Everything that is important to EU citizens is influenced by the international environment. We cannot run and hide, but we can choose to tackle the challenges. Let's use this interdependence of the international community with the aim to shape your responses, as we did in Paris and New York. As the title of this symposium implies, we indeed live in an age of global insecurity, of crises, and power shifts. It is hard to define the centres of power. They are multiple and overlapping. Complexity, conflict, and interdependence seem to be the only elements we can be sure of when we refer to our times. Foreign policy is no longer what happens in distant places around the world. Probably, it never has been, but the impacts that we get to feel have become more immediate. But there is no point in panicking by turning inwards, building walls, or even just focusing on enhancing our capacity to extinguish fires. The European Union should continue to act as an enabling force. In order to succeed, the EU has to define and be aware of its common interests and values. The EU has to build on what it has in common with these shifting powers and with longstanding partners. Recent developments on the international stage suggest two different – even contradictory – trends, one positive and one negative. On the positive side, 2015 has witnessed two major breakthroughs on the multilateral front. We have had the Paris Agreement on climate change, and we have had the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development at the New York Summit. Both are a clear testimony to what is possible if interests and values of the international community coincide. On the negative side, we are facing many crises in particular, in our immediate neighbourhood. And what is more worrying, we are facing them at a time when the EU's integration process itself is challenged from within. Terrorism has sadly taken a more pervading part in our lives, be it in Brussels, Paris, Bamako, Lahore or Ankara. The big question for all of us is: how can we make a change? How can we manage complexity, prevent and resolve conflicts, and take the opportunities that interdependence offers to us? How do we shape the new world order? Now let me outline how I think the European Union can contribute to addressing the many challenges we face. As Europeans, we can only expect to be a credible player if we act as a responsible power at our doorstep. We need to stand side by side with our partners and friends in the region in defence against those who undermine their values, their aspirations, and their sovereign decisions. In the southern neighbourhood, we have faced and currently face multiple, interconnected crises, from Libya and Sahel to Syria and Iraq. This has been greatly amplified by the threat emanating from Daesh (IS). We are collaborating with all our partners in the region and beyond to prevent and confront terrorist acts and networks. It is certainly a security challenge, but it is also a cultural challenge. We must be smart enough not to fall into the trap of a new clash of civilisations. And we must call Daesh what it is. It is a terrorist group that uses and misuses religion as a means to perpetrate criminal offenses, violence in a conflict for power. By resolving ongoing political conflicts, we will contribute to reducing Daesh's footprint in the region and ultimately extinguish its raison d’être. Our key priority in Syria has been to create an enabling environment for political talks leading to transition. We therefore fully back the efforts undertaken by the Special Envoy of the United Nations, Staffan de Mistura. As you know, as an active member of the International Syrian Support Group, the EU is relentlessly engaging all stakeholders to respect the obligations on the Security Council Resolution 2254 (2015). And needless to say, the clock is ticking. In Libya, two months have passed since the arrival of the Presidency Council in Tripoli. But it has neither been able to exert real executive power, nor to deliver on even the most basic and urgent needs. And this, of course, is eroding popular support. International support for and the recognition of the Government of National Accord, have not yet brought about significant changes on the ground. Recent developments in the East also underline the existing threat of a partition of the country. Throughout the last months, we, from the EU, have vigorously supported the efforts undertaken by Special Envoy Martin Kobler. And we are now working on translating the political commitment of the Government of National Accord into concrete actions. The EU is also very concerned by the terrorist threat and presence of extremist groups in Libya. Libyans need to build a united front against these terrorist groups. These examples point to the fact that political solutions to ongoing conflicts are an essential part of the answer. Experience shows, that the EU can be a powerful political force in bringing about and supporting exactly these political solutions. An EU response often provides more political weight and allows for comprehensive packages to be designed. Let me take the example of Iran. After 12 years of negotiations, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the JCPOA, illustrated what can be achieved through cooperation rather than coercion. The EU has played a coordinator role since 2005. High Representative Mogherini continues to do so as Chair of the Joint Commission in charge of the implementation of this Plan of Action. But what were the reasons for this success? In my view, of course, there were the conducive geopolitical environment, the solidity of the Transatlantic Partnership, and the mutually cooperative nature of the deal. But I think it was instrumental for the success of the deal to have a consensual EU position and to have the EU as an honest broker. The High Representative had received a clear mandate from the 28 member states to sustain the double track, that is to say tough sanctions but also, at the same time, an extended political hand. The EU is relevant because it had a unified position and because its supranational nature makes it a more genuine interlocutor without a hidden agenda. The EU does not have a colonial past. And it benefits from specific expertise in mediation and conflict prevention. Since the beginning of my diplomatic career, I have never experienced so many crises that occurred at the same time. And the migration crisis, partly caused by the developments I have just mentioned, adds to these crises. It is an additional historic challenge. All this is a significant stress test for Europe and the international community as a whole. We have, of course, to acknowledge the immense pressure that the refugee and migratory flows have put on some EU member states, Italy and Greece as arrival countries, Germany and Sweden as host countries. This has a domestic political price which has to be acknowledged. At the same time, it was imperative for Europe to contribute its share to cope with this dramatic situation. Let us not forget that Lebanon or Jordan increased their population by at least 20 per cent. And Turkey is dealing with more than 3 million refugees. It is true that implementing a comprehensive European response has been cumbersome, such as the establishment of a quota system for hosting refugees. That said, the establishment of hotspots across Europe has improved the treatment of refugees upon their arrival, while the EU has reoriented and mobilised emergency assistance mechanisms to live up to the challenge. We have several other political domestic initiatives, such as the establishment of a European Border and Coastal Guard with a list of safe countries of origin or the revision of the Dublin System. But beyond this internal aspect, the external dimension of the migration crisis is also very important to address. And we did that, for instance, through the EU-Turkey deal, but also with our Western Balkan neighbours at the Western Balkan Conference, which took place on 8 October in Luxembourg to enhance cooperation, border management, and to increase accommodation facilities in these transit countries. Of course, we also reached out to our African partners at the Valletta Summit, where we established a trust fund and contributed to the fight against smuggling and to saving lives of those who tried to cross the Mediterranean. The High Representative has also carried out high-level dialogues with third countries. And we are developing compact initiatives with Jordan and Lebanon to enhance job opportunities for refugees and introduce incentives for migration. The EU has significantly enhanced its resources and instruments to save lives and fight against the smuggling of people through the Mediterranean Sea. The European agency responsible for security at the borders, Frontex, has multiplied its patrols. And it is estimated that it has saved 120,000 lives. In addition, we have deployed the military mission EUNAVFOR Sophia to further enhance our engagement in the Mediterranean Sea. These efforts are reinforced by a consistent engagement with African partners, in particular in the Sahel region. This includes the deployment of civil military missions in Mali, Niger, and Mauritania to reinforce the capacities of law enforcement agencies. While the situation remains fragile, I think that it now represents less of a looming threat than a few years back. These are just a few examples of the EU's 11 civilian missions and five military operations that are another clear expression of our commitment for global security. But this is no reason for complacency. The security challenges we are facing are growing in number and in complexity and quality. We have, therefore, to constantly review our engagement, our means, and our approach. We must aim at addressing the root causes and drivers of conflict. In this context, human rights abuses, violence, impunity, social and economic deprivation are clearly among the key issues to be addressed. Today, more than 800 million people live in extreme poverty and suffer from hunger, while 1 per cent of the world's population disposes of 50 per cent of its resources. Around 1.5 billion people live in fragile and conflict-affected states. Violent extremism is on the rise. The impact of climate change continues to threaten lives and destabilise entire regions. Desertification and drought force mass movements, spread epidemics, and create conflicts for the control of natural results. Forced displacement has reached unprecedented levels. The world has thus seen a dramatic increase in humanitarian crisis. The five largest refugee displacements in Afghanistan, Syria, Somalia, Sudan and South Sudan are all protracted. The World Humanitarian Summit held this week in Istanbul provided an important opportunity to bridge the gaps between the humanitarian, political, development, environmental, and economic actors. Refugees and displaced persons do not only need emergency help, but they also need hope for the future. The EU here again, as a leading provider for humanitarian assistance, but also a leader in development aid, provides assistance in crisis as well as promoting countries’ sustainable development. We need to strengthen synergies between humanitarian and long-term development because they complement each other. Migration clearly is one of the defining challenges of our 21 century. And we will be defined by our response. This is a global challenge, which requires a global answer. Everybody should do its part in the spirit of partnership and solidarity, in line with international obligations and responsibilities. The September UN Migration Summit in New York will be an important opportunity to exactly raise this issue with the international community. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, agreed upon in September of 2015 also included refugees and internally displaced persons in the category of vulnerable people who cannot be left unaddressed. But it takes inclusiveness even a great deal further. In fact, the 2030 Agenda offers a comprehensive and positive vision for us and all our partners. It is an international social contract for the next 15 years for the whole international community underpinned with concrete sustainable development goals and targets and linking wealth with planetary boundaries. We have understood that the global inequality between people is not only morally wrong, it hampers growth and poverty reduction, undermines community resilience and destabilises societies. The EU was very successful in negotiating this global agreement, acting as one coherent and constructive actor. Also, in the fight against climate change, the EU has always been a frontrunner, but now we have managed to bring others to run with us. In both cases, our faith in diplomacy and mutual cooperation has paid off. Together with the Paris Agreement, the 17 sustainable development goals enshrined in the 2030 Agenda are our common plan to drive the kind of transformation we, as a global community, need in order to safeguard our common future. Let me quote the High Representative Frederica Mogherini. She recently said in the European Parliament that, if we manage to implement the 17 sustainable development goals, 95 per cent of the work we need to do to tackle the refugee and migration crisis would be done. Let me, in conclusion, just mention this to underline the interconnectedness and multidimensional nature of foreign policy today. Structural foreign policy not only addresses symptoms, but tackles fundamentals, changes the conversation, and sets the rules of the game. What is abundantly clear is that we have to engage with the world, and we have to do it together. No one can do it alone. Much of this requires joint strategies, coherence, cooperation, and even integration of responses. The EU is particularly well placed to develop such integrated and joint approaches. After all, this is exactly what we are about. Everything that is important to EU citizens is influenced by the international environment. We cannot run and hide, but we can choose to tackle the challenges. Let us use this interdependence of the international community with the aim to shape your responses, as we did in Paris and New York. For the EU, this means that the only way we can pursue our interests and others’ is to be active, united, and strategic in our approach and remain engaged in the world. Stephan Auer is German Ambassador to the Republic of Korea. Prior to that, he was Director for Human Rights, Global and Multilateral Issues at the European External Action Service of the EU in Brussels. At Headquarters of the Federal Foreign Office, he had assignments in the Security Policy Department, the European Policy Department and the Department for Economic Affairs and Sustainable Development.