenges to achieving it? Who is in favor of and against building an army in Europe? These are the primary questions that we attempt to address in this article.

Six Decades of Consolidation in the European Defence Industry (1960-2022)

In the present security environment, the capabilities of the European defense industry and the impact of restructuring over the years have become issues of concern. Researchers have found considerable consolidation when looking at the overall industry, but have failed to consider that this might understate the loss of national capabilities in subsectors. This article investigates the effect that restructuring has had on twenty subsectors of the defense industry in thirty one European countries from 1960 to 2022. It finds that since the 1960s, the number of major European defense firms has contracted by between 29% and 80% across subsectors, implying the loss of a range of capabilities. It suggests that while Europeanization is inevitable, it is likely be accompanied by further diminishing capabilities at the national level.

The battle plans in the 17th century on the example of the ‘ordres de bataille’ album by Eric Dahlbergh. Research model proposal

Abstract The article’s purpose is to present an original method of analysis of battle plans (orders of battle, battle orders, battle patterns, and battle settings) from the 17th century. We analysed 253 patterns from Eric Dahlbergh’s Album, which was a gift for King Charles XI of Sweden. In this text, we will take a look at the settings presented in Dahlbergh’s album. We hope that it will allow us to learn about the development process of the 17th-century arrays. What was the typical 17th-century order of battle like? Was it symmetrical or asymmetrical? How many throws and lines did it consist of? What was the ratio of the width to the depth of the army? Was the pattern composed of compact or linear elements? How did the formations (cavalry and infantry) stack up against each other? What was the frequency of intervals and higher tactical units? Thanks to the developed method, we obtained data for many patterns for the first time in history. They made it possible to characterize the patterns accurately and determine the time they changed. It is of paramount importance for the study of the European military in the early modern period.

Lithuanian-Polish security cooperation in European Union (EU) Defence Programs

This article is part of a broad discussion concerning the deteriorating security environment in the European neighbourhood and the initiatives the European Union (EU) and its Member States (MS) took to intensify security and defence cooperation. The war in Ukraine put pressure on the entire regional security structure. Hence increased investments and more collaboration are necessary to jointly develop and use the military capabilities that the EU and Baltic region need. In this context, it is interesting how Lithuania and Poland – both Eastern EU members with grave concerns and engagement in regional security – perceive and utilize the potential that EU programs offer. This article will look deeper into the level of cooperation between Lithuania and Poland before the intensification of military operations in Ukraine in February 2022. Furthermore, the paper presents an overview of the regional cooperation concept, Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), and its funds, agencies, and instruments. The key elements of this study are the analysis of both countries’ involvement in the European Defence Fund (EDF) preparatory programs implemented since 2017.

A European Military Balance Organization and Dynamic Conventional Arms Control

The Russo-Ukraine War has capped the decay of conventional arms control (CAC) agreements and security institutions designed and evolved in large part to prevent this type of conflict. At its root is the rivalry between Russia and NATO, and Russian concerns over the military balance. The Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty was the cornerstone agreement to stabilize the military balance, but the treaty and other security institutions such as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) failed to adapt to NATO expansion. This article explores the role of various organizations in Europe in CAC and proposes a unique approach to future CAC agreements, dynamic CAC, implemented by a dedicated organization called the European Military Balance Organization (EMBO) which would continuously assess the military balance between NATO and Russia.

Critical appraisal – Special Issue “European defence”

ABSTRACTThe Critical Appraisal draws a picture of the current state of the EU Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) by building on the 7 Papers included in the Defence Studies Special Issue dedicated to ”European Defence”. The authors assess the EU defence industry consolidation process, describing the trends that shape it and the variety of actors involved. In the complex European defence market, opposite – but not mutually exclusive – trends of consolidation and fragmentation coexist. The authors conclude that the EDTIB is likely to continue developing along these apparently contradictory lines, where the variety of public and private actors involved cooperate and compete simultaneously, according to a plethora of interests. The Appraisal suggests several areas for future research and touches upon new EU defence initiatives, such as the European Defence Fund (EDF) and it's precursor programmes.

The European Defence Fund precursor programmes and the state of the European market for defence

ABSTRACTThe fragmentation of the European defence market hampers the establishment of a unified European defence. The European Union (EU) has implemented initiatives like the Coordinated Annual Review on Defence, Permanent Structured Cooperation, and the European Defence Fund (EDF) to address this issue. However, a comprehensive understanding of the European defence market and its consolidation, which is essential for evaluating these programs, remains insufficient. This article aims to observe the configuration of the European defence market and its evolution over time, exploring potential trends towards consolidation. The authors contend that despite the fragmented nature of the European defence market, a few larger companies from four countries hold significant positions. They also identify a positive trend towards consolidation, although institutional incentives perpetuate market fragmentation. To delve deeper, the authors analyze the funding allocation for defence companies through the preparatory programs of the European Defence Fund. Their analysis encompasses 65 projects awarded to 430 companies between 2016 and 2020, supplemented by insights from three focus groups and an expert survey conducted in the Netherlands, Italy, and Sweden. This article suggests avenues for future research on the EDF, emphasizing the need for a comprehensive understanding of market consolidation and the efficacy of current initiatives.

Short-term readiness, long-term innovation: the European defence industry in turbulent times

ABSTRACTThe war in Ukraine, coupled with a more turbulent international system characterized by geopolitical competition between the United States and China, is leading to a simultaneous change in the demand and supply side of the European defence market. On the demand side, European countries are adapting their procurement plans to move from a crisis management phase dominated by asymmetric warfare against small states or non-state actors to an era of strategic competition and potential conflict against peer adversaries. On the supply side, European defence industries are preparing to meet the increased demand for major equipment from national governments in the short term, while at the same time trying to be ready to invest in long-term innovation, in order to anticipate future government requirements for the new era. This paper investigates the interactions between demand and supply in the European defence market and provides a first illustration of the trade-off between prioritizing short-term readiness over long-term innovation and vice versa

Conceptualizing the European military-civilian-industrial complex: the need for a helicopter perspective

ABSTRACTIn his 1961 farewell address, US President Eisenhower coined the term “military-industrial complex,” referring to the coalescing of military, industrial, and political interest groups. In contemporary Europe, the military-industrial complex is arguably transforming into a complex with a noteworthy commercial civilian dimension, blurring traditional military and arms-focused understandings of European defence and security. Our emphasis on an added corporate civilian component captures the expansion of defence and security beyond the traditional military domain. Coalescing of industry and politics is observed in Europe, blurring the military-civilian divide, technologically as well as in organization and governance, particularly through public-private partnerships. Eisenhower, himself a decorated WWII general, warned of how the US military-industrial complex could lead to “disastrous use of misplaced power.” Rather than reiterating such a conclusion in the European context, our paper examines how the European military-civilian-industrial complex is emerging, looking at how elite participants shape the public-private structure of the complex, and specifically how policies on dual-use and emerging technologies influence developments in Europe. The focus herein is on novel actors, characteristics, and the European Union and charts out defining conceptual features of the defence and security industry in Europe.