EU Council Presidency Research Articles

The neutral servant: the Czech EU Council Presidency and its framing by the political parties

ABSTRACT The rotating Presidency of the EU Council has been considered as a neutral and technocratic service that circulates among EU Member States. However, this traditional view is challenged in an era where the EU has become politicized and contested. This article explores whether this neutral technocratic approach still holds by examining the preparatory stage of the Czech EU Council Presidency in 2022. Despite the highly politicized nature of the general Czech EU debate, the Presidency was framed by domestic political parties – including the populist ones – as a neutral task or challenge. The depoliticization of the Presidency can be attributed to its low attractiveness to populist parties, the limited number of participants in the debate, and the prominence of more salient EU-related topics, such as the war in Ukraine.

Baltic States’ EU membership: discursive search for (and failure to obtain) farewell from Russia

ABSTRACT The article assesses the EU membership of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania with a special focus on their attempts, already as EU members to change their relations with Russia, which remains their ‘significant Other’. We employ the discourse-historical analysis and focus on the evolution of the Baltic strategic discourse towards three themes, particularly contested by Russia, including the domestic interethnic issues, politics of memory and the elements of the constitutional identities of three Baltic States. First, with references to the EU context, we introduce several landmark cases of the Baltic confrontation with Russia which occurred prior to 2014 (‘pre-Crimea’). Then we analyze the corpus of official documents from three Baltic states (2011 - December 2023), including their government programs, national security strategies, Constitutions and programs of their EU Council Presidencies (2013 Lithuania, 2015 Latvia and 2017 Estonia). Discourse analysis reveals how cautionary attitudes from the Baltic States are linked with their historical experiences of the Soviet occupation and with their prudent assessment of the EU as a security guarantee. We conclude that 20 years after the Baltic EU accession, their relations went through the full circle and since ‘post-Crimea’ downgraded from pragmatic partnership to animosity which makes Baltic-Russian reconciliation ontologically impossible.

The 2022 Czech EU Council Presidency: Performance in the Fields of Security, Energy and Rule of Law

By the end of December 2002, the Czech EU Council presidency came to an end. Czechia was holding the rotating Council presidency for the second time and like in 2009 its presidency trio was rounded out by the preceding French presidency and the following Swedish one. The key difference between the two Czech presidencies was the changed institutional context. While the 2009 presidency took place on the verge of the entrance into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the Treaty nevertheless only came into effect in December 2009, a couple months after the Czechs passed the presidency baton to the Swedes. The 2022 Czech presidency was thus the first that the country held under the Lisbon rules. These rules curtailed the role of the rotating presidency in terms of presiding over the European Council as well as the Foreign Affairs Council. Most importantly, the practicalities of the Czech presidency were affected by the suddenly changed international context following the Russian aggression against Ukraine. The Czech presidency as well as the presidency trio had to revise their priorities and the entire EU was primarily focused on the war in Ukraine and its consequences. This special forum containing seven articles provides an early analysis that engages the existing scholarly literature on the performance of Czechia at the helm of the EU.

The Evolution of Poland’s Foreign Policy Towards the Balkans

The main aim of this article is to outline the evolution of Poland’s foreign policy towards the Balkan region from 1989 to modern times. Poland’s foreign policy towards that region can be divided into several stages, the first being the period between the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and Poland’s full accession to the Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., 1989-2004. The second stage is the 2004-2010 period when Poland implemented its Balkan policy that was underpinned by the European Union’s approach, and practically co-participated in the European Union’s policy towards the Balkan states. The third stage’s commencement was marked by Poland’s preparations for the EU Council Presidency in 2011, and its obligation to coordinate the EU’s Balkan policy as well. This stage is characterised by Poland’s greater involvement in creating policy towards the Balkans, as evidenced by the organisation of a summit called the Berlin Process in Poznań in 2019, which was the initiative of a group of EU Member States involved in developing cooperation with the Western Balkan states. In modern times, however, Poland’s policy in the Balkans remains limited while it should be far more vigorous due to the concerns related to Russia’s influence and expansion in that region. 

Germany’s 2020 EU-Council Presidency and the Return to Federalism in the COVID-19 Crisis

Germany’s 2020 EU-Council Presidency and the Return to Federalism in the COVID-19 Crisis

The German EU Council Presidency Translator

AbstractThis contribution describes the German EU Council Presidency Translator (EUC PT), a machine translation service created for the German EU Council Presidency in the second half of 2020, which is open to the general public. Following a series of earlier presidency translators, the German version exhibits important extensions and improvements. The German EUC PT is the first to integrate systems from commercial vendors, public services, and a research center, using a mix of custom and generic translation engines, and to introduce a new webpage translation widget. A further important feature is the close collaboration with human translators from the German ministries, who were provided with computer-assisted translation tool plugins integrating machine translation services into their daily work environments. Uptake by the public reflects a huge interest in the service, showing the need for breaking language barriers.

Territorial Conflict, Domestic Crisis, and the Covid-19 Pandemic in the South Caucasus. Explaining Variegated EU Responses.

Territorial Conflict, Domestic Crisis, and the Covid-19 Pandemic in the South Caucasus. Explaining Variegated EU Responses.

Die deutsche EU-Ratspräsidentschaft 2020: selektive Föderalisierung des Integrationsprozesses

This article analyses the most important issues and decisions of the German EU Council Presidency, but also its “leftovers”. Almost beyond expectations, the German Government proved to be a successful mediator and honest broker for viable compromises in a number of conflicting areas. It was possible, in the second half of 2020, to resolve basic EU financing issues for the next seven years period, prevent a no-deal Brexit through a trade agreement with the United Kingdom, conclude an investment agreement with China and achieve the adoption of a rule of law mechanism against corruption in the use of EU funds by national actors. During the German Presidency, once again in European integration, a centralization of important tasks at the Brussels level can be identified, combined with a partial strengthening of supranational institutions.

Croatia’s EU Presidency: A strong Europe in a world of challenges

The article reflects on Croatia’s EU Council Presidency in the first half of 2020. The programme for Croatia’s Presidency had four pillars: a Europe that is developing, a Europe that connects, a Europe that protects and an influential Europe. The article focuses on the various challenges faced by the Croatian Presidency during its six-month term. The period of Croatia’s Presidency will forever be remembered as the time when the COVID-19 pandemic began. Other demanding issues also had to be dealt with: the UK leaving the EU; the challenges of European (non-)solidarity; the continuation of the enlargement process, with the green light being given to Northern Macedonia and Albania; the migrant crisis at the border of Turkey and Greece; the preparations for the EU’s 2021–7 budget; and the COVID-19 recovery plan.

New Hydrogen Strategies of Germany and the EU and Prospects for Cooperation with Russia

In June 2020, Germany adopted a national hydrogen strategy. A month later, when Germany assumed the EU Council presidency, the European Union Commission presented a similar document. Both strategies acknowledge the need to import hydrogen to meet the demand of the EU countries as an essential prerequisite for the transition to a climate-neutral economy. In parallel, the Government of the Russian Federation adopted the Energy Strategy of the Russian Federation until 2035, which sets the goal of turning our country into one of the global players in the world hydrogen market. Despite Russia's obvious competitive advantages in this relatively new segment of the energy market, Berlin and Brussels do not mention it as a potential partner. The article provides an assessment of the main provisions of these strategic documents. The author explores the prospects and possibilities of Germany and the EU cooperating with the Russian Federation in the production and supply of hydrogen, analyzes the content of the position documents of the German-Russian Chamber of Commerce and the Eastern Committee of the German Economy on these issues, draws conclusions and formulates recommendations for interested parties.

Recent Austrian practice in the field of international law

This selection from Austria’s recent practice in the field of international law has been prepared, once again, by members of the legal service of the Austrian foreign ministry (“Office of the Legal Adviser”, “Volkerrechtsburo”, VRB). We see our report as a contribution to our mutually inspiring dialogue with academics and with other practitioners active in the field of public international law. The highlight of this dialogue is the annual Austrian international law conference (“Osterreichischer Volkerrechtstag”); some of the contributions made at its 43rd session (Wesenufer, 24–26 May 2018) are also published in this ZOR volume. Concerning the European law practice of the VRB, an interesting selection is also published annually in this journal. 2018, with Austria’s EU Council presidency during the second semester, was a special year for the VRB, as VRB members were chairing five EU Council working parties: Public International Law (COJUR), Public International Law/International Criminal Court (COJUR/ICC), Law of the Sea (COMAR), External Relations/Sanctions (RELEX/Sanctions) and Fundamental Rights, Citizens Rights and Free Movement of Persons (FREMP). Some of the activities pursued in these groups during the Austrian presidency are reflected in this report. We wish to thank Catherine Quidenus, Isabella Brunner and Julia Haas (all VRB) who also have contributed to this publication.

Austrian foreign cultural policy: Europeanization through the prism of national interests

ABSTRACTIn the second half of 2018, Austria for the third time has taken over the EU Council Presidency and is therefore particularly interested in promoting an image of itself as a reliable partner and a European country which accepts and protects European values. Foreign cultural policy is one of the suitable instruments for achieving this goal. The present paper analyses Austrian foreign cultural policy with the aim of finding out how European integration affects it. The paper uses qualitative research methods such as desk research, document research and expert interviews. The results of the analyses show that Austrian stakeholders traditionally consider Europeanization primarily as a tool to promote Austrian national interests on the international stage.

The Slovak EU Council Presidency: In Defence of Post‐Brexit EU

The Slovak EU Council Presidency: In Defence of Post‐Brexit EU

The Visegrád Group as a Vehicle for Promoting National Interests in the European Union: The Case of the Czech Republic

Abstract This contribution asks whether sub-regional integration projects such as the Visegrád Group may be understood as mechanisms for pursuing one Group member’s national interests while it stands at the European Union’s helm. I assess this question based on the case of the first Visegrád Group member to assume the EU Council presidency: the Czech Republic. Examining three specific policy areas – the reinvention of the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood policy; the strengthening of EU energy security; and the incorporation of a stronger human rights and external democratisation approach into EU foreign policy – this case study presents a mixed picture. It confirms the potential of the Visegrád Group to be a vehicle for furthering the national preferences of one Group member while it holds the rotating EU Council presidency. Whether or not this potential is fully realised will depend primarily on the degree to which the interests of the four Visegrád countries converge.

Luxembourg's EU Council Presidency: Adapting Routines to New Circumstances

Luxembourg's EU Council Presidency: Adapting Routines to New Circumstances

The scheduling power of the EU Council Presidency

ABSTRACTDoes the Presidency of the Council of the European Union have the ability to direct the political attention of this body by emphasizing and de-emphasizing policy issues according to its own priorities? This study examines this question empirically by relying on a new dataset on the monthly meeting duration of Council working parties in different policy areas between 1995 and 2014. The results of variance component analyses show that a considerable part of the over-time variation in the relative amount of political attention devoted to a policy area is systematically related to different Presidency periods. While not negating the constraints imposed on the Presidency by inherited agendas, programming and co-ordination requirements with other actors, the findings are consistent with the view that the Presidency has substantial scope for agenda-setting by determining what issues are being discussed, when they are being discussed and how much time is devoted for their discussion.

Small Countries’ EU Council Presidency and the Realisation of their National Interests: The Case of Slovenia

Abstract The main goal of the article is to establish how a small country, Slovenia, promoted its national interests when it held the Presidency of the Council of the EU, how this experience fits into the theory of small states and what lessons can be drawn for other small states. Based on a questionnaire administered to key Slovenian actors in the presidency, the analysis confirmed some of the theoretical expectations and revealed certain disparities. Our analysis confirms theoretical predictions that a member state can push through its national interests more easily during its presidency because it possesses certain powers that enable it to set the agenda, which is the most effective way of realising national interests. Especially true in the case of small state presidencies, advocating national interests can also be facilitated by a smaller range of priorities and a greater level of coincidence with the interests of other key actors. We revealed that, besides the country’s size, other factors also limited its ability to fulfil its national interests. In addition to a weak ability for coalition building and lobbying, the two main factors of constraint were the lack of soft knowledge among Slovenian officials and weak coordination among policy agents.

I Do It My Way: Analysis of the Permanent Representation of the Czech Republic to the European Union

AbstractThis article analyses development of the Permanent Representation of the Czech Republic to the European Union (PermRep) from 2004, when the Czech Republic joined the European Union, until 2013. Its main aim is to test four concepts related to the three neoinstitutionalist theories – firstly, the path dependency and critical junctures models related to the historical neo-institutionalism, secondly principal-agent relation typical for the rational neo-institutionalism and the concept of the logic of appropriateness related to the sociological institutionalism. The authors try to determine which of these four models have the best explanatory potential when it comes to the development of the Czech PermRep. After analysing three independent variables (changes in executive, EU Council Presidency, EU strategies), and their impact on the dependent variable (character of the Czech PermRep), the authors conclude that particularly historical institutionalism and sociological institutionalism models have the greatest explanatory power while the contribution of rational institutionalism model of principal-agent is relatively weak.

The Polish EU Council Presidency in 2011: Master or Servant?

The point of departure of this article is limited systematic research on the rotating EU Council Presidency after the Lisbon Treaty. In order to assess rotating presidencies the paper proposes a three-tier approach which includes a functional, a behavioural and a contingency dimension. These dimensions are supplemented by the institutional changes of the Lisbon Treaty referring to the rotating presidencies. Next, the paper applies this evaluation framework to the Polish Presidency that took place in the second half of 2011. Finally, it draws conclusions from the Polish case for both the leadership capacity of the rotating Council Presidency in the post-Lisbon European Union and the performance of Poland’s EU Council Presidency.

The changing role of the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union: Setting the context for the study of the Iberian cases

Abstract This introductory article sets out the European Union context of the special issue. Its main purpose is to present an overview of the changing role of the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union. After a brief introduction, the first section discusses the theoretical approach applied in the study of rotating EU Council Presidencies – primarily, historical, rational and sociological institutionalism. All these aspects are inherent in the relatively informal structure within the Council of Ministers. Subsequently, an abbreviated account of the evolution of the rotating presidency is provided. This is followed by a section analysing the main functions of the presidency and how the Iberian presidencies have used these functions. The template employed is relatively simple; later articles in the special issue may use it to the degree it is relevant to their focus. It has been argued that until the Lisbon Treaty came into force in 2009, the rotating presidency could be used to enhance a country’s global image, mainly through the external representation role assigned to the institution. The Portuguese presidency of 2007 was probably the last such presidency. As a consequence of the reforms undertaken throughout the new millennium intended to help the EU adjust to enlargement, the presidency has lost visibility. The Spanish presidency of 2010 can been identified as the first in which perceptions of the old and new rotating presidency roles conflicted with each other, leading to failure in many areas. The article finishes by describing the principal aims of the special issue and summarizing the individual contributions.