EU Democracy Research Articles

The EU democracy policy in Latin America: narrative and funding

Democracy is a central concern in the EU narrative toward Latin America; still, the allocation of funds does not follow this narrative closely, resulting in a chronic lack of support for local CSOs. The allocated funds face misappropriation by local authorities and the indirect support of low- and non-democratic regimes, reflected in the affected countries’ drop in indices that measure Social Progress and Democracy. This situation is further aggravated by prioritizing projects that reflect EU-centered agendas and skew the critical aid needed for democracy resilience building. As a response, we bring forward recommendations for the EU to bridge the gap between its democracy policy narrative and execution in Latin America, focusing on the particular needs of the region’s democratic agents.

The theory of democratic integration

The outcome of the 2024 European Parliament elections highlights the need for the EU to underpin its functioning as a European democracy with a proper political theory. This article introduces the theory of democratic integration as a political philosophy of the EU. It aims to provide the EU with a philosophical foundation by analysing its evolution as a deviation from the Westphalian system of international relations and its doctrine of absolute sovereignty. The article finds that the EU is succeeding in creating a new democratic home for its citizens and its member states. In times of increasing support for parties which promote national sovereignty as the recipe for the future and which consequently call for the dismantling of the European Parliament and the deconstruction of EU democracy, the theory will empower the Union to defend its constitutional achievements and prevent it from backsliding into an undemocratic organisation of illiberal states.

Harmony and dissonance: Unveiling issue linkages between voters and parties across EU democracies

This research delves into the abundant landscape of party positioning data, highlighting a scarcity of interconnected voter and party positioning sources. Leveraging Voting Advice Applications (VAAs), this study explores congruence from a comparative standpoint, capturing political preferences on the same scale and timeframe. Analysing data from two pan-European VAAs, EU Profiler and euandi, congruence is evaluated based on voter’s alignment with their preferred party across three issue dimensions. Findings underscore varying linkage strengths, particularly evident in a narrower representation on cultural and gender issues compared to economic ones. The study underscores the advantages of VAA data, urging a shift beyond the left-right continuum for a comprehensive understanding of party-voter congruence in a dynamic political landscape.

The Mobility-Democracy Nexus Betrayed: When the European Commission’s Talks Fall Apart in the Mediterranean

In the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, the European Union’s (EU) relations with the Southern neighbour countries (SNCs) have been reframed in the light of a new élan of democracy promotion. The underlying logic of this approach was to leverage the building and consolidation of democracy and rule of law through enhanced cooperation in terms of more ‘markets, money and mobility’. A sort of mobility-democracy nexus has been assumed by the European Commission as a crucial dimension of the EU’s external relations with SNCs. Within this strategy, Mobility Partnerships (MPs) with SNCs have been identified as a key policy tool for EU democracy promotion. Via original qualitative analysis of European Commission’s documents, MPs, and other migration and mobility agreements that the EU has negotiated with SNCs since 2011, this paper explores how the mobility-democracy nexus has been defined in the Commission’s talks. We critically discuss the effectiveness of this nexus and demonstrate the inefficacy of MPs as a tool to promote democracy by fostering more mobility and regular migration flows. Looking at the content of MPs with three SNCs (Tunisia, Morocco, and Jordan) allows to trace the transformation of EU external relations with SNCs from a principled approach into selective issue-oriented cooperation based on more specific and sectorial policy choices. European Union, Southern neighbourhood, EU external policies, post-Arab uprisings, mobility partnerships, democracy promotion, migration, content analysis

THE LOGIC OF EU NORMATIVE POWER IN THE WESTERN BALKANS

This research focuses on comprehending the political logic behind how the EU's normative power is manifested in its engagements within the region. It's evident that numerous studies emphasize the dual role of EU conditionality in the membership criteria for Western Balkan countries, illustrating both normative unity in foreign policy and a complex interaction between interests and norm adaptation. This highlights the intricate nature of the EU's approach in the Western Balkans. The study is grounded in the semi - realist perspective, which argues that democracy norm promotion and peace building constitutes a relevant, but secondary foreign policy aim. It aligns with scholars from various viewpoints who suggest that EU democracy promotion is more strategically motivated for enhancing national security rather than strict ideational diffusion. Instead of a Kantian cosmopolitan approach, the EU's normative power is seen resembling Hobbesian normative homogenization. We argue that striving for a normatively homogenous Europe through ideational diffusion yields varied outcomes in different regions due to distinct structural conditions and institutional practices qualitative methodology, we delve into the achievements and limits of EU normative power in the Western Balkans . The study concludes that normative ideational diffusion rarely results in uniform outcomes even within the region. Thus, during times of crisis and ongoing multidimensional challenges, resilience as norm diversity rather than normative homogenization offers more effective political power implications.

POLITICAL CULTURE LEGACY HINDERING EUROPEANIZATION EFFORTS IN PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS

In recent years, the democratization efforts required for EU integration have been challenged by authoritarian regimes' persistence across some Southeast European countries. This study focuses on Albania as a case study, examining the endurance of political and administrative cultural legacies within its public institutions. Despite numerous reforms aimed at EU integration and democratization processes, institutional transformation remains impeded by outdated behavioural attitudes, concepts, and mindsets. The efficacy of democracy is intrinsically linked to the adherence to fundamental principles within the realm of Public Administration, encompassing key values such as meritocracy, impartiality, professionalism, and a steadfast commitment to public service. Moreover, a resilient judiciary is pivotal in upholding integrity by acting as a bulwark against malfeasance and procedural impropriety. Additionally, the autonomy of the media and the empowerment of civil society are indispensable requisites for sustaining a robust democratic framework. Collectively, these elements serve as the bedrock for establishing and perpetuating a well-functioning democratic system. Various scholars highlight that political culture can impact the implementation of good governance practices, values, and behavioural methods. This research delves into the challenges Albania, an early-stage EU aspirant, encounters over three decades as it endeavours to adopt EU norms during the transformation of public institutions. The study considers the influence of internal hindrances, including political memory and past legacies, on the reform process and the Europeanization of Public Administration. By analysing these factors, the research aims to gain insights into the negative internal dynamics and provide recommendations for fostering a democratic political culture that strengthens institutions through effective reforms.

The relationships between Europarties and European political groups: changing formal and informal rules and the Spitzenkandidatur

The condition of EU democracy is hotly debated and European Parliament’s political groups and Europarties play an important role in continuing power struggles between European Union institutions. To harness the increased power of both the European Parliament and European citizens, the formal and informal relationships between the political groups and Europarties matter, with the Spitzenkandidatur process as a crucial aspect. Using a dataset of 135 semi-structured interviews, this article looks beneath the formal rules that structure European Parliament’s political groups and Europarties. Exploring how MEPs construct these relationships, it discusses leadership, institutionalisation and stances toward European integration as core elements of the relationship between Europarties and political groups in the European Parliament.

The political construction of the ‘citizen turn’ in the EU: disintermediation and depoliticisation in the Conference on the Future of Europe

ABSTRACT The EU has recently organised a series of ‘citizen-centred’ processes that may be indicative of a new pattern in terms of democracy and participation. The article begins with this observation in order to pose the following question: to what extent the introduction of ‘citizen participation’ mechanisms in the Conference on the Future of Europe reflects a rupture with the EU’s dominant understanding of democracy? While there are innovative elements in the Conference, which are described in detail, the article develops a normative critique of the underlying philosophy with which it was organised and constructed, as it followed an alternative legitimacy logic that fundamentally deviates from an agonistic public sphere perspective. The Conference illustrates a ‘citizen turn’ that breaks away from the ‘participatory turn’ described by Saurugger (2010) in that it decouples ‘citizen participation’ from civil society and the idea of a European public sphere, both in discursive terms as well as in the ensuing political practices. The article concludes with a wider conceptualisation of what the ‘citizen turn’ means for EU democracy, and why the disintermediation of European politics is coherent with the preexistent depoliticised EU political dynamics, conceived in the case of the Conference as ‘democracy without politics’.

The EU’s “Democracy Promotion” Policies in Ukraine and Georgia: Is it a Normative Cover in front of the EU-Russia Tug-of-Love?

The EU democracy promotion literature mainly focuses either on its ways and tools in promoting democracy with successes and failures, or on the role of authoritarian actors with countervailing measures in impeding on the democratization paths of target states. Yet, a rare of studies examines what the EU actually promotes and with which underlying motivations. This article suggests that the EU democracy promotion is not just an outcome of bilateral relations between the EU and target states but an outcome of interdependent strategic interests of the EU, target country and illiberal regional power. Thus, it is shaped by not only the EU’s normative ideals and local needs as it declared but mostly the interrelated clash of interests between different actors in the region. The main argument of this study is that the EU’s differentiated democracy promotion agendas in target countries, which are very similar in terms of their local contexts or in the same region, stems from the presence of illiberal regional power(s), who has certain actorness in that region. Based upon this argument, this study explores the EU’s differentiated democracy promotion agendas in Ukraine and Georgia and the role of illiberal regional power -here Russia-, who has certain leverage over these states. By examining the periodical differentiation EU’s democracy promotion agendas towards Ukraine and Georgia, it concludes that the EU has changed its democracy promotion agendas depending on the changes in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine/Georgia.

National Ecomonic Practicies: Influence of Tax Policies on the Economic Processes of the Old and the New EU Democracies

The European Union operates within the framework of monetary and fiscal policy in accordance with uniform rules, but there is also a region where this rule is not applied. Direct tax policy as part of fiscal policy belongs exclusively to the competence of the individual national economies. Thus, the tax policy of direct taxes (specifically corporate tax) is the result of political decision-making processes at the national levels. The research focuses on 8 EU countries of two groups (old and new democracies). The aim of the article is to identify the potential impact of corporate taxes on the stock market, emphasizing the differences between the old and the new EU democracies. Therefore, the hypothesis verified here is that the tax policy, represented by the corporate tax rate, has a significant effect on the stock market. Thus, the article clearly focuses on the interconnection of political and economic decision-making processes and their impact on the business environment in chosen countries. The main finding is that, in old democracies, the impact of corporate tax rates on stock markets is generally higher than in new democracies.

PROBLEMS OF CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

PROBLEMS OF CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

Living up to expectations? EU politicization and party Europeanization in Flanders and the Netherlands

At the turn of the century, both academics and practitioners anticipated the Europeanization of national politics and political parties. One major expectation was that parties would adapt their organisation and behaviour to the existence of the EU and the functioning of its institutions. However, the early 2000s poured cold water on those expectations: the slacking politicization of EU affairs, it was concluded, created few incentives for parties to adapt, and so there was no meaningful Europeanization to speak of. EU politicization became the necessary pre-condition for party Europeanization. Today, however, that pre-condition seems (partly) fulfilled, as scholars are observing increasing EU politicization. Hence, we ask whether parties live up to expectations and, facing a politicised context, are today showing signs of party organizational Europeanization (POE). Based on a comparative case study of Dutch and Flemish parties, who function in differently politicized environments, we find that Europeanization remains limited. We conclude that it is likely not EU politicization holding parties back, but instead point towards the broader institutional misfit between national and European politics. We call on future research to further elaborate on this misfit, which might be the Achilles heel for EU democracy.

Article: The EU UK TCA’s Institutional Framework and Parliamentary Democracy

The TCA (EU-UK Trade and Copperation Agreement) establishes a very comprehensive institutional framework with Partnership Council and diverse Committees having partly substantial decision-making powers for the development of the TCA. These considerable public functions prompt legitimacy concerns as to their democratic control, which this article explores in detail. It will be shown that the exercise of public powers by TCA treaty bodies meets with a sobering legal situation regarding democratic control mechanisms over treaty body decision-making at different levels. Thus, from a constitutional perspective, the legal and legitimate transfer of powers requires additional safeguards as to their democratic legitimacy. Solutions for better control of treaty body decisions by parliaments must be developed at several levels simultaneously. EU association agreements, EU trade agreements, treaty bodies, decision-making, democracy, accountability, Trade and Cooperation Agreement

Thinking EU Militant Democracy beyond the Challenge of Backsliding Member States

EU militant democracy – an approach beyond member states’ democratic backsliding – the EU as a first case of transnational democratic self-defence – the EU’s democratic legitimacy – national and supranational threats to EU democracy – instruments and enforcement of EU militant democracy – comparison to national militant democracy – problems of effectiveness

A Radical Democratic Lens to Rejuvenating European Union Democracy Support

This article intervenes in the debates on reforming EU democracy support by offering a “radical reformist” approach. It departs from the observation that literature lacks a sustained theorization of reform which more effectively considers contestation as the very condition of democracy. As such, in contrast to withdrawing democracy from its contested nature, this article presents a theoretical argument, as informed by Chantal Mouffe’s take on radical democracy, through which the EU more democratically can engage with and support the plurality of different contestations of democracy. In particular, a closer engagement with the radical democratic embrace of the political will allow for better reflection on how EU democracy support already is or can become democratic, empowering and receptive to the way democracy is understood locally.

Democratizing EU democracy support in Uganda: embedding democracy aid within local negotiations of justice in Acholiland

ABSTRACT This article scrutinizes the way the European Union’s (EU) democracy aid corresponds to how “a just society” is negotiated among the Acholi – an ethnic group in Northern Uganda. Through document analysis of EU aid projects, qualitative interviews with project implementers and through secondary analysis of ethnographic literature, this article finds that EU democracy aid in Acholiland – through its emphasis on individual responsibility, entrepreneurship, and its exclusion of elders – selectively aligns with the life worlds of urban youths. Such approach, however, risks further antagonizing Acholi social cohesion. As such, this article points attention to the fact that democracy support will always intervene in a contentious debate on what is perceived as locally just and whom participates in such negotiation. When considering questions of how international democracy support could be improved, it is, therefore, necessary to first of all deconstruct the validity of one’s underlying conceptions of what is a just political order, and secondly, to acknowledge that any reconstruction on the grounds of including a plurality of alternatives will always require a political intervention. Such considerations, it is argued, would open up the debate on improving EU democracy support to concerns of how such democracy support itself can become more democratic.

Perspectives for European Democracy After the Lisbon Treaty – Pan-European Instruments of Deliberative and Participatory Democracy in the EU

The paper focuses on the unique nature of the EU as “sui generis” organization and the world's first transnational democracy. It analyses the emergence of Pan-European instruments of deliberative and participatory democracy, namely the Conference on the Future of Europe and the European Citizens' Initiative, as well as the ideas of transnational lists and Spitzenkandidaten process. Thus, it demonstrates the evolution of the EU democracy since the Lisbon Treaty and the potential for its modernisation within the Treaties. Considering the forthcoming European elections2024, it is recalled that democracy relays on citizens’ empathy and the ability of politicians to listen to “the vox populi”, showing them that their opinion matters.

European Colonial Pasts and the EU’s Democracy-promoting Present: Silences and Continuities

ABSTRACT How is EU democracy promotion made compatible with European colonial powers’ recent history of quashing democratic and human rights? A discourse analysis of general programmatic EU statements and texts related to selected salient historic junctures – the Algerian Hirak, the 2018 Democratic Republic of Congo elections and the Arab Uprisings – reveals that EU policy-makers reconcile the colonial past and the democracy-promoting present mostly through a silencing of colonialism. The consequence is that colonial-time hierarchical discourses are left undisturbed. Moreover, the projection of peace, democracy and the rule of law becomes not only the oft-noted break with the past, but also a continuity with colonial discourses of Europeans as ‘democratic’, ‘humanitarian’ and ‘civilised’.

Promoting Democracy or Overcoming the Crisis: Poland’s Political and Ideological Influence on Ukraine in its Crisis

The article deals with Poland’s political and ideological influence towards Ukraine in the conditions of its crisis, emphasizing the question whether these efforts have been made due to reasons of democracy promotion, mainly of European origin, or Ukraine crisis overcoming. The article consists of two parts: 1) Polish political and ideological influence on Ukraine during the development of Ukraine crisis 2013-2014, which took place in the conditions of the Euromaidan and the Revolution of Dignity and in the context of the EU democracy promotion endeavors towards Ukraine; 2) Poland’s efforts to prevent spreading of Russia’s authoritarianism in the context of hybrid war between Russia and Ukraine during 2014-2020. The Ukrainian crisis is closely linked to the spread of democracy, the EU integration and Russian ideological influence. Terminologically, we support the research position in the interpretation of the Ukrainian crisis as a socio-political unrest, which began in late November 2013. The main hypothesis implies that the external democracy promotion could be more effective in the case of domestic crisis in the recipient country. Therefore, the Ukrainian crisis of 2013-2020 is an interesting case to determine the capabilities of the main donors for the external democracy promotion for the target countries, in our case, Ukraine. Poland took an active part both in promoting democracy towards Ukraine and in overcoming Ukraine crisis, using its own political and ideological resources. We consider the Ukrainian crisis and the post-crisis process as an important motivating factor that plays an important role to strengthen the democratic aspirations of Ukrainian society. Moreover, the participation of external forces, especially of the consolidated West is a significant factor in this process.

The EU's New Economic Governance Framework and Budgetary Decision‐Making in the Member States: Boon or Bane for Throughput Legitimacy?*

AbstractThe euro crisis has sparked changes in the EU's economic governance framework and a crisis of legitimacy across the union. While the institutional repercussions of the crisis have been studied before, the democratic impact at the national level has received much less attention. This paper aims to fill this gap, focusing on the procedural changes that the EU's new economic governance (NEG) framework has brought to national budgetary decision‐making. Building upon the Varieties of Democracy framework, the paper adds empirical nuance and conceptual clarity to the notion of ‘throughput legitimacy’ and its components: openness, inclusiveness, transparency and accountability. Detailed case studies of post‐crisis Austria, Italy and Portugal show that the NEG improved access to national budgetary decision‐making and enhanced executive scrutiny, while excessive complexity remains the Achilles' heel of EU fiscal rules. We submit that these procedural changes are too meaningful to be overlooked in post‐crisis debates about EU democracy.